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Статті в журналах з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Serenko, Irina N. "RUSSIA — PAKISTAN — KYRGYZSTAN: SHARED SOCIOCULTURAL MEMORY IN EURASIAN INTEGRATION CONTEXT." Journal of the Institute of Oriental Studies RAS, no. 3 (21) (2022): 174–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2618-7302-2022-3-174-180.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the important role of cultural and humanitarian cooperation for the interaction and mutual understanding promotion between regionally close states in the vector of Eurasian integration. On the example of Russia, Pakistan and Kyrgyzstan, it has been attempted to identify the positive experience of humanitarian cooperation with these countries shared historical and socio-cultural memory going back to Soviet times. It has been also shown, that, despite unprecedented increase at the present stage of anti-Russian campaign on the part of the United States and its allies, there is orientation maintenance among these friendly countries towards each other states on the implementation of Eurasian integration processes. Last but not least, it has been achieved by creating an intercultural dialogue through people diplomacy and shared historical memory protection by friendly nations associated, besides other things, with the creative heritage of outstanding Soviet, Russian, Kyrgyz and Pakistani writers, scientists and public figures. Among them, there are two main personalities of Eurasian friends — the Pakistani poet Faiz Ahmad Faiz and the Soviet-Russian-Kyrgyz novelist and diplomat Chingiz Torekulovich Aitmatov, whose rich literary and social activities contributed to the enhancement of interstate cooperation in the field of culture, science and public relations, peoples convergence in the Eurasian space as a whole.
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Klimkin, Pavlo, and Andreas Umland. "Geopolitical Implications and Challenges of the Coronavirus Crisis for Ukraine." World Affairs 183, no. 3 (August 12, 2020): 256–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0043820020942493.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Among various geopolitical repercussions of the COVID-19 pandemic are redefinitions of the short-term priorities of many international organizations. Among others, the European Union (EU) and North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) are becoming absorbed by new internal challenges, and are thus even less interested in further enlargement than before. Against this background, Kyiv, Tbilisi, and Chisinau, as well as their Western friends, need to seek new paths to increase the three countries’ security, resilience, and growth before their accession to the West’s major organizations. Above all, an alternative way to decrease Ukraine’s current institutional isolation is to develop more intense bilateral relations with friendly states across the globe, including Germany and the United States. In Eastern Europe, moreover, Ukraine, Georgia, and Moldova should attempt to create new multilateral networks with post-communist member countries of NATO as well as the EU, and try to become part of such structures as the Three Seas Initiative or Bucharest Nine group.
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Zikriya, Naushad Khan, and Asif Salim. "Middle East Dilemma: Pakistan’s Role as Mediator for Conflict Resolution." Liberal Arts and Social Sciences International Journal (LASSIJ) 3, no. 1 (December 31, 2019): 9–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.lassij/3.1.2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The development of International relations together with forces like globalization and technology has brought the world closer to each other. Friendly ties and relations with states create massive challenges during times of conflict. The focus of the paper is on the crisis evolving in the Middle East region and the role of Pakistan in solving those crisis considering relations with its closest allies, political and financial circumstances, and its foreign policy principles. A qualitative research approach with desk analysis technique has been applied to analyse the role of Pakistan as a mediator for the conflict resolution among Middle Eastern countries. The research highlights how the disputes created great problems for Pakistan but it is still striving to resolve conflicts among Middle Eastern countries because maintaining peace and prosperity in the Muslim world has always been a top priority of Pakistan’s foreign policy.
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Trujillo-del-Arco, Ángela. "The 50th anniversary of the Declaration on Friendly Relations and its Role in the Jurisprudence of the International Court of Justice." Anuario Español de Derecho Internacional 37 (April 23, 2021): 251–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.15581/010.37.251-277.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In commemoration of the fifty-year anniversary of the adoption of the United Nations General Assembly resolution 2625 (XXV), Declaration on Principles of International Law concerning Friendly Relations and Co-operation among States in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations, it is fitting to assess the current relevance of this document in the international legal order. An indepth study of the contentious cases and the advisory opinions of the International Court of Justice allows to demonstrate that this instrument is not a mere declaration. On the contrary, it will be shown that, in the present day, it is a key instrument in the resolution of disputes between States.
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Chen, Jie. "The New Evolution of China’s Diplomacy with Arab States Under the Background of the Sino- U.S. Competition: Trends and Prospects." Chinese and Arab Studies 2, no. 2 (December 1, 2022): 173–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/caas-2022-2015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The interaction between China and Arab countries has a long history. After entering the 21stcentury, China-Arab relations have ushered in many important stages. In July 2018, the two sides agreed to establish a strategic partnership, which has become a new historical beginning for China-Arab friendly cooperation. At the same time, Sino-US relations plummeted. The United States changed its strategic positioning towards China, strengthened its containment of China, and opened the era of Sino-U.S. strategic competition. Therefore, China-Arab relations will be in an important field of strategic competition between China and the United States, which will become an important variable affecting the development of China-Arab relations. Starting from the internal and external factors affecting China-Arab relations, this paper intends to further analyze the changes in China’s diplomatic style of becoming more active in participating in Arab affairs and diversifying the fields and modes of exchange between the two sides under the current background of great power competition, then clarify the unity of stage and long-term, response and initiative, context and totality, and theory and practice embodied in such changes. At present, China must not only recognize the strategic significance of Arab countries, but also correctly understand the strategic contraction of the United States in the Middle East, and further consolidate China-Arab relations, expand the increment of cooperation, and pay attention to each other’s core interests by strengthening the frequency of diplomacy between heads of state, strengthening the use of multilateral mechanisms, strengthening the docking of development strategies, strengthening the supply of public goods, and strengthening exchanges and mutual learning among civilizations.
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Kuo, Raymond. "Secrecy among Friends: Covert Military Alliances and Portfolio Consistency." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 1 (May 16, 2019): 63–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719849676.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Scholars think that friendly nations adopt secrecy to avoid domestic costs and facilitate cooperation. But this article uncovers a historical puzzle. Between 1870 and 1916, over 80 percent of alliance ties were partially or completely covert. Otherwise, hidden pacts are rare. Why was secrecy prevalent in this particular period and not others? This article presents a theory of “portfolio consistency.” Public agreements undermine the rank of hidden alliances. A partner willing to openly commit to another country but not to you signals the increased importance of this other relationship. States pressure their covert partners to avoid subsequent public pacts. This creates a network effect: the more secret partners a state has, the greater the incentives to maintain secrecy in later military agreements. Covert alliances have a cumulative effect. In seeking the flexibility of hidden partnerships, states can lock themselves into a rigid adherence to secrecy.
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Ochim, Fidelis, and Haruna Hassan. "US-Iran Relations and its Implications on International Peace and Security." African Journal of Politics and Administrative Studies 16, no. 1 (June 1, 2023): 509–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.4314/ajpas.v16i1.29.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This piece analyses stages of friendly as well as ferocious relationships between United States of America (US) and the Islamic Republic of Iran. The paper identified unhealthy struggle for dominance and the attendant use of surrogates by the countries to achieve their aims. The paper objective centres on ascertaining the causes of the multi-decade sour relations between the states. With the aid of descriptive approach, data obtained from text books, journals, mass media (of international repute), and internet resources were sourced and analysed. Theoretically, Morgenthau’s political realism, with emphasis on interest defined in terms of (political, economic, military and other corollaries) of power was adopted to unravel the relation between the variables. Findings show that US and Iran were allies before a military coup that unseat the democratically elected Prime Minister Mohammed Mossadeq and restored full political powers to the Shah in 1953. There was a trilateral relation amongst Iran, US and Israel; the relationship, necessitated by the fear of Soviet expansion into Middle East by all parties and amplified by Iran’s strategic position between Far-East and Indian Ocean and the need to protect multiple US economic interests in Iran, instilled fears and suspicion among Sunni majority of the region. The paper, also, traces the non-Arab cultural, linguistic, and historic Judeo and Persian national identities distinct in an otherwise predominantly Sunni-Arab region. Also that a US-Iran war portent the ability to suspend the fragile peace in the Middle East and further wreck the relations between US and host of Iranian super allies. Thus, the paper recommends among others that, there is need for the two sides to maintain their border of influence to allow peace and stability of the international political system though anarchically laden.
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Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
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A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
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van der Noll, Jolanda, and Henk Dekker. "A comparative analysis of Chinese urban citizens’ attitudes towards the EU, the United States, Russia and Japan." International Relations 30, no. 4 (July 26, 2016): 456–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0047117816649249.
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What are the attitudes towards the European Union (EU), the United States, Russia and Japan among Chinese urban citizens, and how can we explain these attitudes? These are the intriguing questions that we want to answer in this article. The image, social identity, trust, and political socialization theories proposed the various explanatory variables. We assessed their explanatory powers by analysing survey data from more than 2000 Chinese urban citizens. Most empirical evidence is found for the image theory: positive perceptions of the people (trustworthy and peaceful) and the bilateral relationship (friendly) clearly contribute to positive attitudes.
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Cha, Victor D. "Balance, Parallelism, and Asymmetry: United States-Korea Relations." Journal of East Asian Studies 1, no. 1 (February 2001): 179–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800000278.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The George W. Bush presidency has raised wide speculation about future United States' policy toward the Korean peninsula. The conventional wisdom among pundits in Washington, Seoul and elsewhere is that the incoming administration will switch to a ‘harder line’ regarding the Democratic Peoples' Republic of Korea (DPRK) and move away from the engagement policy practiced during the Clinton administration. In a similar vein, others have argued that Bush will place a premium on reaffirming and consolidating ties with traditional allies and friends like the Republic of Korea (ROK), Japan, and Taiwan while downplaying strategic engagement with China. The problem with such punditry is that it is usually overstated and under analyzed. Given the current state of relations, there is little incentive for dramatic changes in U.S. policy toward North Korea or with regard to the U.S.-ROK alliance. Moreover, given what is known of the Bush administration's foreign policy vision, there is little evidence upon which to predict an unadulterated hard line swing in policy toward Pyongyang.
Дисертації з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Barnett, Michael Antonio. "Intra-racial relations among blacks in the United States: dissimilarities, partnerships, and common identities." FIU Digital Commons, 1997. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1400.
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In the wake of a steadily increasing diversity in ethnicity among Blacks in the United States, efforts need to be made to analyze and understand the dynamics of the relations among the various Black ethnic groups in the United States. This thesis explores the present state of relations among these groups by utilizing an extensive literature review on the topic in conjunction with in-depth interviews. What is of particular interest here are the differing and similar intergroup perspectives on self-identity, as well as any cultural similarities and dissimilarities that exist. We find that the cultural dissimilarities create barriers to harmonious relations among the groups, while particular ideologies such as Pan-Africanism and Black nationalism provide the basis for strong unified fronts and partnerships for those who embrace them.
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Wakabayashi, Satomi. "Personal assertiveness and perceived social support satisfaction among international graduate students." Virtual Press, 1995. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/955095.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present exploratory study focused on international graduate students who might experience some difficulties with major life transitions and studying in a different culture. The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between personal assertiveness and social support satisfaction among international graduate students. The researcher hypothesized that assertive international graduate students would report higher levels of seeking out and marshalling social support. Thus, they would more likely be satisfied with their perceived social support. The present study also examined several demographic variables such as ethnicity, sex, TOEFL scores, GPA, and length of stay in the U.S., as possible factors affecting their assertiveness and perceived social support satisfaction. The major findings indicated that assertiveness did not always augment social support satisfaction in the current sample. However, the results of the study demonstrated the effects of ethnicity and several other variables in predicting the levels of assertiveness and perceived social support satisfaction among international graduate students. The study also suggested several implications for future research regarding the relationship between interpersonal variables and perceived social support satisfaction.Department of Psychological Science
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Xierali, Imam M. "Modeling Politics Among Nations as Spatial Interaction: Explaining the Diplomatic Relations of the United States 1980-2000 with Spatial Regression." Cincinnati, Ohio : University of Cincinnati, 2006. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc//view?acc_num=ucin1163385033.
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Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Cincinnati, 2006.Advisor: Dr. Lin Liu. Title from electronic thesis title page (viewed Jan. 26, 2010). Keywords: lomatic relations; international relations; spatial effect; spatial interaction; the United States. Includes abstract. Includes bibliographical references.
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Jeong, Seongjung. "Relationships of cultural orientations to online public relations message preferences among United States and South Korean college students." CSUSB ScholarWorks, 2003. https://scholarworks.lib.csusb.edu/etd-project/2472.
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Hur, Mi-yeon. "Examining the Six-Party Talks Process on North Korea: Dynamic Interactions among the Principal States." Thesis, University of Bradford, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10454/14880.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This doctoral thesis aims to provide a comprehensive and historical analysis of foreign policy behaviour of the principal states involved in nuclear talks on North Korea known as the Six-Party Talks (SPT). Despite the failure in achieving a primary objective of denuclearizing North Korea, the SPT were believed to provide interesting and informative cases to investigate dynamic interactions among states engaged in security talks with different motives and interests. For a holistic approach to foreign policy analysis, the thesis adopts a newly introduced theoretical framework called Interactionist Role Theory (IRT) which integrates the levels of analysis from individuals to international system by incorporating the concept of ‘roles’. Based on IRT, the thesis examines what drove the concerned states’ foreign policy shifts; what kinds of discrepancies the states experienced between or among competing roles (role conflicts); how successful their deliberate policy implementations were (role-makings); and what structural effects their foreign policy decisions had on the overall Six-Party Talks process. The thesis findings support the IRT premise that it is critical to understand a state’s perceived ideal roles to accurately identify the state’s motives for actions regarding particular foreign policy issues. The prevalence of inter-role conflicts at the time of states’ role-makings evinces that the SPT as social constraints did exert competing role expectations that challenged the member states’ role conceptions. Above all, the sequential analysis of the SPT process clearly shows the mutual influence between the member states (agents) and the SPT (social structure), which implies successful multilateral negotiations require reciprocal relations among participating states where all parties’ desired roles (role conceptions) are mutually verified and affirmed. The thesis is deemed to give insightful messages to conventional foreign policy readings that predominantly view the nuclear drama in the Northeast Asia region from a binary focus of US-DPRK mutual deterrence.
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Lee, Sangmi. "Between the diaspora and the nation-state : transnational continuity and fragmentation among Hmong in Laos and the United States." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2015. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:644c93e2-ae52-494d-93ca-ebda995bd0a0.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Based on fourteen-months of multi-sited, ethnographic fieldwork that compares two Hmong communities in Vang Vieng, Laos, and Sacramento, California in the United States, my doctoral thesis examines how the Hmong diaspora is constituted in the absence of a territorial ethnic homeland. Although scholars claim that the Hmong originated in the southwestern part of China, many Hmong are uncertain about their origins and have lost their connections to the ancestral homeland. This thesis suggests we examine diasporas as a dialectical process involving both transnational continuity and national differentiation. Despite their further migratory dispersal after the Vietnam War, Hmong in Laos and the United States have actively created a transnational diasporic community by maintaining their cultural practices across national borders, particularly in the domains of kinship practices and spiritual rituals. At the same time, diasporic Hmong have also created partial 'homes' in the nation-states where they reside. Therefore, their ethnic traditions and perceptions are transformed according to different national contexts, such as local socioeconomic conditions, state policies, and access to economic capital. This results in cultural differences within the diaspora. In addition, Hmong in different countries disagree about their relative position in the diaspora in relation to each other, leading to discursive fragmentation. As a result, diasporas are refracted through different national affiliations. Nonetheless, the sense of national belonging among diasporic Hmong remains partial because they continue to experience social, economic, and ethnic marginalization as an ethnic minority group in both Laos and the United States, which causes them to maintain a diasporic affiliation to Hmong scattered in other countries as an alternative source of ethnic belonging. In this sense, the Hmong are constantly positioned 'in-between' the diaspora and the nation-state.
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Sharapova, Sevara. "The Impact of U.S. Efforts to Promote Regional Cooperation among the Five Post-Soviet Central Asian States on Social and Economic Stability of the Central Asian Region." Ohio University / OhioLINK, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=ohiou1275688413.
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Smith, Erin. "A cross-cultural examination of the relations among Parkinson’s disease impairments, caregiver burden and mental health, and family dynamics in Mexico and the United States." VCU Scholars Compass, 2019. https://scholarscompass.vcu.edu/etd/5814.
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Parkinson’s Disease (PD) is a common progressive neurodegenerative disorder that leads to both physical and cognitive impairment over time. Eventually, these impairments may include the loss of autonomy, and the individual may require the assistance of an informal caregiver. Informal caregivers are critical in the care of individuals with PD and spend substantial time providing care, which may be associated with negative caregiver outcomes such as burden, mental health issues, as well as poor family dynamics. Although research in the United States and Europe has generally supported these relations, there is very limited research on PD caregiving in Latin America. Given the rapidly aging population of Latin America, research suggests that the prevalence of PD is likely to increase substantially. Although cultural values such as familism may encourage informal caregiving in Latin America, very little is known about either PD patient or caregiver experiences in the region and how they may differ from those in the United States and Europe.
As such, the current study built upon Pearlin’s caregiving stress process model to examine how PD-related impairments, caregiver burden and mental health, and family dynamics may differ between the United States and Mexico and to examine connections among the following variables in a sample of PD caregivers from the United States and Mexico: (a) PD-related impairments (motor and non-motor symptoms) and caregiver burden, (b) caregiver burden and caregiver mental health, (c) PD-related impairments and mental health through caregiver burden, and (d) family dynamics which may moderate these relations.
The current study consisted of caregivers of individuals with PD (total N = 253) from the United States (N = 105) and Mexico (N = 148). A series of t-tests and mediational models were conducted to determine the connections among PD-related impairments, caregiver burden and mental health, and family dynamics. Results suggested that caregivers from the United States site experienced higher levels of caregiver burden, although there were no significant differences in caregiver mental health. Further, caregiver burden fully mediated the relation between PD-related impairments and caregiver mental health at both study sites, although family dynamics did not moderate these mediational models as hypothesized. Despite the importance of cultural values such as familism in Latin America, family dynamics explained more variance in the model at the United States site than at the Mexico site. Exploratory analyses found that caregivers from the Mexico site more frequently reported suicidal and self-injurious thoughts but did not find a significant disparity in self-reported gender of the caregiver.
Overall, the current study identified significant relations among PD-related impairments, caregiver burden and mental health, and family dynamics among caregivers of individuals with PD from the United States and Mexico. Findings from the current study highlight a number of important interventions for caregivers and families, including caregiver burden and mental health, as well as family dynamics.
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LaMar, Desireah A. "Exploring differences in approaches to conflict and satisfaction among Mexican American and European American romantic partners within the United States." Scholarly Commons, 2016. https://scholarlycommons.pacific.edu/uop_etds/239.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This qualitative study investigated conflict within intercultural romantic relationships between Mexican American and European American partners within the United States. The goal of this study was to explore and understand the causes of differences in conflict and resulting relationship satisfaction in this largely underexplored area of intercultural relationships. Seven couples were interviewed and asked a total of 27 questions aimed at finding answers to the main research questions, which were: (1) in what ways do Mexican American and European American partners in romantic relationships experience conflict in their relationship; and (2) in what ways do Mexican American and European American partners try to resolve conflict; and (3) how do their conflict styles and ability to resolve conflict impact their relationship satisfaction? The interviews were transcribed and analyzed for themes related to the research questions. The most frequently occurring themes discovered were: (1) gender expectations, (2) family obligations, (3) finances, (4) experience of being the minority, and (5) language barriers and exclusion. Implications and suggestions for future research are provided.
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Cannon, Douglas Farber. "Speaking of faith : public relations practice among religion communicators in the United States." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2152/18056.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study expands the body of knowledge relating to Excellence Public Relations Theory to a new area--religion communication. The project replicated portions of the survey research reported in Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002). That research, done from 1991 to 2002, involved top communicators, employees and chief executives in 327 secular organizations across the United States, United Kingdom and Canada. This project surveyed members of the Religion Communicators Council in 2006 and 2007. A second survey in 2008 sought responses to similar questions from faith group leaders who supervised respondents to the 2006-07 survey. Answers from religion communicators were compared to those of their supervisors and secular practitioners in earlier studies. Comparisons showed that religion communicators in this study were a distinct subgroup of U.S. public relations practitioners. RCC members worked primarily as communication technicians, not managers. That made them different from practitioners in the 327 secular organizations studied by Grunig, Grunig and Dozier (2002). Furthermore, religion communicators and their supervisors did not always agree with the way four models in Excellence Theory described different approaches to public relations. Religion communicators also did not know what their supervisors expected from them or their departments. Communicators overestimated their supervisors’ support for the press agentry/publicity and public information models of public relations. Communicators underestimated support for the two-way symmetrical and asymmetrical models. Likewise, communicators rated their contributions to the work of their faith groups lower than their supervisors did. Faith group leaders said they wanted communicators to be managers more than technicians. Top executives were looking for expert prescribers and problem-solving facilitators. Religion communicators weren’t filling those roles. This study looked for--but did not find--evidence of a common dynamic in Excellence and Church-Sect Theory. The two-way symmetrical public relations model mirrors the social interaction that turns sects into churches and contributes to membership gain or loss in the U.S. religion environment of 2008. But the faith groups of religion communicators did not influence the way they answered survey questions about various public relations models. Consequently, no link between communication practices and membership change was shown.text
Книги з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Charles, Kupchan, Davidson Jason, and Sucharov Mira, eds. Power in transition: The peaceful change of international order. Tokyo: United Nations University Press, 2001.
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1949-, Pipes Daniel, and Garfinkle Adam M. 1951-, eds. Friendly tyrants: An American dilemma. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1991.
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1949-, Pipes Daniel, and Garfinkle Adam M. 1951-, eds. Friendly tyrants: An American dilemma. Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1991.
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Labīb, Salwá Muḥammad. The political relations among the upper Nile states. [Cairo]: Institute of African Studies, Cairo University, 1987.
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Millett, Richard L. Reshaping cooperative security among Central American states. [Washington, D.C.?]: Institute for National Strategic Studies, 1995.
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Troubled apologies among Japan, Korea, and the United States. New York: Columbia University Press, 2008.
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1927-, Stern Robert Mitchell, University of Michigan. Institute of Public Policy Studies., University of Michigan. Japan Economy Program., and University of Western Ontario. Centre for the Study of International Economic Relations., eds. Trade and investment relations among the United States, Canada, and Japan. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1989.
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Jurgen, Schmandt, and Roderick Hilliard, eds. Acid rain and friendly neighbors: The policy dispute between Canada and the United States. Durham: Duke University Press, 1985.
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Gentile New York: The images of non-Jews among Jewish immigrants. New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 2012.
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Schatzberg, Michael G. Mobutu or chaos: Zaire's friendly tyrant. Philadelphia, Pa: Foreign Policy Research Institute, 1990.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Pataraia, David. "Principles of international law concerning friendly relations and co-operation among states in accordance with the Charter of the United Nations." In International Law, 127–203. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003213772-3.
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Mawer, Richard. "Mice among the Tigers: Adding Value in NGO-Government Relations in South-East Asia." In NGOs, States and Donors, 243–53. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25253-4_16.
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Szalai, Máté. "Transboundary Water Management Among Small Island Developing States: Dynamics of Conflict and Cooperation." In Theorizing Transboundary Waters in International Relations, 225–43. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-43376-4_13.
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Bekkevold, Jo Inge. "Imperialist Master, Comrade in Arms, Foe, Partner, and Now Ally? China’s Changing Views of Russia." In Russia-China Relations, 41–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_3.
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AbstractChina no longer sees Russia as a rival. This is not the result of friendly ties, shared values, or growing economic cooperation, but an outcome of the dramatic shift in the balance of power between them. Moreover, China’s contemporary policy toward Russia is not driven by Xi Jinping’s possible fondness for Putin or Russia, but by strategic calculations about what best serves Chinese interests. China’s number one priority today is to balance the United States in the Indo-Pacific naval theatre, and it is thus in Beijing’s interest to keep its strategic rear to Russia safe. This chapter argues that balance of power theories is the best tool to explain China’s growing ties with Russia. History, identity, and ideology are important variables for understanding China’s relationship with Russia. Yet, few, if any, bilateral relationships between two major countries have changed back and forth so dramatically as that of China and Russia. Examining Sino-Russian relations across several time periods, this chapter illustrates that there is no single continuous historical narrative or identity in China on Russia. During the last century, China has seen Russia as an imperialist master, a comrade in arms, a foe, and a partner, and it is now discussing whether it should be an ally.
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Wang, Yong. "Complexity of the Relations Among Leading States and Following States: The Case of East Asian Regional Integration." In Global and Regional Leadership of BRICS Countries, 189–208. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-22972-0_11.
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Schimmelfennig, Frank. "Rhetorical Entrapment in EU–Turkey Relations." In EU-Turkey Relations, 139–56. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-70890-0_6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis chapter describes and applies the rhetorical action approach to EU–Turkey relations. Generally, rhetorical entrapment denotes the mechanism by which actors are compelled to act in conformance with their prior argumentative commitments. In the context of EU enlargement, member states have committed themselves to enlargement norms and promises in line with the fundamental purpose and values of the EU (such as pan-European community building, liberal democracy and supranationalism). Rhetorical entrapment played an important role in bringing about Eastern enlargement when the Eastern European countries faced significant resistance among the old member states. Finally, the chapter analyzes the rhetorical entrapment mechanism in the accession process of Turkey, which had an even more unfavorable starting position. As long as Turkey progressed on meeting the official political criteria for EU membership, however, the opponents of Turkish membership were bound by their normative commitment and felt compelled to decide in favor of accession negotiations. The rhetorical entrapment mechanism also elucidates why accession negotiations began to stall soon after their start. The opponents of Turkish membership were released from the rhetorical trap when Turkey failed to heed its own promises and honor its own obligations as a candidate state.
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Vrublevskaya, Polina, Marcus Moberg, and Sławomir Sztajer. "The Role of Religion in Society and Public Life: Perspectives Among Young Adults in Post-Communist Russia and Poland." In The Diversity Of Worldviews Among Young Adults, 285–301. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94691-3_14.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractFollowing the collapse of the Communist system in the early 1990s, past decades have witnessed the re-institution of the Russian Orthodox Church in Russia and the Polish Catholic Church in Poland. As a crucial part of these developments, both churches have significantly increased their presence throughout several areas of public life and established ever-closer relations to their respective states and political establishments. This paper applies Jose Casanova’s conception of public religion to frame how these tendencies are perceived and experienced by the present young adult generation in Poland and Russia. The analysis of the Russian and Polish young adults’ views on the present-day role of religion in the wider society and public life reveal several concerns about the current church-state relations in both countries. Without necessarily taking a negative stance towards religion or religious traditions as such, respondents mostly expressed their views on the public role of religion in society through three interrelated main discourses: a discourse of differentiation, a discourse of diversity and plurality, and a discourse of tradition and modernity. In general, narratives are built upon the prevalent discursive formations on individual rights and freedoms as the natural and taken-for-granted states of affairs in modern democratic societies.
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Varella, Marcelo Dias. "The Greater Complexity of International Law with the Intensification of Relations Among States and International Organizations." In Internationalization of Law, 57–113. Berlin, Heidelberg: Springer Berlin Heidelberg, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-642-54163-6_3.
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Teixeira, Carlos, and Anabel Lopez. "Settlement and Rental Housing Experiences Among Recent Immigrants in the Suburbs of Vancouver: Burnaby, Richmond, and Surrey." In IMISCOE Research Series, 205–25. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-55680-7_11.
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AbstractThe suburbanization of immigrants in Canada is a relatively recent phenomenon, and these suburban settlement experiences and residential patterns are varied and complex. This chapter explores the settlement and housing experiences of recent immigrants in Burnaby, Richmond, and Surrey – three culturally diverse and fast-growing Vancouver suburbs – as well as the interactions between suburbanization processes and the housing strategies of migrants. Securing good-quality, affordable housing is key to the successful resettlement and integration of immigrants. For this study, data were collected from questionnaire surveys administered to 137 immigrants renting in the suburbs of Vancouver. The findings revealed that transitioning from their homelands was a stressful and costly experience. Given the escalating housing costs in the rental and homeownership markets and low vacancy rates, most participants had difficulties finding housing. Participants coped by sharing housing with relatives or friends to save money or by renting a basement. They also reported financial stress, with most living in unaffordable rental housing. The low vacancy rates in Vancouver’s suburbs have created a ‘landlord’s market’ and about one-third of participants reported perceived discrimination based on income, large family size, immigrant status, and general mistrust of their cultural, religious, racial, or ethnic backgrounds.
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Nester, William R. "The Far East Ménage à Trois: Geoeconomic and Geopolitical Relations among Japan, China, and the United States." In The Roles of the United States, Russia and China in the New World Order, 67–103. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-25189-6_4.
Повний текст джерелаТези доповідей конференцій з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Ardıl, Cemal. "Turkey - Black Sea Economic Cooperation Organization: Foreign Trade Relations during the 1996-2012 Period." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c04.00661.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper presents the regional economic relations between Turkey and Black See Economic Cooperation Organization (BSEC). The Heads of State and Government of eleven countries: Albania, Armenia, Azerbaijan, Bulgaria, Georgia, Greece, Moldova, Romania, Russia, Turkey and Ukraine signed the Summit Declaration and the Bosphorus Statement giving birth to the Black Sea Economic Cooperation on 25 June 1992, in Istanbul. On 5 June 1998, the Heads of State or Government signed the BSEC Charter, came into force on 1 May 1999 BSEC has evolved into an international regional organization for economic cooperation. The organization has 12 members since Serbia joining the organization in 2004. It came into existence as a unique and promising model of multilateral political and economic initiative aimed at fostering interaction and harmony among the Member States, as well as to ensure peace, stability and prosperity encouraging friendly and good-neighbourly relations in the Black Sea region. Countries bordering the Black Sea, Balkan and Caucasus formed the BSEC countries cover an area of approximately 20 million square kilometer and represent more than 350 million people. The region with the foreign trade volume of U.S. $ 300 billion per year draws attention to the rich natural resources; and is the main European energy and transport corridor transfer. The Black Sea region is a contested neighbourhood and the subject of intense debates and conflicts in the globe. Also, this reflects the changing dynamics of the Black Sea region, its complex realities, the interests of outsiders and the region’s relations with the rest of the globe. Moreover, its strategic position, linking north to south and east to west, as well as its oil, gas, transport and trade routes are all important reasons for its increasing relevance. Turkey's foreign trade volume with BSEC member countries is steadily increasing as per the findings over the period of 1996-2012.
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Bandi, István. "The struggle of Bessarabian refugees in Romania as reflected in the counter intelligence files of the Securitate." In Latinitate, Romanitate, Românitate. Conferinţa ştiinţifică internaţională, Ediția a 7-a. Moldova State University, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.59295/lrr2023.31.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Romania’s position in the period 1948-1958 was directly dependent on the foreign and security policy of the Soviet Union, so that, in the first years of the Cold War, Moscow’s relations with the West were dominated by the communist ideology approach, which was faithfully copied by the elite of the Romanian party. In the first years after the Second World War, the Soviet Union’s guarantee for its own security was the sovietization of the territories that had become annexed states, thus effectively ceding the right of decision in the political, social, economic and military fields to the Soviet Union. In the first decade after World War II, Bucharest, a staunch ally of Moscow, subtly changed direction and began to build its own line of communism. Thanks to the concessions made by Khrushchev and the perseverance of the Romanian political leadership, Romania escaped the military presence and Soviet advisors. Starting from 1965, N. Ceaușescu, who continued Romania’s independence policy within the Warsaw Pact, firmly condemned Moscow’s intervention in Prague, thus laying the foundations for economic and political support from Western states. However, the reality of being incorporated into the Soviet bloc forced Romania to maintain „fraternal and friendly international relations” with the Soviet Union. The 1970 Treaty of Friendship, Cooperation and Mutual Assistance, as well as the 1976 Treaty of Friendship and Cooperation with the Soviet Union attest that the so-called coexistence and cooperation expected at the highest diplomatic level have been fulfilled. This situation did not change even in the eighth decade of the last century, the Ceaușescu regime remained preserved in neo-Stalinism, based on the cult of personality and the model of the single absolutist leader, although Mihail Gorbachev suggested, among other things, the velvet socialist model for Romania. In accordance with the real expectations of the political leadership, the Romanian state security constantly documented the actions related to the implementation of Soviet influence and intervention. The present study presents the actions carried out by the state security at that time (Securitatea), in which Romanian citizens were involved whose only crime was that they had previously lived in Bessarabia.
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Huang, Zhaoqiang, Xuezhi Feng, Wenling Xuan, and Xiuwan Chen. "Causal relations among events and states in dynamic geographical phenomena." In Geoinformatics 2007, edited by Jingming Chen and Yingxia Pu. SPIE, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1117/12.761865.
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Du, Heming, Lincheng Li, Zi Huang, and Xin Yu. "Object-Goal Visual Navigation via Effective Exploration of Relations Among Historical Navigation States." In 2023 IEEE/CVF Conference on Computer Vision and Pattern Recognition (CVPR). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/cvpr52729.2023.00252.
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Abrantes, Noemi Pereira Araújo, Antonio Augusto Martins Pereira Júnior, Daysianne Kessy Mendes Isidorio, Matheus Emerick de Magellan, and Filipe de Almeida Araújo. "Environmentally friendly methods for synthesis of reduced graphene oxide." In II INTERNATIONAL SEVEN MULTIDISCIPLINARY CONGRESS. Seven Congress, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/homeinternationalanais-030.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Orange production in Brazil is an expressive activity for the country's trade relations. According to an annual report by the United States Department of Agriculture (USDA), Brazil is the largest producer of orangein the world, and produced 14,712,000 tons in the 2020/21 crop season. Records indicate that this panorama has been repeated over the last few years, which also occurs for orange products, such as processed fruit juice, which accounts for about 73% of the world's exports of the product (USDA, 2022).
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Pirimbaev, Jusup, and Anara Kamalova. "Economic Cooperation Development Issues between the EAEU." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c13.02595.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Organization of the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU) is the first real attempt to conduct integration processes in the post-soviet space among several states. However, the question of its expansion at the expense of other states remains open, as well as the further deepening of relations within the Union and the improvement of the mechanisms for integrating the economies of the member states. In this regard, the analysis of the state of economic relations is carried out and the ways of solving some aspects of the coming period are shown. The main idea of solving the problems of the Union is the gradual and effective development of standards for economic relations.
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Федоровский, А. О. "Features of the European Union's trade and economic relations with Canada and Mexico." In II Международная научно-практическая конференция "НАУКА И ОБЩЕСТВО: ИНСТРУМЕНТЫ И РЕШЕНИЯ ГЛОБАЛЬНЫХ ПРОБЛЕМ СОВРЕМЕННОСТИ". Crossref, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.26118/3118.2024.60.38.015.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Комплексный анализ торговли Северной Америки и Европейского союза проводится достаточно редко, причем, в основном, когда говорят о взаимодействии ЕС и Северной Америки, то имеют в виду отношения США и Европейского союза. Несмотря на незначительный уровень торгового взаимодействия Европейского Союза и таких стран Северной Америки, как Мексика или Канада, изучение его с научной точки зрения представляет особую важность. На фоне исторических событий 1990-х годов и усиления европейской интеграции участились попытки Европейского Союза закрепиться в качестве ключевого экономического партнера среди стран Северной Америки. В современной ситуации в связи с увеличением поставок сжиженного газа становится понятно, что заключенные ранее договоренности требуют трансформации с целью снижения уровня зависимости Европейского Союза от Соединенных Штатов Америки и увеличения экономического участия ЕС среди других стран. A comprehensive analysis of trade between North America and the European Union is carried out quite rarely, and, mainly, when talking about the interaction of the EU and North America, they mean the relations between the United States and the European Union. Despite the low level of trade interaction between the European Union and North American countries such as Mexico or Canada, studying it is also a very important factor. Against the background of the historical events of the 1990s and the strengthening of European integration, the European Union's attempts to gain a foothold as an important economic partner among other North American countries have become more frequent. In the current situation, due to the increase in liquefied natural gas supplies, it becomes clear that the previously concluded agreements require transformation in order to reduce the level of dependence on the United States of America and increase the economic participation of the EU among other mainland countries.
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Pevcin, Primož. "The Evidence on the Specifics of Public Spending in Small States." In Society’s Challenges for Organizational Opportunities: Conference Proceedings. University of Maribor Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18690/um.fov.3.2022.56.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Literature focusing on the small states started to emerge after the World War II. This literature has occasionally stressed the relations among the size of the state and governmental interventionism, exemplifying that small states should be more expensive to run. As rather mixed empirical results tend to be delivered on whether small states should have larger governments, and in order to provide additional empirical evidence, this paper at hand explores how the size of a state relates to the size of the government. Specifically, the study intends to address also the question whether smaller states are different in comparison to larger states regarding the structure and volume of government spending. The findings indicate that scale economies effect can be observed only for governmental consumption spending, but we cannot directly empirically confirm scale effects and the notion on the risk- reducing role of the state for governmental transfer spending.
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Ungureanu, George Daniel. "Romania, Bulgaria and the Dobrujan issue in the first year of the Great War." In 8th International e-Conference on Studies in Humanities and Social Sciences. Center for Open Access in Science, Belgrade, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.32591/coas.e-conf.08.08105u.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The problem of the Dobrujan land frontier between the Bulgarian and Romanian national states, which officially came up after the San Stefano and Berlin (1878) peace treaties and was aggravated by the Peace of Bucharest (1913), dominated the bilateral relations for a few decades. The hereby study focuses on the period August 1914 – September 1915, when both South-Eastern European states were neutral towards the Great War. This context led to various proposals, projects and scenarios concerning the Romanian-Bulgarian relations and implicitly related to the fate of Dobruja. Our effort deals with three levels: the positions of the Great Powers, their relations with Bucharest and Sofia, and the direct relations between the two South-Eastern European states. Chronologically, this period is divided into several stages, marked by the Ottoman Empire’s entry in the war (1 November 1914), the deadlock of the negotiations between Bulgaria and the Entente (March 1915), Italy’s option to renounce neutrality (23 May 1915) and the onset of the final talks concerning Bulgaria’s option to join the Central Powers (July 1915). Among the most relevant sources, we need to mention the Romanian Military Archives from Piteşti and the works of synthesis written by the Bulgarian historians Georgi Markov, Ivan Ilčev and Žeko Popov, dealing with the period 1913-1919.
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Rodríguez Carrión, Awilda. "The Hidden Ground: Native American Intercultural Relations." In Schools of Thought Conference. University of Oklahoma, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/11244/335070.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the last two decades, a trend has been developing in the design community to promote social equity and emphasize the ethical responsibility of design. Community participation, programming, and post-occupancy evaluations have cemented a more democratic design process in which users, clients, and community members are given a voice to affect the final architecture product through a process called participatory design. This modus operandi becomes more vital when dealing with subcultures that historically have felt marginalized from the dominant culture. In the United States, there is great diversity among Native Americans, but our mainstream culture tends to see them as a homogeneous group, focusing on their commonalities rather than discovering and understanding individual tribal values. With the blind acceptance of generalizations about any subculture, we may miss the critical details that shape the opportunity to showcase their uniqueness and celebrate their differences. Within the studio context, what learning modalities are best to implement a participatory and constructivist learning experience? Traditionally, studio teaching with project-based design focuses on students learning formal considerations of design such as theory, environmental/structural performance, and implementation of regulatory measures. The participatory design methodology (PDM) differs in its approach by focusing on a process that emerges from all players. It does not dictate design but creates an environment that allows it to emerge through the process and interactions. The PDM process prioritizes collective synergy and creativity using participation techniques to allow for alternative solutions. In response to an inquiry by the Pawnee Native American Tribe, which invited us to investigate a proper approach to conduct design propositions within their land, this paper will report the lessons learned from the process and will exhibit alternate ways of implementing design ideas, using methodologies that expand the boundaries of academia while reaching out to native communities.
Звіти організацій з теми "FRIENDLY RELATIONS AMONG STATES"
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Roberts, Brad. Tripolar Stability: The Future of Nuclear Relations Among the United States, Russia, and China. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada409682.
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Wilfred, Wan. Nuclear Escalation Strategies and Perceptions: The United States, the Russian Federation, and China. UNIDIR, June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.37559/wmd/21/nrr/02.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study is the first in a series that profiles different “friction points” among nuclear-armed and nuclear-allied States, examining issues of contention in their relations that can spark potential conflict and nuclear escalation. It considers the multipolar dynamics between the United States, the Russian Federation, and China, and examines how fundamental mistrust among the three filters into their readings of each other’s nuclear strategies, with the potential to have an impact on escalatory risk scenarios. It then outlines a series of recommendations for the ‘great powers’ to bridge strategic perception gaps and reduce relevant risks. Part of UNIDIR’s ongoing research on nuclear risk reduction, this study is intended to feed into the dialogue on taking forward risk reduction – and on the development of practical and feasible baskets of measures that can close pathways to use of nuclear weapons.
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. Equality Denied: Tech and African Americans. Institute for New Economic Thinking, February 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp177.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thus far in reporting the findings of our project “Fifty Years After: Black Employment in the United States Under the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission,” our analysis of what has happened to African American employment over the past half century has documented the importance of manufacturing employment to the upward socioeconomic mobility of Blacks in the 1960s and 1970s and the devastating impact of rationalization—the permanent elimination of blue-collar employment—on their socioeconomic mobility in the 1980s and beyond. The upward mobility of Blacks in the earlier decades was based on the Old Economy business model (OEBM) with its characteristic “career-with-one-company” (CWOC) employment relations. At its launching in 1965, the policy approach of the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission assumed the existence of CWOC, providing corporate employees, Blacks included, with a potential path for upward socioeconomic mobility over the course of their working lives by gaining access to productive opportunities and higher pay through stable employment within companies. It was through these internal employment structures that Blacks could potentially overcome barriers to the long legacy of job and pay discrimination. In the 1960s and 1970s, the generally growing availability of unionized semiskilled jobs gave working people, including Blacks, the large measure of employment stability as well as rising wages and benefits characteristic of the lower levels of the middle class. The next stage in this process of upward socioeconomic mobility should have been—and in a nation as prosperous as the United States could have been—the entry of the offspring of the new Black blue-collar middle class into white-collar occupations requiring higher educations. Despite progress in the attainment of college degrees, however, Blacks have had very limited access to the best employment opportunities as professional, technical, and administrative personnel at U.S. technology companies. Since the 1980s, the barriers to African American upward socioeconomic mobility have occurred within the context of the marketization (the end of CWOC) and globalization (accessibility to transnational labor supplies) of high-tech employment relations in the United States. These new employment relations, which stress interfirm labor mobility instead of intrafirm employment structures in the building of careers, are characteristic of the rise of the New Economy business model (NEBM), as scrutinized in William Lazonick’s 2009 book, Sustainable Prosperity in the New Economy? Business Organization and High-Tech Employment in the United States (Upjohn Institute). In this paper, we analyze the exclusion of Blacks from STEM (science, technology, engineering, math) occupations, using EEO-1 employment data made public, voluntarily and exceptionally, for various years between 2014 and 2020 by major tech companies, including Alphabet (Google), Amazon, Apple, Cisco, Facebook (now Meta), Hewlett Packard Enterprise, HP Inc., Intel, Microsoft, PayPal, Salesforce, and Uber. These data document the vast over-representation of Asian Americans and vast under-representation of African Americans at these tech companies in recent years. The data also shine a light on the racial, ethnic, and gender composition of large masses of lower-paid labor in the United States at leading U.S. tech companies, including tens of thousands of sales workers at Apple and hundreds of thousands of laborers & helpers at Amazon. In the cases of Hewlett-Packard, IBM, and Intel, we have access to EEO-1 data from earlier decades that permit in-depth accounts of the employment transitions that characterized the demise of OEBM and the rise of NEBM. Given our findings from the EEO-1 data analysis, our paper then seeks to explain the enormous presence of Asian Americans and the glaring absence of African Americans in well-paid employment under NEBM. A cogent answer to this question requires an understanding of the institutional conditions that have determined the availability of qualified Asians and Blacks to fill these employment opportunities as well as the access of qualified people by race, ethnicity, and gender to the employment opportunities that are available. Our analysis of the racial/ethnic determinants of STEM employment focuses on a) stark differences among racial and ethnic groups in educational attainment and performance relevant to accessing STEM occupations, b) the decline in the implementation of affirmative-action legislation from the early 1980s, c) changes in U.S. immigration policy that favored the entry of well-educated Asians, especially with the passage of the Immigration Act of 1990, and d) consequent social barriers that qualified Blacks have faced relative to Asians and whites in accessing tech employment as a result of a combination of statistical discrimination against African Americans and their exclusion from effective social networks.
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Lewis, Dustin, and Naz Modirzadeh. Taking into Account the Potential Effects of Counterterrorism Measures on Humanitarian and Medical Activities: Elements of an Analytical Framework for States Grounded in Respect for International Law. Harvard Law School Program on International Law and Armed Conflict, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.54813/qbot8406.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For at least a decade, States, humanitarian bodies, and civil-society actors have raised concerns about how certain counterterrorism measures can prevent or impede humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts. In 2019, the issue drew the attention of the world’s preeminent body charged with maintaining or restoring international peace and security: the United Nations Security Council. In two resolutions — Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019) — adopted that year, the Security Council urged States to take into account the potential effects of certain counterterrorism measures on exclusively humanitarian activities, including medical activities, that are carried out by impartial humanitarian actors in a manner consistent with international humanitarian law (IHL). By implicitly recognizing that measures adopted to achieve one policy objective (countering terrorism) can impair or prevent another policy objective (safeguarding humanitarian and medical activities), the Security Council elevated taking into account the potential effects of certain counterterrorism measures on exclusively humanitarian activities to an issue implicating international peace and security. In this legal briefing, we aim to support the development of an analytical framework through which a State may seek to devise and administer a system to take into account the potential effects of counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities. Our primary intended audience includes the people involved in creating or administering a “take into account” system and in developing relevant laws and policies. Our analysis zooms in on Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019) and focuses on grounding the framework in respect for international law, notably the U.N. Charter and IHL. In section 1, we introduce the impetus, objectives, and structure of the briefing. In our view, a thorough legal analysis of the relevant resolutions in their wider context is a crucial element to laying the conditions conducive to the development and administration of an effective “take into account” system. Further, the stakes and timeliness of the issue, the Security Council’s implicit recognition of a potential tension between measures adopted to achieve different policy objectives, and the relatively scant salient direct practice and scholarship on elements pertinent to “take into account” systems also compelled us to engage in original legal analysis, with a focus on public international law and IHL. In section 2, as a primer for readers unfamiliar with the core issues, we briefly outline humanitarian and medical activities and counterterrorism measures. Then we highlight a range of possible effects of the latter on the former. Concerning armed conflict, humanitarian activities aim primarily to provide relief to and protection for people affected by the conflict whose needs are unmet, whereas medical activities aim primarily to provide care for wounded and sick persons, including the enemy. Meanwhile, for at least several decades, States have sought to prevent and suppress acts of terrorism and punish those who commit, attempt to commit, or otherwise support acts of terrorism. Under the rubric of countering terrorism, States have taken an increasingly broad and diverse array of actions at the global, regional, and national levels. A growing body of qualitative and quantitative evidence documents how certain measures designed and applied to counter terrorism can impede or prevent humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts. In a nutshell, counterterrorism measures may lead to diminished or complete lack of access by humanitarian and medical actors to the persons affected by an armed conflict that is also characterized as a counterterrorism context, or those measures may adversely affect the scope, amount, or quality of humanitarian and medical services provided to such persons. The diverse array of detrimental effects of certain counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities may be grouped into several cross-cutting categories, including operational, financial, security, legal, and reputational effects. In section 3, we explain some of the key legal aspects of humanitarian and medical activities and counterterrorism measures. States have developed IHL as the primary body of international law applicable to acts and omissions connected with an armed conflict. IHL lays down several rights and obligations relating to a broad spectrum of humanitarian and medical activities pertaining to armed conflicts. A violation of an applicable IHL provision related to humanitarian or medical activities may engage the international legal responsibility of a State or an individual. Meanwhile, at the international level, there is no single, comprehensive body of counterterrorism laws. However, States have developed a collection of treaties to pursue specific anti-terrorism objectives. Further, for its part, the Security Council has assumed an increasingly prominent role in countering terrorism, including by adopting decisions that U.N. Member States must accept and carry out under the U.N. Charter. Some counterterrorism measures are designed and applied in a manner that implicitly or expressly “carves out” particular safeguards — typically in the form of limited exceptions or exemptions — for certain humanitarian or medical activities or actors. Yet most counterterrorism measures do not include such safeguards. In section 4, which constitutes the bulk of our original legal analysis, we closely evaluate the two resolutions in which the Security Council urged States to take into account the effects of (certain) counterterrorism measures on humanitarian and medical activities. We set the stage by summarizing some aspects of the legal relations between Security Council acts and IHL provisions pertaining to humanitarian and medical activities. We then analyze the status, consequences, and content of several substantive elements of the resolutions and what they may entail for States seeking to counter terrorism and safeguard humanitarian and medical activities. Among the elements that we evaluate are: the Security Council’s new notion of a prohibited financial “benefit” for terrorists as it may relate to humanitarian and medical activities; the Council’s demand that States comply with IHL obligations while countering terrorism; and the constituent parts of the Council’s notion of a “take into account” system. In section 5, we set out some potential elements of an analytical framework through which a State may seek to develop and administer its “take into account” system in line with Resolution 2462 (2019) and Resolution 2482 (2019). In terms of its object and purpose, a “take into account” system may aim to secure respect for international law, notably the U.N. Charter and IHL pertaining to humanitarian and medical activities. In addition, the system may seek to safeguard humanitarian and medical activities in armed conflicts that also qualify as counterterrorism contexts. We also identify two sets of preconditions arguably necessary for a State to anticipate and address relevant potential effects through the development and execution of its “take into account” system. Finally, we suggest three sets of attributes that a “take into account” system may need to embody to achieve its aims: utilizing a State-wide approach, focusing on potential effects, and including default principles and rules to help guide implementation. In section 6, we briefly conclude. In our view, jointly pursuing the policy objectives of countering terrorism and safeguarding humanitarian and medical activities presents several opportunities, challenges, and complexities. International law does not necessarily provide ready-made answers to all of the difficult questions in this area. Yet devising and executing a “take into account” system provides a State significant opportunities to safeguard humanitarian and medical activities and counter terrorism while securing greater respect for international law.