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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

Girard, Carine, and Stephen Gates. "Global Drivers of and Local Resistance to French Shareholder Activism." Journal of Applied Corporate Finance 26, no. 1 (March 2014): 94–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jacf.12058.

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Shareholder activism in France has made significant advances during the past 25 years even as it continues to face formidable sources of local resistance. But if the list of corporate governance improvements since 1989 described by the authors might lead one to conclude that France now has minority shareholder protection and shareholder activism comparable to those of the U.S. or U.K., powerful local interests, including much of French management, labor, and government, continue to mount effective resistance to such forces for change. The French government still works closely with French business elites and unions to manage both individual companies and the general economy. And government officials continue to speak publicly of “protecting” French firms from “illegitimate” foreign shareholders.Accordingly, the authors characterize French corporate governance as a “hybrid” model of shareholder activism, one that incorporates the perspectives and interests of the classic French stakeholder model as well as an emerging shareholder value movement. Although foreign institutional investors have increased their shareholdings in French companies and promoted “best practice” governance rules, particularly with respect to voting rights, local forces will continue to resist aggressive shareholder activism. Such a hybrid model makes the outcomes of shareholder activism less predictable, a risk that foreign investors and companies often respond to by seeking alliances with local proxy advisers and investor associations to gain “legitimacy.”
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2

Đức Thuận, Phạm, and Phạm Thị Phượng Linh. "Bao Dai Solution and the Formation of the “National Government of Vietnam” During the Indochina War (1945-1954)." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 13, no. 2 (March 5, 2024): 405. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2024-0056.

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After World War II, Vietnam declared independence from France and Japan following the victory of the resistance movement for independence led by the Viet Minh. However, with the regulations at the Yalta conference, France returned to wage war to force Vietnam and the entire Indochina peninsula to fall under French rule as before. In Vietnam, France refused to cooperate with Viet Minh because it believed that this organization was Communist. France tried every way to set up a “puppet” government and they turned to Bao Dai, an Emperor who had just been overthrown in August 1945. The Bao Dai solution was proposed by France to maintain colonialism in Vietnam. This solution aims to establish a “National Government of Vietnam” under French influence, maintaining French interests and influence. This research article aims to clarify the puppet nature of the “National Government of Vietnam” and show that it had an important influence on the situation in Vietnam during the Indochina War (1945-1954). Methods of exploiting historical documents, logical methods and international relations research methods are used to clarify the content of the research article. Received: 13 October 2023 / Accepted: 29 January 2024 / Published: 5 March 2024
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3

Ruijer, Erna, Francoise Détienne, Michael Baker, Jonathan Groff, and Albert J. Meijer. "The Politics of Open Government Data: Understanding Organizational Responses to Pressure for More Transparency." American Review of Public Administration 50, no. 3 (December 4, 2019): 260–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0275074019888065.

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This article contributes to the growing body of literature within public management on open government data by taking a political perspective. We argue that open government data are a strategic resource of organizations and therefore organizations are not likely to share it. We develop an analytical framework for studying the politics of open government data, based on theories of strategic responses to institutional processes, government transparency, and open government data. The framework shows that there can be different organizational strategic responses to open data—varying from conformity to active resistance—and that different institutional antecedents influence these responses. The value of the framework is explored in two cases: a province in the Netherlands and a municipality in France. The cases provide insights into why governments might release datasets in certain policy domains but not in others thereby producing “strategically opaque transparency.” The article concludes that the politics of open government data framework helps us understand open data practices in relation to broader institutional pressures that influence government transparency.
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4

Chin, Rachel. "After the Fall: British Strategy and the Preservation of the Franco-British Alliance in 1940." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 2 (May 30, 2019): 297–315. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419846951.

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The conclusion of the Franco-German armistice in June 1940, followed by the severing of Franco-British diplomatic relations less than two weeks later, has been viewed by historians as the end of Anglo-French cooperation against the Nazi war machine and the beginning of a resurgence in tensions between two historical rivals. However, my research argues that in the days and weeks surrounding the French defeat the British government followed a policy of continuity in its depictions of the Anglo-French relationship. It did so by publically distancing the bulk of the metropolitan French population from Marshal Philippe Pétain’s government. Shining a light on these British policies provides new insights into a number of crucial points. First: the assumption that once victory was achieved, France would assume a place in the victor’s circle. Maintaining, rhetorically at least, the indivisibility of the French population with British war aims was thus crucial to the survival of the long-term and ultimately post-war Anglo-French relationship. Second: these early claims of the non-representativeness of Pétain’s government are important because they suggest that the construction of the French myth of resistance began much earlier and was in fact born out of the idea of Anglo-French cooperation rather than conflict.
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5

McLeod, Mark W. "Trương Định and Vietnamese Anti-Colonialism, 1859–64: A Reappraisal". Journal of Southeast Asian Studies 24, № 1 (березень 1993): 88–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s002246340000151x.

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By any measure, Trương Định (1820–64) was one of the leading figures of nineteenth-century Vietnamese resistance to French colonialism. As such, he has received a good deal of scholarly attention in Vietnam, France, the United States, and elsewhere. This article analyses the anti-colonial movement led by Trương Định in southern Vietnam during the years 1859–64, focusing on the questions of Trương Định's relationship to the Vietnamese imperial government at Huế and his motivation for continuing the anti-French struggle after Huế had made peace with France in 1862. Its organization is as follows: first, the historical context is summarized; second, Trương Định's resistance movement and its relationship to the Huế court are analyzed; third, various explanations of Trươg Định's motivation are considered and my own hypothesis is offered.
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6

Baird, Ian G. "Lao Buddhist Monks' Involvement in Political and Military Resistance to the Lao People's Democratic Republic Government since 1975." Journal of Asian Studies 71, no. 3 (August 2012): 655–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021911812000642.

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There is a long history of Theravada Buddhist monk involvement in militarism in mainland Southeast Asia. Here, I examine recent Lao monk support for political and military activities directed against the communist Lao People's Democratic Republic government and its Vietnamese supporters since 1975. Monks have not become directly involved in armed conflict, as monastic rules do not allow participation in offensive violent acts, or arms trading, but they have played various important roles in supporting armed resistance against the Lao government. Some monks assisting insurgents have been shot in Thailand. Now most of the Lao insurgent-supporting monks live in the United States, Canada, and France, where a few continue to assist the political resistance against the Lao government, arguing that providing such support does not contradict Buddhist teachings. This article demonstrates how Lao Buddhist monks have negotiated religious conduct rules in the context of strong nationalistic convictions.
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7

FREEMAN, KIRRILY. "Incident in Arles: Regionalism, Resistance and the Case of the Statue of Frédéric Mistral." Contemporary European History 16, no. 1 (February 2007): 37–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777306003614.

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AbstractOn 11 October 1941 the Vichy government passed legislation mandating the dismantling and smelting of French bronze statues and monuments in the public domain. Crippled by copper shortages and bound by the terms of the Franco-German armistice, the etat français sought to ‘mobilise’ all potential sources of non-ferrous metals, including public statuary. The statue of Mistral in Arles was one of the monuments that were dismantled. The destruction of this tribute to the Provençal poet and founder of the Félibrige sparked considerable protest and opposition, but from an unusual quarter – supporters of Pétain's National Revolution. The case of the destruction of the statue of Mistral in Arles reveals the intersection of regionalism and resistance in wartime France and challenges many of our perceptions about both these movements.Ame de Mon PaysAme éternellement renaissanteAme joyeuse, fière et viveQui hennis dans le bruit du Rhône et de son vent!Ame des bois pleins d'harmonieEt des calanques pleines de soleilDe la patrie, âme pieuseJe t'appelle! Incarne-toi dans mes vers provençaux!1
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8

Bennassar, Laure. "Histoire des services d'orientation sous l'occupation allemande." L’Orientation scolaire et professionnelle 19, no. 1 (1990): 51–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.3406/binop.1990.1315.

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The 1938 ordinance that marked a decisive step in the development of streaming in vocational guidance was actually enforced during World War II during which about sixty centres were created throughout the country. Some centres not only provided a follow-up of the professional training of young people (mostly apprentices) but they collaborated with the Commission for the Employment of Young People (“Commissariat au Travail des Jeunes”). They selected the Commission's managerial staff and inspected the working sites it had set up, especially those of the youth organization created and supported by the Vichy government, “les Compagnons de France” ; The Commission for the Employment of Young People chose to train its own professionnal counsellors and for that purpose set up a training centre in Clermont-Ferrand. Nevertheless, many a counsellor joined the underground movement, the “Resistance”, in occupied France as well as in southern France.
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9

Wexler, Leila Sadat. "Reflections on the Trial of Vichy Collaborator Paul Touvier for Crimes against Humanity in France." Law & Social Inquiry 20, no. 01 (1995): 191–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1995.tb00686.x.

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On 20 April 1994, in Versailles France, Paul Touvier was convicted of complicity to commit crimes against humanity for his role in the killing of seven Jews during World War II. At the time of the crime Touvier was an oficer of the Milice, a special military force established to combat the Resistance and other enemies of the Vichy government. When Touvier's trial was finally held in spring 1994, it was the subject of enormous media attention in France and became the vehicle for a debate on the legitimacy and activities of the Vichy Regime, becoming popularly identified as a trial of the Vichy government. This essay, after tracing the historical and legal background of Touvier's prosecution, concludes that Touvier's conviction some 50 years after his crime, was legally and morally justified. Touvier's evasion of the law was remedied; his victims and their descendants were honored; the Nuremberg principles were resurrected and applied. The author is skeptical, however, about using his trial to reexamine the Vichy period and suggests that its attempted transformation by the media into an event that would produce an authoritative resolution of the various public discourses concerning Vichy France was and could only have been a disappointment.
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10

Beckmann, Martin, Frank Deppe, and Mathis Heinrich. "In schlechter Verfassung? Ursachen und Konsequenzen der EU-Verfassungskrise." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 36, no. 144 (September 1, 2006): 307–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v36i144.543.

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After the failed referenda in France and the Netherlands the European Union is in trouble. The integration process is confronted with a double crisis. Firstly the legitimacy of the EU in the population, particularly in lower income groups, has been weakened because of the negative social effects of neoliberal integration projects such as the Lisbon strategy. Secondly the EU is faced with a crisis of leadership. The Franco-German project of making the EU a global player in security policies that also rivals the US failed because of resistance of other European Governments.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

Weiss, Stephane. ""Le jour d'après" : organisations et projets militaires dans la France libérée : août 1944 - mars 1946." Thesis, Lyon, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016LYSE2080/document.

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A la mi-septembre 1944, la France métropolitaine se trouve en grande partie libérée. Au terme de quatre années d'occupation, l'outil militaire national est à reconstruire. Soucieux de préparer l'avenir et, à court terme, de contribuer significativement à la victoire alliée, le gouvernement provisoire de la République française entend s'y atteler sans attendre, en négociant, un nouveau plan de réarmement avec les Alliés et en mettant à profit le potentiel humain constitué par les Forces françaises de l'Intérieur (FFI). Les négociations avec les Alliés aboutissent laborieusement au plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944, dont la mise en œuvre va tourner court au printemps suivant. Quant à l'intégration des hétérogènes FFI dans l'Armée, elle donne brièvement lieu à un bras de fer politique durant l'automne 1944. Le gouvernement provisoire n'est en effet pas la seule entité politique française à envisager la refondation d'une armée nationale. Sans attendre le gouvernement, une part des cadres et des organes issus de la Résistance intérieure a en effet d'emblée engagé des initiatives militaires, dérégulées et décentralisées, bien que non nécessairement divergentes par rapport à l'action gouvernementale. La présente thèse propose d'étudier ces projets et ces organisations, ainsi que les voies de leur intégration au sein des projets gouvernementaux, en prêtant une attention particulière aux dynamiques régionales. Cette thèse est divisée en quatre parties. La première partie, intitulée Tous en rangs !, est consacrée aux jeux d’acteurs français. Cette partie a pour centre de gravité la question du rétablissement par le gouvernement, avec un mode opératoire tantôt dirigiste, tantôt négocié, d'une administration militaire territoriale, sous la forme de régions militaires, destinées à servir de matrices incubatrices pour la formation de nouvelles unités. La seconde partie, intitulée Formez vos bataillons !, traite des modes de construction des projets de réarmement de 1944-1945. Outre une réinterrogation du plan de réarmement du 30 novembre 1944 et des raisons de son échec, cette partie est consacrée aux initiatives décentralisées de grandes unités (avec une douzaine de projets de divisions FFI) et au parcours souvent sinueux ayant conduit des bataillons de marche FFI de l'automne 1944 aux nouveaux régiments du printemps 1945. Une troisième partie, intitulée Engagez-vous !, décrit les modalités de réunion des ressources humaines nécessaires aux projets de réarmement, sans se limiter aux FFI ni à la seule question de l'amalgame pratiqué au sein de la 1re Armée française. Enfin, la dernière partie, intitulée Aux armes !, présente les modalités d’accès aux ressources matérielles requises pour l’équipement des forces recréées en métropole, en se focalisant sur les voies alternatives au matériel américain qui n'a guère été perçu en 1945 que sous forme d'échantillons. Cette partie aborde successivement l'emploi de matériels britanniques de seconde main, les essais de relance d'une production industrielle française dès l'automne 1944 et le recours à la récupération de matériels de prise, abandonnés par les forces allemandes. Au final, la présente thèse expose une dynamique de refondation militaire hybride, sensiblement différente de celle opérée en Afrique du Nord en 1943. Dans un environnement mouvant et concurrentiel, en l’absence des livraisons escomptées d'armement américain, le projet gouvernemental initial a été largement amendé, intégrant une part des initiatives décentralisées et entrepreneuriales issues de la Résistance intérieure, tout en les canalisant
In September 1944, the main part of France has been liberated. Thus, for the French provisional government as for the Allied headquarter, time was to rearmament by using the French manpower and the metropolitan industrial plants. The place for innovation is weak: what was planned, was just the continuity of allied schemes and of the pre-war French military institution. But, without waiting for governmental or allied instructions, a part of the Resistance's leaders has developed different local or global rearmament programs, especially by using the volunteers of the French Forces of Interior, in order to contribute to the final victory as to the renaissance of a new French army earned by the Resistance's ideas.The present thesis deals with the organizations and the projects born in this frame: their conditions of apparition, their ways of development and their integration’s modalities within the French Army and within the Allied strategy. A large importance is accorded to the regional and decentralized dynamics observed through the French territory. As a result, compared to the rearmament occurred in North Africa in 1943, the French rearmament's approaches took on the French ground a different and novel path, including initiatives and entrepreneurship
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2

Freysselinard, Éric. "Louis Marin (1871-1960), itinéraire, place et rôle d'un dirigeant des droites françaises du premier vingtième siècle." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Sorbonne université, 2024. https://accesdistant.sorbonne-universite.fr/login?url=https://theses-intra.sorbonne-universite.fr/2024SORUL040.pdf.

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Louis Marin, passionnément lorrain, ethnologue, défenseur des minorités nationales, déploya une importante carrière universitaire jusqu'à son élection à l'Académie des sciences morales et politiques en 1944. Député de Nancy pendant 46 ans, président du conseil général de Meurthe-et-Moselle pendant 22 ans, huit fois ministre, il fut président, à partir de 1925, de la Fédération républicaine, à droite de l'échiquier politique. Hostile à l'Allemagne, adversaire des gauches et des loges maçonniques, catholique, libéral et réformateur, proche de François de Wendel, il réussit à transformer son parti en machine de guerre pour faire tomber le Cartel des gauches. Son intransigeance vis-à-vis de l'Allemagne l'isola cependant peu à peu de la classe politique, amenant de nombreux soutiens à l'abandonner comme Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis ou Jean Ybarnégaray. En 1940, pendant que ses cadres comme Xavier Vallat ou Philippe Henriot rejoignaient l'État français, il se retrouva presque seul, parmi les parlementaires de droite, à résister à l'occupant allemand. Sa constance idéologique et le rejet des personnalités montantes (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle) l'amenèrent, quelques années après la guerre, à se replier sur sa vie privée avec sa femme Fernande qui consacra ses vingt dernières années à sauvegarder sa mémoire. Cette thèse dépeint d'abord un homme pétri de contradictions et de fêlures, qui, fils d'un père enfant naturel, avait perdu sa mère à cause des Allemands, et se maria sur le tard avec la femme de sa vie sans avoir d'enfants. Elle analyse aussi la difficulté de la droite à construire son unité aussi bien pour des raisons idéologiques que pour des questions d'ego. Marin sauva peut-être l'honneur de la droite en 1940, mais échoua à en devenir un vrai leader
Louis Marin, proud of his Lorraine origins, was an ethnologist and an advocate for minority groups. He had a successful academic career before his election at the Moral and Political Sciences Academy in 1944. He was a member of Parliament representing Nancy for 46 years, President of the department of Meurthe-et-Moselle for 22 years, appointed Minister eight times, and he became President of the Republican Federation right-wing party in 1925. Marin was an enemy of Germany, opponent of the left-wing parties and masonic leagues, Catholic, a conservative in favour of reforms, and friend of François de Wendel. He managed to transform his party into an effective weapon against the “Cartel of the Left”. His intransigence against Germany led him to be isolated and lose support from other politicians, including Georges Pernot, Henri de Kerillis and Jean Ybarnégaray. In 1940, as his comrades such as Xavier Vallat and Philippe Henriot joined the Vichy government, he was one of the only right-wing members of Parliament to resist the German occupation. His ideological steadfastness and opposition to new political figures (Poincaré, Tardieu, de Gaulle), led him to withdraw from public life several years after the war and focus on his private life with his wife Fernande, who would dedicate her last twenty years to honoring his memory. This thesis depicts a man steeped in contradictions and flaws; having a bastard father, losing his mother because of the Germans and marrying his wife late in life without ever having children. It also analyses the difficulties of the right-wing parties to create unity, as a result of ideological issues as well as those of ego. Marin indeed saved the honour of the French right-wing in 1940, but failed to become a true leader
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3

Guan, Bing. "Homeowners' resistance to local government in Shenzhen /." View abstract or full-text, 2007. http://library.ust.hk/cgi/db/thesis.pl?SOSC%202007%20GUAN.

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4

James, Alan. "The navy and government in early modern France : 1572 - 1661 /." Woodbridge [u.a.] : Boydell Press, 2004. http://www.loc.gov/catdir/toc/ecip0415/2004004380.html.

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5

Meade, Rosemary Raphael. "Analysing collective action : intersections of power, government and resistance." Thesis, London Metropolitan University, 2018. http://repository.londonmet.ac.uk/2980/.

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This research takes the form of ten journal articles and book chapters that were published between June 2008 and February 2018. This body of work encompasses outputs that are focused on community development, community arts, youth work and social movement praxis. These fields of praxis are understood as constituting a vital part of a variegated and differentiated Irish civil society and, while acknowledging their specificities, the body of work situates them together within the contested terrain of collective action. The Covering Document elucidates how, across the ten outputs, collective action is theorised: as the site of and target for complex and dynamic power relationships; as imbricated with various governmental projects through which multiple societal actors seek to mobilise citizens; as a potential site of and resource for resistance to particular expressions of government, ideology and power; and as developing alternative social relationships, organisational forms and modes of communication. The boundaries between the state and civil society are imprecise and fluid: civil society and state actors seek to induce desired forms of conduct and relationships from each other. This research exposes and critically interrogates associated power dynamics, overlaps, and contestations, and how they in turn shape expectations of collective action. Drawing together findings from youth work, community development, social movement, and community arts praxis, the research illuminates; how and by whom collective action is rationalised and (de)legitimised; the changing role of the state in governing civil society; and the potential for collective action to prefigure alternative forms of relationships and to resist particular forms of government. Therefore, the body of work analyses how the meanings, forms and purposes of collective action are constantly reworked, just as they give expression to important societal struggles. The Covering Document details the theory, methodology and methods that have underpinned the research. It offers an integrated thematic overview of the ten research outputs, highlighting their coherence, originality, and relevance for a critical analysis of the dynamics of collective action in contemporary Ireland. The research analyses the discourses of collective action as they have been expressed in key policy documents, in newspapers such as the Irish Independent and in the documents of protest of social movement organisations. It highlights and interrogates the political, economic and cultural context for collective action in 21st Century Ireland, paying particular attention to the ways though which the recent regime of austerity has impacted on civil society, the state and on relations between these spheres. The research is critical in orientation, but it draws upon and articulates diverse critical traditions as it analyses the power dynamics associated with collective action. Gramscian style, cultural materialist and Foucauldian governmentality perspectives are variously adopted and adapted within specific outputs. The Covering Document also outlines how and why the body of work troubles the boundaries between community development, community arts, youth work and social movement research and praxis. It calls for an articulated and dialogical theory and practice that challenge the assumed estrangement of these fields. As the Covering Document outlines, the research records how state policy now seeks to govern youth work, community development and community arts organisations through an increasingly intrusive and prescriptive set of policy ordinances, self-reporting techniques, and accountability measures. Against that, it also points to the potential for collective action to re-politicise issues otherwise framed as non-political by policy-makers and media, to build and be based upon reflexive forms of solidarity, and to reclaim the arts and tactics of protest.
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6

Desbarats, Catherine M. (Catherine Macleod). "Colonial government finances in New France, 1700-1750." Thesis, McGill University, 1993. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=41576.

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This thesis considers government finances in New France during the first half of the eighteenth century. By looking directly at government accounts from Canada and l'Ile Royale, and at the administrative structures which gave rise to them, it seeks to reconcile ostensibly rival quantitative and 'administrative' approaches to the literature on France's Ancien regime finances. Evidence is found to suggest that colonial finances emerged as an integral part of French naval finances, not as a result of deliberate policy, but as a by-product of the continued presence of naval troops in the colonies and of the early failure of the Domaine d'Occident to generate net revenue flows to France. Especially in the case of Canada, the accounts of the colonial branch of the naval treasury do not yield a continuous series of figures. Nonetheless, they provide ranges for the size, distribution and changes through time of government expenditure in the colonies, as well as indications of its importance relative to the general level of economic activity, and of the net cost to France of running its North American colonies.
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7

Longwell, Ann E. "France, man and language in French Resistance poetry." Thesis, University of St Andrews, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/10023/13376.

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The Second World War witnessed what was recognised at the time as a poetic revival in France. The phenomenon of Resistance poetry in particular commanded literary attention throughout the war. Immediately afterwards, however, this large corpus of poetry was widely dismissed as an unfortunate aberration. Viewed as ephemeral poetry of circumstance with only a documentary value, as tendentious poésie engagée, as propaganda or as conservative patriotic verse, it was thought unworthy of consideration as poetry. Marked by the reputation it gained just after the war, Resistance poetry has been given short shrift in critical studies, and has only rarely been the focus of academic attention. This study reexpounds in detail and with a wide range of reference the debate concerning Resistance poetry, and draws attention to a number of poets who are not widely known, or who are not known as Resistance poets. It demonstrates through a thematic and formal analysis of a selection of Resistance poetry that it is in fact no different from poetry as implicitly understood by critics who have dismissed it. A description of commitment in Resistance poetry is followed by a thematic study of its three related objects, namely France, man and language. Detailed examinations of these three major concerns in the poetry challenge the received view that Resistance poetry is conservative in its patriotism, dogmatic or essentialist in its commitment, and reactionary in its use of language. This thematic study is complemented by illustrative analyses of individual poems or parts of poems, and by a concluding commentary.
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Meade, Phillip L. "Civil disobedience as a pro-life tactic a consensus approach to its justification and parameters as drawn from three contemporary evangelical thinkers /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Shin, Won Ha. "Christian ethical responsibility in resisting evil in government." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1988. http://www.tren.com.

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Jones, Benjamin F. "Freeing France the Allies, the Resistance, and the JEDBURGHs." Lawrence, KS : University of Kansas, 2008. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA488406.

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Книги з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

R, Kedward H., and Austin Roger, eds. Vichy France and the resistance: Culture & ideology. Totowa, NJ: Barnes & Noble, 1985.

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Chartier, Erwan. La France éclatée?: Enquête sur les mouvements régionalistes, autonomistes et indépendantistes en France. Spézet [France]: Coop Breizh, 2004.

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Taylor, Lynne. Between resistance and collaboration: Popular protest in Northern France, 1940-45. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: St. Martin's Press, 2000.

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Serrano, Florence. Femmes face à l'État: Allemagne, Espagne, France, XIXe-XXe siècles. Chambéry: Presses universitaires Université Savoie Mont Blanc, 2021.

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Caron, Jean-Claude. Frères de sang: La guerre civile en France au XIXe siècle. Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2009.

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Frères de sang: La guerre civile en France au XIXe siècle. Seyssel: Champ Vallon, 2009.

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7

Féron, David Ginard i. Mallorca während der Franco-Diktatur: Politik, Wirtschaft und Gesellschaft 1939-1975. Berlin: Edition Tranvía Verlag Walter Frey, 2001.

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Camus, Albert. Between hell and reason: Essays from the Resistance newspaper Combat, 1944-1947. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1988.

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Camus, Albert. Between hell and reason: Essays from the Resistance newspaper Combat, 1944-1947. Middletown, Conn: Wesleyan University Press, 1991.

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Camus, Albert. Between hell and reason: Essays from the Resistance newspaper Combat, 1944-1947. Hanover: Wesleyan University Press, 1991.

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Частини книг з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

Blancheton, Bertrand. "French Public Finances against Globalization: Resistance, Transformation, Reform." In State and Local Government Reforms in France and Germany, 145–57. Wiesbaden: VS Verlag für Sozialwissenschaften, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-531-90271-5_8.

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Pickles, Dorothy. "Local Government." In France, 123–44. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003346432-7.

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3

Lafarge, Franҫois. "France." In Government Agencies, 98–109. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230359512_10.

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Stewart, Michael. "France." In Modern Forms of Government, 151–70. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003488088-10.

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Ridley, F., and J. Blondel. "Local Government." In Public Administration in France, 85–122. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478546-5.

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Hartley, Cathy. "France." In The International Directory of Government 2021, 219–39. 18th ed. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003179931-61.

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Stevens, Anne. "Local Government." In Government and Politics of France, 141–64. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-4039-3996-8_6.

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Vinen, Richard. "Resistance: London, France, Algeria." In France, 1934–1970, 70–81. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24568-0_5.

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Ridley, F., and J. Blondel. "President and Government." In Public Administration in France, 3–27. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478546-2.

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Ridley, F., and J. Blondel. "The Government Departments." In Public Administration in France, 55–84. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003478546-4.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

Куцева, Е. А. "Activities of Loménie de Brienne, Head of The Royal Council of Finance of France, in the summer of 1787." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.012.

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Анотація:
В статье на основе законодательной базы, документации парламентов и материалов французской и европейской прессы рассматривается положение во Франции летом 1787 г., когда правительство во главе с Ломени де Бриенном в результате финансового кризиса вынуждено проводить серию реформ, направленных как на пополнение бюджета, так и на общее развитие страны. За короткий период были разработаны и проведены ряд реформ. Первой становится административная реформа, с введением провинциальных собраний, цель которых помощь правительству на местах, уточнение количества налогоплательщиков и пропорциональное распределение налогов. Разрабатывается как документация по введению провинциальных собраний для каждой провинции отдельно, так и общий регламент с уточненными функциями собраний. И с лета 1787 г. собрания начинают свою деятельность. Они были созданы на основе принципа выборности для улучшения действия королевской власти на местах. Учреждая новые органы власти, правительство оставило прежнюю администрацию, создав еще более громоздкий механизм управления. Для развития торговли были введены меры по введению свободной торговли зерном и замены натуральной дорожной повинности денежным налогом. Для пополнения бюджета власти планировали введения новых налогов – гербового сбора и поземельного налога, распространенного на все земли Франции без исключения. Но так как новые налоги затрагивали интересы привилегированных сословий, они встретили сопротивление парламента, который используя право регистрации эдиктов, тормозил их введения. Власти в ответ применили принцип Королевского заседания, когда в присутствии короля парламент обязан зарегистрировать эдикты. Но парламент даже после этого сопротивлялся, считая регистрацию недействительной. Начинается конфликт между королем и парламентом, который закончился ссылкой парламента в Труа. Осознав, что власти не намерены возвращать парламентариев в Париж, в конце августа – начале сентября начинаются переговоры между парламентариями и правительством, их итогом стала отмена введения новых налогов и возвращения старых, до этого отмененных, – двух двацатин. Таким образом, летом 1787 г. правительство проводит ряд реформ, но введения новых налогов вскрывает конфликт между правительством и парламентом. Именно тогда выдвигается идея созыва Генеральных штатов, которые и приведут Францию к революции 1789 г. The article, based on the legislative framework, documentation of parliaments and materials from the French and European press, examines the situation in France in summer of 1787, when the government led by Loménie de Brienne was forced to carry out a series of reforms as a result of the financial crisis, aimed both at replenishing the budget and for the overall development of the country. In a short period, a number of reforms have been developed and implemented. The first is the administrative reform, with the introduction of Provincial Assemblies, the purpose of which is to help the local government, clarify the number of taxpayers and establish proportional distribution of taxes. Documentation is being developed for the introduction of Provincial Assemblies for each province separately, as well as general regulations with clarified functions of assemblies. And beginning from summer of 1787, the meetings started their activities. These assemblies were created on the basis of the principle of election to improve the functioning of the royal power in the field. In establishing new authorities, the government abandoned the old administration, creating an even more cumbersome mechanism of governance. For the development of trade, measures were introduced to provide free trade in grain and to replace in-kind road service with a cash tax. To replenish the budget, the authorities planned the introduction of new taxes – the stamp duty and the land tax, extended to all the lands of France without exception. But since the new taxes had affected the interests of the privileged estates, they met the resistance of the Parliament, which, using the right to register edicts, hampered their introduction. In response, the authorities applied the principle of the Royal meeting, when in the presence of the king, parliament is obliged to register edicts. But even after that the Parliament resisted, considering the registration invalid. A conflict between the king and parliament once begun ended with the exile of parliament to Troyes. Realizing that the authorities did not intend to return the parliamentarians to Paris, in late August – early September, negotiations began between the parliamentarians and the government, their result was the abolition of the introduction of new taxes and the return of old taxes of two twenty, previously canceled. Thus, in summer of 1787, the government carried out a series of reforms, but the introduction of new taxes opened up a conflict between the government and Parliament. It was then that the idea of convening the States General was put forward, which would lead France to the revolution of 1789.
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Iezzi, A., V. Teso, S. Zitelli, G. Ballardini, B. Tebaldini, and E. Omodeo Salè. "4CPS-093 Antibiotic resistance in the hospital context: retrospective analysis of antibiograms, resistance and sensitivity profiles at an Italian heart centre." In 28th EAHP Congress, Bordeaux, France, 20-21-22 March 2024. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ejhpharm-2024-eahp.197.

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Olivan, A., A. Autellet, I. Merhari, M. Carrot, G. Baroux, and G. Maquin. "5PSQ-107 Compliance of fluoroquinolones prescriptions: a hospital acquired resistance?" In 28th EAHP Congress, Bordeaux, France, 20-21-22 March 2024. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ejhpharm-2024-eahp.441.

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4

"Scaling Resistance of Ground Granulated Blast Furnace (GGBF) Slag Concretes." In "SP-145: Durability of Concrete -- Proceedings Third CANMET - ACI International Conference, Nice, France 1994". American Concrete Institute, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.14359/4540.

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Cheikh, A., M. Bouatia, A. Ababou, Y. Cherrah, A. Benaouda, and A. El Hassani. "CP-156 Evolution of consumption of three antibiotics classes and of the resistance of escherichia coli to these classes." In 22nd EAHP Congress 22–24 March 2017 Cannes, France. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ejhpharm-2017-000640.155.

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Cheikh, A., M. Bouatia, A. Ababou, Y. Cherrah, A. Benaouda, and A. El Hassani. "DI-063 Evolution of consumption of three antibiotics classes and of the resistance of klebsiella pneumoniae to these classes." In 22nd EAHP Congress 22–24 March 2017 Cannes, France. British Medical Journal Publishing Group, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1136/ejhpharm-2017-000640.310.

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"Abrasion Resistance of High Strength Concrete With Chemical and Mineral admixtures." In "SP-145: Durability of Concrete -- Proceedings Third CANMET - ACI International Conference, Nice, France 1994". American Concrete Institute, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.14359/4429.

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"W/CM Code Requirements Inappropriate for Resistance to Deicer Salt Scaling." In "SP-145: Durability of Concrete -- Proceedings Third CANMET - ACI International Conference, Nice, France 1994". American Concrete Institute, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.14359/4542.

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Denis, M., B. Chidaine, V. Rose, K. Bourgouin, M. Cutimbo, and A. Kérouanton. "Campylobacter in organic and conventional pig production in France: antibiotic resistance, genetic diversity and virulence." In Fourth International Symposium on the Epidemiology and Control of Salmonella and Other Food Borne Pathogens in Pork. Iowa State University, Digital Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.31274/safepork-180809-280.

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"Study of Frost Resistance of Concrete Using an Organic Shrinkage-Reducing Agent." In "SP-145: Durability of Concrete -- Proceedings Third CANMET - ACI International Conference, Nice, France 1994". American Concrete Institute, 1994. http://dx.doi.org/10.14359/4561.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Government, resistance to – france"

1

Yusgiantoro, Filda C., I. Dewa Made Raditya Margenta, Haryanto Haryanto, and Felicia Grace Utomo. Carbon Tax Implementation in the Energy Sector: A Comparative Study in G20 and ASEAN Member States (AMS). Purnomo Yusgiantoro Center, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.33116/br.003.

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Анотація:
1. This report shows that six G20 countries (Japan, South Africa, Argentina, France, Ireland, and Mexico) and one ASEAN Member States (Singapore) have implemented a carbon tax. 2. The energy sector is the primary GHG emissions contributor in most member states, except Indonesia. However, the energy sector in Indonesia will highly contribute to the national GHG emissions considering the rise of energy demand due to economic and population growth. 3. The effectiveness of carbon tax is specific to which sectors are taxed and which sectors are exempt to a country member. Specifically, a higher emissions price may not cover a large share of emissions in the country. The high carbon tax in France only covers 35% of total emissions in its jurisdiction. Meanwhile, Japan and Singapore’s low carbon tax covers 75% and 80% of total emissions in their jurisdiction, respectively. 4. The numbers of sectoral coverage by emissions price will impact the level of revenues generated from the carbon tax. France obtained the most significant carbon tax revenue for more than USD 9.6 billion. Meanwhile, Argentina generated less than USD 1 million, likely due to tax exemptions in natural gas commodities. 5. The contribution level of carbon tax revenue to the government’s total revenue varies for each country. France and Ireland’s carbon tax revenue contributes 0.71% and 0.53% of their total government revenue, respectively. Meanwhile, the rest of the countries’ carbon tax revenue contributed less than 0.3% each to their government revenue.
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2

Hicks, Jacqueline. Feminist Foreign Policy: Contributions and Lessons. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.110.

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Анотація:
A relatively small number of countries have an explicit “Feminist Foreign Policy” (FFP). Those most often cited are Sweden, Canada, France, Mexico, and Spain. In theory, an FFP moves beyond gender mainstreaming in foreign development assistance to include: (1) a wider range of external actions, including defence, trade and diplomacy (2) a wider range of marginalised people, not just women. Within foreign development assistance, it implies a more coherent and systematically institutionalised approach to gender mainstreaming. In practice, those countries with an explicit FFP implement it in different ways. Canada currently focuses on development assistance, France on development assistance and formal diplomacy, Sweden more comprehensively covers the trade and defence policy arenas. Mexico and Spain are yet to produce detailed implementation plans. There is increasing academic interest in FFP, but most analyses found during the course of this rapid review focus on narrative content of policies rather than impact. Policy advocacy and advice is provided by several high-profile advocacy organisations. National government agencies in Sweden, France and Canada have produced some evaluations of their FFP, but the evidence is weak. There are many international institution evaluations of gender mainstreaming for many different sectors that are context-specific.
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McElroy, D. L., R. S. Graves, D. W. Yarbrough, and F. J. Weaver. Laboratory test results on the thermal resistance of polyisocyanurate foamboard insulation blown with CFC-11 substitutes: A cooperative industry/government project. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), September 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/6232228.

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4

Valenzuela, Patricio, Eduardo A. Cavallo, and Eduardo Borensztein. Debt Sustainability under Catastrophic Risk: The Case for Government Budget Insurance. Inter-American Development Bank, June 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0010977.

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Natural disasters are an important source of vulnerability in the Caribbean region. Despite being one of the more disaster-prone areas of the world, it has the lowest levels of insurance coverage. This paper examines the vulnerability of Belizes public finance to the occurrence of hurricanes and the potential impact of insurance instruments in reducing that vulnerability. The paper finds that catastrophic risk insurance significantly improves Belizes debt sustainability. In addition, the methodology employed makes it possible to estimate the appropriate level of insurance, which for the case of Belize is a maximum coverage of US$120 million per year. International organizations can play a role in assisting countries to overcome distortions in insurance markets, as well as in helping to relax internal political resistance to the purchase of insurance policies.
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Therrien, Marie-Christine, Joris Arnaud, Clara El Mestikawy, Julie-Maude Normandin, Geneviève Baril, Steve Jacob, Julien Laumonier, and Justin Lawarée. Six cas d’utilisation de l’intelligence artificielle dans le secteur public : note de recherche. Observatoire international sur les impacts sociétaux de l'IA et du numérique, January 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.61737/qjkh1812.

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Анотація:
À la demande du Secrétariat du Conseil du trésor, nous avons réalisé six notes correspondant à six cas d’utilisation de l’intelligence artificielle dans le secteur public. Nous avons rédigé des notes1 sur le Royaume-Uni, la France, l’Allemagne, Israël, les États-Unis d’Amérique et Singapour. Ces cas ont été choisis en fonction de leur place dans le « Government Artificial Intelligence Readiness Index 2019 » et en fonction de la documentation accessible publiquement sur ces pays.
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Graves, R. S., D. L. Mcelroy, F. J. Weaver, and D. W. Yarbroug. Interlaboratory comparison on estimating the long-term thermal resistance of unfaced, rigid, closed-cell, polyisocyanurate (PIR) foam insulation – a cooperative industry/government project. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), January 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/1855687.

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Haynes, Dr Edward, Chris Conyers, Dr Marc Kennedy, Roy Macarthur, Sam McGreig, and Dr John Walshaw. What is the Burden of Antimicrobial Resistance Genes in Selected Ready-to-Eat Foods? Food Standards Agency, November 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.46756/sci.fsa.bsv485.

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Анотація:
This study was designed to get a broad estimate of the presence and the types of antimicrobial resistance genes across 52 simple ready-to-eat foods. It was also carried out to understand the benefits and drawbacks of using metagenomic sequencing, a fairly new technology, to study AMR genes. An antimicrobial is any substance that kills or inhibits the growth of microorganisms. It includes antibiotics which are used to treat bacterial infections in both humans and animals. Given the relevant selective pressures, the bacteria itself can change and find ways to survive the effects of an antimicrobials. This results in the bacteria becoming resistant to the ‘killing’ effects of antimicrobials and is known as ‘antimicrobial resistance’. The more we use antimicrobials and antibiotics and the way that we use them can increase the chance that bacteria will become resistant to antimicrobials. This is important as it can lead to infections that become more difficult to treat with drugs and poses a risk to the public health. T Addressing AMR is a national strategic priority for the UK Government which has led to the development of a new 20-year Vision for AMR and the 5-year National Action Plan (NAP), which runs until 2024. The NAP lays out how the UK will address the AMR challenge and takes a ‘One-Health’ approach which spans people, animals, agriculture, food and the environment. The NAP includes a specific section on the importance of better food safety to limit the contamination of foods and spread of AMR. This section emphasises the need to strengthen the evidence base for AMR and food safety through research, surveillance and promoting good practice across the food chain. The FSA is playing its part by continuing to fill evidence gaps on the role that food plays in AMR through the commissioning of research and surveillance. We are also promoting and improving UK food hygiene (‘4Cs’ messages) across the food chain that will help reduce exposure to AMR bacteria.
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Kamate, Caroline. Citizen participation: the outlook 20 years after the Toulouse disaster. Foundation for an Industrial Safety Culture, June 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.57071/911pcr.

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Анотація:
This publication in the “Cahiers de la sécurité industrielle” collection presents the findings of the FonCSI “Industrial risk governance and citizen participation at the local level” working group, which met ten times between September 2020 and December 2021. Part One of this “Cahier” presents a brief overview of citizen information and participation in industrial risk and pollution related issues in France (chapter 1), then focuses in on the transposition of European regulations in this domain in Italy and the Netherlands (chapter 2). In chapter 1 of Part Two we endeavour to analyse the bitterly disappointing conclusion reached in the aftermath of the Lubrizol and Normandie Logistique fire and the strong government response that followed, while in chapter 2 we suggest some possible courses of action and avenues to explore in order for citizen information and participation to be given greater consideration in the complex issue that is cohabitation with high-risk activities.
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Ohemeng, Frank, and Fariya Mohiuddin. The Enigma of the Central–Local Government Relationship and Its Impact on Property Tax Administration in Developing Countries: The Ghanaian Perspective. Institute of Development Studies, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/ictd.2022.018.

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Анотація:
Property tax administration is the bedrock for effective revenue mobilisation, development, and good local governance for local governments. Yet administering property taxation continues to be a major problem, especially for many developing countries. Scholarly explanations for this poor state of affairs have focused on limited capacity, poor quality local cadastres, corruption, and local political resistance to effective property tax administration, among others. This paper moves away from these explanations to focus on a less trodden area: the relationship between central and local government and how this relationship affects property tax administration. Property tax administration involves some collaboration and overlap between different levels of government, and thus depends very much on a good and functional relationship between both levels of government, especially when local governments derive their authorities from the largesse of central governments. This relationship may have powerful implications for the ability of local governments to effectively undertake property tax administration due to the central government’s policies and politics. Using Ghana as a case study, the paper illustrates how a dysfunctional relationship between central and local governments has undermined, and continues to undermine, effective property tax administration in the country, which should serve as a lesson for other developing countries.
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McCormack, Caitilin, Steve Jennings, and Linda Kenni. Gender and LGBTQI+ Policy and Programming in Vanuatu: Opportunities, challenges, capacity, and tools for change. Oxfam, September 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.21201/2020.6508.

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Анотація:
In 2016 the government of Vanuatu introduced a National Gender Equality Policy. A second phase of the policy will be implemented in 2020–2024. Insights from key informants working on gender in Vanuatu reveal that there have been some positive developments in the first policy phase. A number of challenges remain, however, including limited capacity in a number of key institutions, and resistance to progress caused by prevailing conservative and patriarchal values and beliefs in Vanuatu. In the absence of other legal instruments for LGBTQI+/SOGI equality, perspectives vary on whether this aspect of gender equality should be included in the revised policy.
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