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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Government process and Maori"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021
Оновлено: 2 лютого 2022

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Статті в журналах з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Watts, Darryl. "A year in Auckland." Psychiatric Bulletin 13, no. 3 (March 1989): 127–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/pb.13.3.127.

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I had acquainted myself with the psychiatric services in New Zealand some years ago during my student elective. I wanted to return to experience further a system which was both similar and different to the NHS. The New Zealand hospital system was funded in a similar way to the NHS. One organisational difference was the managerial layer, which was still filled by medical superintendents. Another difference was the extensive no-fault accident compensation scheme through which settlements were made without resort to lawsuits. Thus doctors paid low medical defence fees and were rarely sued, but the Government had regularly to meet a large bill. The psychiatric services were in the process of moving from hospital-based to community-based, in line with prevailing clinical and public attitudes. This was fuelled by some headline-making scandals over patient care in the asylums. One cause for general alarm was the poor health of ethnic minorities, especially the indigenous Maori. This issue resonated with racial and political overtones.
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2

Zepke, Nick. "Thinking strategically in response to New Zealand's tertiary education strategy: The case of a Wānanga." Journal of Management & Organization 15, no. 1 (March 2009): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1833367200002911.

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AbstractThis paper describes commissioned research on how a Wānanga, a Maori focused post school institution in New Zealand, perceived its strategic options following the publication of the Labour-led government's Tertiary Education Strategy 2007–2012 and the Statement of Education Priorities 2008–10 (Ministry of Education 2006). The research used a Delphi panel process that looks for consensus answers to specific research questions: How should the Wānanga respond to the policies sketched in the Tertiary Education Strategy and the Statement of Education Priorities? What is the range of issues that may need to be addressed as a result of this new policy framework? What options does the Wānanga have in addressing these issues? The Delphi process enabled a clear set of priorities to be established: provide quality teaching and learning reflecting Māori values and practices; develop a consistent internal philosophy based on tikanga and āhuatanga Māori; and provide second chance education for Māori and other learners.
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3

Zepke, Nick. "Thinking strategically in response to New Zealand's tertiary education strategy: The case of a Wānanga." Journal of Management & Organization 15, no. 1 (March 2009): 110–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.5172/jmo.837.15.1.110.

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Анотація:
AbstractThis paper describes commissioned research on how a Wānanga, a Maori focused post school institution in New Zealand, perceived its strategic options following the publication of the Labour-led government's Tertiary Education Strategy 2007–2012 and the Statement of Education Priorities 2008–10 (Ministry of Education 2006). The research used a Delphi panel process that looks for consensus answers to specific research questions: How should the Wānanga respond to the policies sketched in the Tertiary Education Strategy and the Statement of Education Priorities? What is the range of issues that may need to be addressed as a result of this new policy framework? What options does the Wānanga have in addressing these issues? The Delphi process enabled a clear set of priorities to be established: provide quality teaching and learning reflecting Māori values and practices; develop a consistent internal philosophy based on tikanga and āhuatanga Māori; and provide second chance education for Māori and other learners.
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4

van Roon, M., and S. Knight. "Towards integrated catchment management, Whaingaroa, New Zealand." Water Science and Technology 43, no. 9 (May 1, 2001): 197–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.2001.0538.

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The paper examines progress towards integrated catchment management and sustainable agriculture at Whaingaroa (Raglan), New Zealand. Application of the Canadian “Atlantic Coastal Action Program” model (ACAP) has been only partially successful within New Zealand's bicultural setting. Even before the introduction of the ACAP process there existed strong motivation and leadership by various sectors of the community. A merging of resource management planning and implementation processes of the larger community and that of the Maori community has not occurred. Research carried out by Crown Research Institutes has clearly shown the actions required to make pastoral farming more sustainable. There are difficulties in the transference to, and uptake of, these techniques by farmers. An examination of the socio-economic context is required. There has been a requirement on local government bodies to tighten their focus as part of recent reform. This has occurred concurrently with a widening of vision towards integrated and sustainable forms of management. This (as well as a clear belief in empowerment of local communities) has lead to Council reliance on voluntary labour. There is a need to account for the dynamic interaction between social and political history and the geological and biophysical history of the area. As part of a re-examination of sustainable development, New Zealand needs to reconcile the earning of the bulk of its foreign income from primary production, with the accelerating ecological deficit that it creates. A sustainability strategy is required linking consumer demand, property rights and responsibilities.
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5

Hayward, Janine. "Local Government and Maori: Talking Treaty?" Political Science 50, no. 2 (January 1999): 182–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/003231879905000204.

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6

Fleras, Augie. "From Social Control towards Political Self-Determination? Maori Seats and the Politics of Separate Maori Representation in New Zealand." Canadian Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (September 1985): 551–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008423900032455.

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AbstractThe principle of guaranteed parliamentary representation for the Maori remains a contentious feature of New Zealand's political structure. This concession originated in 1867 to solve the “Maori problem” by means consistent with the competing interests of government and Maori. But despite intrinsic drawbacks within the present system, neither Maoris nor the major political parties have initiated fundamental reforms in the design of Maori seats for fear of tampering with the status quo. Recently, with the resurgence of Maori assertiveness, developments have transpired aimed at redefining the status of separate representation. Whether or not this strategy for the political accommodation of minority groups can be transferred to other contexts—such as Canada—is open to debate.
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7

Parkinson, Phil. ""Strangers in the House": The Maori Language in Government and the Maori Language in Parliament 1840-1900." Victoria University of Wellington Law Review 32, no. 3 (August 4, 2001): 865. http://dx.doi.org/10.26686/vuwlr.v32i3.5874.

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The Treaty of Waitangi conferred upon Her Majesty's new subjects "all the rights andprivileges of British subjects" and that included, in theory, the right to be represented in the infantgovernment. In practice, however, the right of Maori to vote in elections was not taken seriouslyuntil 1858 and the presence of formally elected members in the House of Representatives was not achieved until August 1868. When they did speak in 1868 the first four Maori members spoke inMaori, and no adequate provision was made for the translation of their words, or for the words ofother members to be translated for them. The proceedings of the House were not printed in Maoriand the Maori members' speeches were not translated except when it suited the government of theday.Over the next few decades after 1868 there was only an irregular compliance with the standingorders of the House of Representatives and the Legislative Council that Bills and Acts be prepared inboth Maori and English for the better information of "Her Majesty's subjects of the Native Race".This study traces the extent of the use of the Maori language in the House and in the Council andpoints to a large number of extant Bills and Acts in Maori as well as to the large number whichhave not survived but which are referred to in the New Zealand parliamentary debates. These little-known texts deserve recognition as expressions of legislation in an indigenous tongue reflectingindigenous concerns but they have usually been disregarded in a European-dominated GeneralAssembly.
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8

Corson, David. "Restructuring Minority Schooling." Australian Journal of Education 37, no. 1 (April 1993): 46–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/000494419303700104.

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This article looks at organisational and curricular responses to cultural diversity which are presently operating alongside one another in New Zealand schooling. It begins with a critique of the minimal curricular response now recommended for government schools: the incorporation of programs in taha Maori (things Maori) within the mainstream curriculum of schools. It then looks at two recent responses which are structural and curricular: the modification of existing schools to take account of Maori student presence within them; and the development of Nga Kura Kaupapa Maori (Maori culture and language immersion primary schools) which are founded upon organisational and pedagogical features which are consistent with Maori cultural values. Conclusions are drawn relevant to the education of ‘involuntary minority’ cultures in Australia whose structural values and mores are very different from the dominant culture. A comparison of the values of Koori and Maori lends support to the view that Australian education could borrow with profit from the New Zealand example.
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9

Niedzwiecki, Sara, and Jennifer Pribble. "Social Policies and Center-Right Governments in Argentina and Chile." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 3 (2017): 72–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/laps.12027.

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AbstractLatin America's “left turn” expanded cash transfers and public services, contributing to lower poverty and inequality. Recently, right-leaning candidates and parties have begun to win back seats in the legislature, and in some cases have captured the executive branch. This shift has sparked debate about the future of Latin America's welfare states. This article analyzes social policy reforms enacted by two recent right-leaning governments: that of Sebastián Piñera in Chile (2010–14) and Mauricio Macri in Argentina (2015–). It finds that contrary to neoliberal adjustment policies of the past, neither Macri nor Piñera engaged in privatization or deep spending cuts. Instead, both administrations facilitated a process of policy drift in some sectors and marginal expansion in others. Policy legacies and the strength of the opposition help to explain these outcomes, suggesting that Latin America's political context has been transformed by the consolidation of democracy and the experience of left party rule.
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Niedzwiecki, Sara, and Jennifer Pribble. "Social Policies and Center-Right Governments in Argentina and Chile." Latin American Politics and Society 59, no. 03 (2017): 72–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1531426x00010281.

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Анотація:
AbstractLatin America's “left turn” expanded cash transfers and public services, contributing to lower poverty and inequality. Recently, right-leaning candidates and parties have begun to win back seats in the legislature, and in some cases have captured the executive branch. This shift has sparked debate about the future of Latin America's welfare states. This article analyzes social policy reforms enacted by two recent right-leaning governments: that of Sebastián Piñera in Chile (2010–14) and Mauricio Macri in Argentina (2015–). It finds that contrary to neoliberal adjustment policies of the past, neither Macri nor Piñera engaged in privatization or deep spending cuts. Instead, both administrations facilitated a process of policy drift in some sectors and marginal expansion in others. Policy legacies and the strength of the opposition help to explain these outcomes, suggesting that Latin America's political context has been transformed by the consolidation of democracy and the experience of left party rule.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Tipuna, Kitea. "Whakawhiti whakaaro, whakakotahi i a tatou convergence through consultation : an analysis of how the Māori world-view is articulated through the consultation processes of the Resource Management Act (1991) : a thesis submitted to Auckland University of Technology in partial fulfilment of the Master of Arts, 2007 / Kitea Tipuna." Click here to access this resource online, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/370.

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2

Grant, Susannah, and n/a. "God's governor : George Grey and racial amalgamation in New Zealand 1845-1853." University of Otago. Department of History, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070501.133119.

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The legend of Governor Grey is a major feature of nineteenth century New Zealand historiography. This thesis seeks to understand Grey as a real person. Acknowledging the past as a strange and foreign place, it argues that Grey (and previous interpretations of him) can only be understood in context. The intellectual milieu of liberal Anglicanism and Victorian structures of imperial authority are crucial to understanding Grey's policies of racial amalgamation. Focusing on Grey's first governorship of New Zealand, 1845 - 1853, this thesis begins by exploring the imperial networks within which he operated. The members of Grey's web gathered and shared information to further a range of different agendas - scientific, humanitarian, and political. Grey's main focus was native civilisation. His ideas about race were informed by liberal Anglican theology, scientific investigation and personal experience. Grey believed in the unity and improvability of all mankind. His mission as governor was to elevate natives to a state of true equality with Europeans so that all could progress together still further up the scale of civilisation. This model formed the basis of Grey's 1840 plan for civilising native peoples, in which he proposed a range of measures to promote racial amalgamation in Australia. Between 1845 and 1853 Grey implemented those measures in New Zealand. He used military force and British law to establish peace and enforce Crown authority. He used economic policies to encourage Maori integration in the colonial economy. He built schools and hospitals and enacted legislation to encourage the best features of British culture and limit the effects of its worst. He also augmented his power and encouraged amalgamation through personal relationships, official reports and the structures of colonial authority. Grey was driven by complex, sometimes contradictory motives including personal gain, economic imperatives and political pressures. His policies have had ongoing, often devastating effects, on Maori and on race relations in New Zealand. This thesis brings to light the ideas and attitudes which formed them. Grey understood himself as a Christian governor ordained to civilise Maori and join them with British settlers in accordance with God's divine plan for improving humankind.
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3

Poata-Smith, E. S. Te Ahu, and n/a. "The political economy of Maori protest politics, 1968-1995 : a Marxist analysis of the roots of Maori oppression and the politics of resistance." University of Otago. Department of Political Studies, 2002. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.153703.

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This thesis provides a Marxist analysis of the political economy of contemporary Maori protest politics in the years from 1968 to 1995. It is argued that Maori protest politics embraces a range of competing political ideologies, which are informed by different assumptions about the causes of Maori inequality in wider society, and in turn, different sets of strategies for ameliorating and transcending that inequality. Overall, the thesis has two central concerns: firstly, it identifies the critical economic, political and ideological conditions and context that have allowed particular competing political ideologies and strategies to dominate contemporary Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. This involves a particular focus on understanding and explaining the rise of identity politics and cultural nationalism as the dominant political strategy within Maori protest politics. Secondly, the thesis critically assesses the effectiveness of contemporary Maori struggles against racism and oppression on the basis of whether they involve, or are likely to contribute towards, the transformation of the generative structures that give rise to manifest inequalities between Maori and non-Maori. It is argued that the systematic alienation of land and the inequality that exists between Maori and non-Maori are not simply the result of the underlying cultural values of individual non-Maori but are rather the result of the historical process of capitalist development in Aotearoa and the economic, political and ideological requirements necessary for the generalised commodification of indigenous labour-power. The thesis explores how the politics and practice of Maori protest has been shaped and influenced to a large extent by the underlying social, economic, political and ideological forces of global capitalism. It is argued that the international collapse of the long boom, the global upturn in class struggle and the emergence of the New Left internationally from the late 1960s had an enormous influence on the political direction of Maori protest in the New Zealand context. The success of the working class offensive and the growing political influence of rank and file Maori workers ensured that Maori protest groups formed part of the progressive social movements of the time. Indeed, although some were explicitly nationalist in their orientation, these movements were consciously part of the Left. The balance of political forces within the Maori protest movement changed considerably during the late 1970s and early 1980s with the rise of the New Right as a political force internationally together with the rise of employer militancy, the defeat and demoralization of the working class movement internationally, the decline of the social movements and the absence of mass struggle. This had important implications for the influence of the various ideological factions that co-existed uneasily in the Maori political milieu from the early 1970s onwards. The downturn in militant mass struggle saw the rise in the influence of identity politics as cultural nationalist strategies came to dominate Maori protest politics, representing a fundamental retreat from Left-wing ideas. In practice this entailed a rejection of the class politics and mass struggle that had informed the politics and strategies of Maori protest groups from the late 1960s, and its replacement with a politics of cross-class alliances and a personal rejection of �Pakeha society�. In practice this was a recipe for passivity and divisiveness within the Maori protest movement itself. The politics of cultural nationalism left Maori ill-equipped to resist the ruling class counter-offensive and the anti-working class policies that successive governments introduced to restore the conditions for profitable capital accumulation. In particular, the rejection of a class analysis of Maori inequality in capitalist society has undermined the capacity of working class Maori to resist the neo-liberal agenda and a Treaty of Waitangi settlement process that has resulted in a substantial shift in resources to those sections of Maori society already wealthy and powerful. Although the settlement process represented an important concession by the state, it has never compensated for the anti-working class policies of governments since 1984, which have widened the social and economic inequalities in New Zealand society. In this way, the emphasis on cultural identity alone as the determining factor in Maori oppression has been counter-productive for working class Maori as successive governments shifted the costs of the economic crisis on to the weakest sections of the community. As New Zealand entered a new period of economic and social crisis in the 1990s, the commercial interests of Maori tribal executives, Maori corporate enterprises, and the Maori bureaucracy were clearly at odds with the material interests of the vast majority of working class Maori families. This fundamental conflict in class interests was to set the scene for a revival of militancy on scale not seen since the 1970s.
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4

Chiang, Jerry Kao. "Reducing government proposal procurement process complexity." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/90774.

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Анотація:
Thesis: M.B.A., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Sloan School of Management, 2014. In conjunction with the Leaders for Global Operations Program at MIT.
Thesis: S.M., Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Engineering Systems Division, 2014. In conjunction with the Leaders for Global Operations Program at MIT.
Cataloged from PDF version of thesis.
Includes bibliographical references (page 73).
US Aerospace Defense Vehicle Manufacturer (UADVM) sells Assembled Complex Equipment to the US Government through multi-year contracts. According to the Truth in Negotiations Act (TINA), such government defense contracts require cost and pricing data as well as supporting documentation, known as material substantiation, to justify pricing and supplier selection. In order to comply with these government regulations, UADVM needed to estimate material costs provided by its supply chain, in a process known as multi-year procurement process. At UADVM, this process involved substantial time, effort, and rework. Through interviews and surveys, total administrative effort to manage the Multi-Year X (MYX) Procurement Process is estimated to be about 41 full-time equivalents (FTEs) per year for three years, translating to an estimated fully loaded cost of $17.3 million. In order to significantly improve the current process, a key area of opportunity is to reduce the complexity of the entire process through 1) reducing the number of inputs, including the number of parts and bids sent out as well as suppliers and price points solicited, and 2) improving the design of the bid strategy, the determination of which parts are bid out to which suppliers, how to group these suppliers and parts into bids, and who should manage these bids in the most efficient and effective manner. Through the analysis of UADVM's MYX data, input reduction can potentially reduce the number of price points solicited by 99.2% and the number of interactions, also known as the number of unique combinations between parts, bids, and suppliers, by approximately 94%. These efforts can be complemented by an improved bid strategy through the use of a data-driven mixed integer linear programming optimization model, which, in tests on a sub-portion of the data, reduces the number of packages by 43%. These methods and analyses for complexity reduction can be generalized beyond current applications at UADVM, aerospace companies, and government proposals; they may be applied to any procurement process where multiple parts, suppliers, and bids are involved.
by Jerry Kao Chiang.
M.B.A.
S.M.
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5

Fairbanks, Jenille. "Transparency in the Government Communication Process: The Perspective of Government Communicators." Diss., CLICK HERE for online access, 2005. http://contentdm.lib.byu.edu/ETD/image/etd1139.pdf.

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6

Head, Lyndsay Fay. "Land, authority and the forgetting of being in early colonial Maori history." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Maori and Indigenous Studies, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/967.

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This thesis attempts to understand the intellectual milieu of Maori society in the early colonial period through the medium of Maori-language sources of information dating from that time. A base in Maori documentary allows Maori history to exist under the same disciplines as that of other literate peoples. The thesis argues that the imposition of English meanings on Maori language has shaded Maori meanings. It offers a rereading of documents including the Treaty of Waitangi in order to restore their Maori historicity. Maori society has also been misrepresented historiographically by the creation of false distance between metropolitan and indigenous culture, including the failure to sufficiently consider the shaping force of literacy on Maori perceptions of citizenship and on the politics of sovereignty that developed at mid-century. The thesis argues that land sales were the main Maori experience of government, and that the government's ability to define the terms of the market reconstrued society in ways which destroyed its former political structure.This turned it into a land-owning collective, in which power lay not in human consequence, as formerly, but in the size of the cultivations to which an owner could prove a right in terms constructed by officials. All members of the kin-group were constutued land owners, and the status of the chief was reduced to the size of the lands to which he could prove ownership. By 1865, when the Native Land Court was instituted, power within Maoridom lay in the land itself: te mana o te whenua. This position was written into culture, and endures into the present. The premise of the thesis is that change towards western norms is the proper frame of study of colonial Maori society, but that the magnitude of change has been obscured, both by the politicisation of the past on presentist premises and by the transformation of colonial models into what is now assumed to be 'traditional Maori society'. In order to separate the colonial from the traditional the thesis looks at precontact society custom regarding authority over land and fisheries. The thesis underscores the magnitude of change when tapu disappeared as the support of chiefs' civil governance, which was played out in the migration of mana (personal power) from chiefs to, modern, land. The disappearance of tapu also, however, aided the rise of Maori civil society within the colony on the basis of the desire for modernity which kept Maori engaged with the government - and therefore still governed. This is studied through letters that detail the operation of civil life in Taranaki and among Ngati Kahungunu, with special reference to the experience of Wiermu Kingi and Renata Kawepo.
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7

Webster, Karen Lesley. "Whakapiri tātou, hei manaaki tāngata, hei manaaki whenua Effective governance for urban sustainability : a thesis submitted to Auckland University of Technology in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Doctor of Philosophy (PhD), 2009 /." Click here to access this resource online, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/10292/854.

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8

Begg, Anne, and n/a. "Bicultural nationhood in the bonds of capital." University of Otago. Department of Communication Studies, 2006. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070508.142710.

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Анотація:
This thesis approaches the issue of bicultural nationhood as articulated through a Maori/Pakeha binary in Aotearoa/New Zealand by interrogating the deeply entrenched social forms that inform liberal democracy and that institutionalize capitalism in the modern nation-state. More specifically, it explores the concepts of �self-governing people�, �public sphere� and �free market� as three forms of collective agency that discursively construct �society� within the social imaginary and that interact to set the terms of democratic citizenship. Central to this discussion is the indigenous/non-indigenous binary constituting biculturalism and the manifestation of �indigeneity� as both unassimilable difference in the project of modernity and as political struggle for recognition and power. This study elaborates through the mediated texts of the mediasphere and argues that there is a constant relation between nation, culture and class wherein culture-as-difference provides a framework for masking class struggle in capitalist relations of production as well as for enabling the dominant group to discursively construct their own ethnicity as national cultural identity. What is at stake in this discussion is the contrast between cultural difference as it emerges in the performance of everyday life and as reaction to issues of economic marginalization and cultural difference as it is contrived by the nation-state in terms of a Maori/Pakeha binary. The aim of this thesis is to highlight the necessity of difference in cultural identified, labeled and marketed as a fixed concept, but is an ephemeral by-product of ongoing social struggle for survival, recognition and political power. The objective is to undercut current ideological propositions and demand a just, equitable and democratic approach to the conceptualization of nationhood in Aotearoa/New Zealand.
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9

Rood, Sally Ann. "Government Laboratory Technology Transfer: Process and Impact Assessment." Diss., Virginia Tech, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/30585.

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Анотація:
This study involved a qualitative comparative analysis of government laboratory technology transfer, examining both the process and impact of successful cases before and after passage of technology transfer legislation. The legislation, passed in the mid- and late-1980s, was intended to encourage cooperative research for commercialization purposes. The study examined a variety of factors related to government laboratory technology transfer, including the researchers' roles, mechanisms used, partners, and economic impact. Certain aspects of the researchers' roles became more positive toward technology transfer. They contributed to technology marketing by producing more laboratory prototypes and samples in the post-legislation period. On the other hand, they retreated from broad-based technology marketing in the sense that their roles as technology champions became centered around their relationships with their CRADA partners. There was an undercurrent of caution by the laboratory researchers towards technology transfer in both the pre-legislation and post-legislation periods, and neither time period contained many examples of market analysis or technology evaluation work by the laboratories. Also, there was tension between the research role and technology transfer role, possibly indicating a lack of trust in that relationship. The laboratories primarily used CRADAs and licenses to transfer technologies, and used other mechanisms to a lesser degree. There was even less variety in mechanisms in the post-legislation period. The researchers' comments about license royalty-sharing became stronger in the post-legislation period, indicating that incentive is working. Yet, the data suggested new administrative needs such as for royalty tracking statements and dispute mechanisms. The post-legislation period involved more small-firm partners and more user-initiated contacts, indicating more market pull. The post-legislation period also exhibited more "institutionalized" university relationships. State and local governments were not prominent among the users in either time period. The technology transfer legislation had positive effects in terms of economic impact and outcomes. The following indicators increased in the post-legislation period: new products (generated as a result of technology transfer), sales revenues, new companies, new jobs, and technology transfer contributions to dual use. Technology transfer and commercialization failures decreased and the time to market decreased. The assessment revealed additional findings related to increased international activity, private sector problems, and other factors contributing to technology transfer. An extensive literature review provided background for the issues and problems in evaluating technology transfer. This review included an inventory of technology transfer measurement activities to-date, including models from non-government technology transfer communities. The study experience, itself, further uncovered some insights to technology transfer metrics at a time when the experience base in this area is still premature
Ph. D.
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10

Mahuta, Dean P. S., and n/a. "Ko taku rau kotahi." University of Otago. Te Tumu - School of Maori, Pacific and Indigenous Studies, 2005. http://adt.otago.ac.nz./public/adt-NZDU20070430.115046.

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Raupatu (conquest of land) has been and still is a threat to the sovereignty and self-management of the Maori people. For the people of Waikato, raupatu has had such a significant impact that it has become a part of the people's identity. The New Zealand Land Wars of the 1860s signalled the beginning of the troubles for Waikato that would plague them for generations. Many Waikato people died for the land that had once nourished them, which was 'stolen' by the Crown and its colonial forces under the guise of 'confiscation' by way of the New Zealand Settlement Act 1863. This thesis examines raupatu in relation to the Waikato people, and the effects raupatu has had on them. This thesis also illustrates the connection between the Waikato people and whenua tupu (ancestral lands) through countless generations of people who committed their lives to the struggle to have their lands returned as proclaimed in the decree 'i haere whenua atu, me hoki whenua mai.' This decree is examined in relationship to the Deed of Settlement 1995 whereby the Crown addressed the grievances of the Waikato people and some hope was once again instilled within the people.
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Книги з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Melbourne, Hineani. Maori sovereignty: The Maori perspective. [Auckland]: Hodder Moa Beckett, 1995.

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Vasil, R. K. What do the Maori want?: New Maori political perspectives. Auckland, N.Z: Random Century, 1990.

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Butterworth, Graham Victor. Maori Affairs. [Wellington]: Iwi Transition Agency, 1990.

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4

Maori health and government policy 1840-1940. Wellington: Victoria University Press in association with the Historical Branch, Dept. of Internal Affairs, 1999.

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Tribunal, New Zealand Waitangi. Maori electoral option report (WAI 413). Wellington: Brooker's, 1994.

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6

Awekotuku, Ngahuia Te. Mana wahine Maori: Selected writings on Maori women's art, culture, and politics. Auckland: New Women's Press, 1991.

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7

The Maori of New Zealand. London: Minority Rights Group, 1985.

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8

Canada. Library of Parliament. Research Branch., ed. Government expenditures: Review process. [Ottawa]: Library of Parliament, Research Branch, 1993.

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9

Sheehan, Mark. Maori and Pakeha: Race relations, 1912-1980. Auckland: Macmillan New Zealand, 1989.

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Maori: The crisis and the challenge. Auckland: HarperCollinsPublishers New Zealand, 1993.

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Частини книг з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Bochel, Catherine, and Hugh M. Bochel. "Central Government." In The UK Social Policy Process, 76–102. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-22095-0_5.

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Bochel, Catherine, and Hugh M. Bochel. "Quasi-Government." In The UK Social Policy Process, 137–58. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-22095-0_7.

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Hague, Rod, and Martin Harrop. "The policy process." In Comparative Government and Politics, 342–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-137-31786-5_18.

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Hague, Rod, Martin Harrop, and Shaun Breslin. "The Policy Process." In Comparative Government and Politics, 397–425. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22276-6_16.

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Ginty, Roger Mac, and John Darby. "The Background to the Peace Process." In Guns and Government, 11–28. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230502000_2.

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6

Bryce, Herrington J. "Trust in Government." In Players in the Public Policy Process, 233–47. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137273925_13.

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Ball, Alan R., and B. Guy Peters. "Courts and the Political Process." In Modern Politics and Government, 251–68. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-37393-8_12.

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8

Church, Clive H. "The Federal Process." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 154–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_15.

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Church, Clive H. "The Electoral Process." In The Politics and Government of Switzerland, 133–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230509009_13.

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10

Heywood, Paul. "The Policy Process." In The Government and Politics of Spain, 241–60. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24152-1_12.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Li, Yan. "Rediscovery of Government Process Model in E-government." In 2009 Sixth International Conference on Fuzzy Systems and Knowledge Discovery. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/fskd.2009.213.

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Tong Dezhi, Tong Yuping, and Mu Shuo. "Government Innovation Based on Electronic Government: Government Process Reengineering as the Case." In 2010 2nd International Symposium on Information Engineering and Electronic Commerce (IEEC). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/ieec.2010.5533304.

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Li, Yan, and Shao-Ling Deng. "Research on Automatic Government Process Remodeling in E-Government." In 2009 International Conference on Management and Service Science (MASS). IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmss.2009.5305694.

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4

Zhang, Ning, and Xiaowei Hou. "Government Process Management under electronic government and its application." In 2011 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebeg.2011.5881951.

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5

Baker, T., A. Taleb-Bendiab, and D. Al-Jumeilly. "Process-Oriented E-government Application Development." In 2009 11th International Conference on Computer Modelling and Simulation. IEEE, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/uksim.2009.117.

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6

Hulstijn, Joris, Remco van Wijk, Niels de Winne, Nitesh Bharosa, Marijn Janssen, and Yao-Hua Tan. "Public process management." In the 12th Annual International Digital Government Research Conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/2037556.2037577.

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Chen, Gui-sheng, and Dong-hao Zhang. "Optimization of "One-Stop" E-Government Process Based on E-Government Platform." In 2010 International Conference on Management and Service Science (MASS 2010). IEEE, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icmss.2010.5576838.

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8

Unknown. "Knowledge management process in the local government." In the 25th annual ACM international conference. New York, New York, USA: ACM Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1145/1297144.1297183.

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9

Bertot, John Carlo, Patrice McDermott, and Ted Smith. "Measurement of Open Government: Metrics and Process." In 2012 45th Hawaii International Conference on System Sciences (HICSS). IEEE, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/hicss.2012.658.

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10

Zhi-ze, Zhang, and Liu Shuang-liang. "Government process reengineering based on knowledge management." In 2011 International Conference on E-Business and E-Government (ICEE). IEEE, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/icebeg.2011.5881952.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Government process and Maori"

1

Gittins, C. Improvement of the Computing - Related Procurement Process at a Government Research Facility. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), April 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/793581.

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Cosentino, Guy T. The United States Government Interagency Process and the Failure of Institution Building in Iraq. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, June 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada493728.

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3

Barbour, Rick, Melanie Benhoff, Brian Gallagher, Suellen Eslinger, and Thomas Bernard. Standard CMMI Appraisal Method for Process Improvement (SCAMPI), Version 1.1: Method Implementation Guidance for Government Source Selection and Contract Process Monitoring. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada408309.

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4

Roark, Michael J. The Government of Islamic Republic of Afghanistan's Controls Over the Contract Management Process for U.S. Direct Assistance Need Improvement. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, February 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada619563.

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Richards, Robin. The Effect of Non-partisan Elections and Decentralisation on Local Government Performance. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), January 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.014.

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This rapid review focusses on whether there is international evidence on the role of non-partisan elections as a form of decentralised local government that improves performance of local government. The review provides examples of this from Sub-Saharan Africa and South Asia. There are two reported examples in Sub-Saharan Africa of non-partisan elections that delink candidates from political parties during election campaigns. The use of non-partisan elections to improve performance and democratic accountability at the level of government is not common, for example, in southern Africa all local elections at the sub-national sphere follow the partisan model. Whilst there were no examples found where countries shifted from partisan to non-partisan elections at the local government level, the literature notes that decentralisation policies have the effect of democratising and transferring power and therefore few central governments implement it fully. In Africa decentralisation is favoured because it is often used as a cover for central control. Many post-colonial leaders in Africa continue to favour centralised government under the guise of decentralisation. These preferences emanated from their experiences under colonisation where power was maintained by colonial administrations through institutions such as traditional leadership. A review of the literature on non-partisan elections at the local government level came across three examples where this occurred. These countries were: Ghana, Uganda and Bangladesh. Although South Africa holds partisan elections at the sub-national sphere, the election of ward committee members and ward councillors, is on a non-partisan basis and therefore, the ward committee system in South Africa is included as an example of a non-partisan election process in the review.
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6

Coultas, Mimi. Strengthening Sub-national Systems for Area-wide Sanitation and Hygiene. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/slh.2021.007.

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From late 2020 to early 2021, the Sanitation Learning Hub (SLH) collaborated with local government actors and development partners from three sub-national areas to explore ways of increasing local government leadership and prioritisation of sanitation and hygiene (S&H) to drive progress towards area-wide S&H. For some time, local government leadership has been recognised as key to ensuring sustainability and scale and it is an important component of the emerging use of systems strengthening approaches in the S&H sector. It is hoped that this work will provide practical experiences to contribute to this thinking. Case studies were developed to capture local government and development partners’ experiences supporting sub-national governments increase their leadership and prioritisation of S&H in Siaya County (Kenya, with UNICEF), Nyamagabe District (Rwanda, with WaterAid) and Moyo District (Uganda, with WSSCC), all of which have seen progress in recent years. The cases were then explored through three online workshops with staff from the local governments, central government ministries and development partners involved to review experiences and identify levers and blockages to change. This document presents key findings from this process.
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7

Asgedom, Amare, Shelby Carvalho, and Pauline Rose. Negotiating Equity: Examining Priorities, Ownership, and Politics Shaping Ethiopia’s Large-Scale Education Reforms for Equitable Learning. Research on Improving Systems of Education (RISE), March 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-rise-wp_2021/067.

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In 2018, the Government of Ethiopia committed to large-scale, donor-supported reforms aimed at improving equitable learning in the basic education system—the General Education Quality Improvement Program for Equity (GEQIP-E). In this paper, we examine the reform design process in the context of Ethiopia’s political environment as a strong developmental state, assessing the influence of different stakeholder priorities which have led to the focus on equity within the quality reforms. Drawing on qualitative data from 81 key informant interviews with federal and regional government officials and donors, we explore the negotiation and power dynamics which have shaped the design of the reforms. We find that a legacy of moderately successful reforms, and a shared commitment to global goals, paved the way for negotiations of more complex and ambitious reforms between government actors and donors. Within government, we identify that regional governments were only tokenistically included in the reform process. Given that regions are responsible for the implementation of these reforms, their limited involvement in the design could have implications for success.
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Salter, R., Quyen Dong, Cody Coleman, Maria Seale, Alicia Ruvinsky, LaKenya Walker, and W. Bond. Data Lake Ecosystem Workflow. Engineer Research and Development Center (U.S.), April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21079/11681/40203.

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The Engineer Research and Development Center, Information Technology Laboratory’s (ERDC-ITL’s) Big Data Analytics team specializes in the analysis of large-scale datasets with capabilities across four research areas that require vast amounts of data to inform and drive analysis: large-scale data governance, deep learning and machine learning, natural language processing, and automated data labeling. Unfortunately, data transfer between government organizations is a complex and time-consuming process requiring coordination of multiple parties across multiple offices and organizations. Past successes in large-scale data analytics have placed a significant demand on ERDC-ITL researchers, highlighting that few individuals fully understand how to successfully transfer data between government organizations; future project success therefore depends on a small group of individuals to efficiently execute a complicated process. The Big Data Analytics team set out to develop a standardized workflow for the transfer of large-scale datasets to ERDC-ITL, in part to educate peers and future collaborators on the process required to transfer datasets between government organizations. Researchers also aim to increase workflow efficiency while protecting data integrity. This report provides an overview of the created Data Lake Ecosystem Workflow by focusing on the six phases required to efficiently transfer large datasets to supercomputing resources located at ERDC-ITL.
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9

Aromolaran, Adebayo, Milu Muyanga, Thomas Jayne, Abiodun E. Obayelu, Titus Awokuse, Omotoso O. Ogunmola, and Fadlullah O. Issa. Drivers of Market-Oriented Land Use Decisions Among Farm Households in Nigeria. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), November 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/apra.2020.012.

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In recent times, the Nigerian Government has devised strategies aimed at intensifying smallholder transformation for enhanced food security, employment creation and poverty reduction. However, despite these efforts, the process of agricultural commercialisation in Nigeria has not progressed as fast as expected. Consequently, this study examines agricultural commercialisation in Nigeria with the aim of establishing factors that are constraining commercialisation and identifying potential policy levers that can be used to fast-track the process
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Adhikari, Kamal, and Bharat Adhikari. Nepal Sanitation Movement Lessons Learnt on Targets and Monitoring. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/slh.2021.012.

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Many governments in Asia and Africa have set ambitious target dates for their countries becoming open defecation free (ODF). Some have recently concluded national sanitation campaigns; a number of countries have campaigns underway; while others are in the conceptualising and planning process. Monitoring and reporting results is one of the key challenges associated with these campaigns. This case study accompanies the publication: ‘Monitoring sanitation campaigns: Targets, reporting and realism’ which presents lessons learnt to date to inform ongoing and future government campaigns intended to end open defecation and improve access to safely managed sanitation.
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