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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 27 липня 2024
Оновлено: 28 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Shumakov, Andrey A. "Paul Cuffe: navigator, businessman, abolitionist." Tyumen State University Herald. Humanities Research. Humanitates 9, no. 2 (2023): 69–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.21684/2411-197x-2023-9-2-69-86.

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This article is the first in Russian historiography to provide a detailed biography of the legendary African American abolitionist and entrepreneur, Paul Cuffe. He is often referred to as the pioneer of the “Back-to-Africa” movement and a founder of the black nationalism ideological and political trend. Cuffe’s success story and public activism have inspired generations of fighters for black rights in the United States, making him one of the most revered figures in African American history. Two centuries after his untimely death, interest in Cuffe continues to grow, as evidenced by the increasing number of publications on this subject. The purpose of this work is to review Paul Cuffe’s biography using reports, letters, works, and materials from periodicals, as well as research materials from leading Western experts. The study aims to consider the early period of Cuffe’s life and his entrepreneurial and social activities. Historical-descriptive and comparative-historical methods are used to draw parallels with similar historical figures like Prince Hall. The author concludes that Cuffe’s entrepreneurial activity was closely linked to his social work. He saw the repatriation project as a promising economic venture, as evidenced by his long and systematic fundraising efforts. Cuffe’s views were influenced by the development of free trade in the late 18th and early 19th c. Regarding Cuffe’s representation as a founder of black nationalism and Pan-Africanism, the author does not find direct confirmation of this point of view during their research.
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2

Hughes, Richard. "Gates, Jr And Higginbotham, Eds., Harlem Renaissance Lives - From African American National Biography." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 34, no. 2 (September 1, 2009): 110–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.34.2.110-111.

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With hundreds of accessible entries on the lives of African Americans directly or indirectly associated with this period, Harlem Renaissance Lives is an ambitious effort to highlight, and sometimes uncover, the role of African Americans in shaping the United States in the twentieth century. While the entries are brief, the book's strength is its breadth with portraits of not only writers, artists, actors, and musicians but also educators, civil rights and labor activists, entrepreneurs, athletes, clergy, and aviators. Students of history will find familiar figures of the period such as Langston Hughes, Josephine Baker, Duke Ellington, Marcus Garvey, W.E.B. Du Bois, and Adam Clayton Powell, Jr. However, the real value of the work is in highlighting, however briefly, the lives of hundreds of lesser-known African Americans. Some figures, such as educator Roscoe Bruce, the son of a U.S. Senator, grew up relatively privileged, but many of the biographies involve African-Americans whose unlikely contributions begin with a background that included slavery and sharecropping. Regardless, each entry includes a valuable bibliography and information about relevant primary sources such as an obituary and archival collections.
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3

Carpenter, William H., Tekum Fonong, Michael J. Toth, Philip A. Ades, Jorge Calles-Escandon, Jeremy D. Walston, and Eric T. Poehlman. "Total daily energy expenditure in free-living older African-Americans and Caucasians." American Journal of Physiology-Endocrinology and Metabolism 274, no. 1 (January 1, 1998): E96—E101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1152/ajpendo.1998.274.1.e96.

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Low rates of daily energy expenditure, increased energy intake, or a combination of both contribute to obesity in African-Americans. We examined whether African-Americans have lower rates of free-living daily energy expenditure than Caucasians. One hundred sixty-four (>55 yr) volunteers (37 African-American women, 52 Caucasian women, 28 African-American men, and 47 Caucasian men) were characterized for total daily energy expenditure, resting metabolic rate, and physical activity energy expenditure from the doubly labeled water method and indirect calorimetry. Absolute total daily energy expenditure was lower in women than men but was not different between African-Americans and Caucasians. However, we found race and gender differences in total daily energy expenditure after controlling for differences in fat-free mass. Total daily energy expenditure was 10% lower ( P < 0.01) in African-Americans compared with Caucasians due to a 5% lower resting metabolic rate ( P < 0.01) and 19% lower physical activity energy expenditure ( P = 0.08). Moreover, total daily energy expenditure was 16% lower ( P < 0.01) in women compared with men due to a 6% lower resting metabolic rate ( P = 0.09) and a 37% lower physical activity energy expenditure ( P = 0.06). Low rates of energy expenditure may be a predisposing factor for obesity, particularly in African-American women.
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4

Eastman, Charmane I., Thomas A. Molina, Marissa E. Dziepak, and Mark R. Smith. "Blacks (African Americans) Have Shorter Free-Running Circadian Periods Than Whites (Caucasian Americans)." Chronobiology International 29, no. 8 (August 16, 2012): 1072–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3109/07420528.2012.700670.

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5

Wierenga, Kelly L., Rebecca L. Dekker, Terry A. Lennie, Misook L. Chung, and Kathleen Dracup. "African American Race Is Associated With Poorer Outcomes in Heart Failure Patients." Western Journal of Nursing Research 39, no. 4 (July 28, 2016): 524–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0193945916661277.

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Health care disparities associated with African American race may influence event-free survival in patients with heart failure (HF). A secondary data analysis included 863 outpatients enrolled in a multicenter HF registry. Cox regression was used to determine whether African American race was associated with shorter HF event-free survival after controlling for covariates. The multivariable-adjusted hazard ratios (95% confidence intervals [CI]) of older age (1.03, 95% CI = [1.01, 1.04]), New York Heart Association (NYHA) functional class (1.73, 95% CI = [1.29, 2.31]), depressive symptoms (1.05, 95% CI = [1.02, 1.07]), and African American race (1.64, 95% CI = [1.01, 2.68]) were predictors of shorter event-free survival (all ps < .05). Comparisons showed that NYHA functional class was predictive of shorter event-free survival in Caucasians (1.81, 95% CI = [1.33, 2.46]) but not in African Americans (1.24, 95% CI = [.40, 3.81]). African Americans with HF experienced a disparate risk of shorter event-free survival not explained by a variety of risk factors.
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6

Underwood, Willie, John Wei, Mark A. Rubin, James E. Montie, Jennifer Resh, and Martin G. Sanda. "Postprostatectomy cancer-free survival of African Americans is similar to non-African Americans after adjustment for baseline cancer severity." Urologic Oncology: Seminars and Original Investigations 22, no. 1 (January 2004): 20–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1078-1439(03)00119-4.

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7

Mackey, T. C. ""That All Mankind Should Be Free": Lincoln and African Americans." OAH Magazine of History 21, no. 4 (October 1, 2007): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/maghis/21.4.24.

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8

Gibson, James L. "Being Free in Obama's America: Racial Differences in Perceptions of Constraints on Political Action." Daedalus 141, no. 4 (October 2012): 114–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/daed_a_00177.

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Many studies of interracial differences in rates of political participation pay too little attention to African Americans' perceptions of whether they can freely participate in politics. Survey evidence collected over the last several decades has consistently shown that black Americans perceive much less political freedom available to them than do white Americans. The gap in perceived freedom has narrowed somewhat in recent years but remains large. Following the empowerment hypothesis of Lawrence Bobo and Franklin Gilliam, black perceptions of freedom increased with the election of Barack Obama to the American presidency. But perhaps unexpectedly, the empowerment bonus has not persisted, especially among conservative and fundamentalist blacks. Because African Americans do not perceive that their government would permit various types of political action, it is likely that substantial interracial differences exist in non-voting types of political participation, especially political action directed against governmental authority.
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9

Armstrong, Thomas. "Wright, African Americans in the Colonial Era." Teaching History: A Journal of Methods 16, no. 1 (April 1, 1991): 50–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.33043/th.16.1.50-51.

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Historians familiar with the Harlan Davidson American History Series have come to expect succinct summary statements and strong bibliographic essays. Donald Wright's book will thus be a welcome addition to the series. The series' editors identified a gap in the survey literature on African-American history. Colonial America has simply not been addressed in a meaningful fashion. The monographic literature is often too widely scattered to be of much value to the undergraduate reader, and when the subject of slavery is broached, it has all too often been the slavery of the cotton belt between 1830 and 1860. Wright ably summarizes the origins of slavery and the mechanics of slave trade; he looks sensitively at the issue of the origins of slavery as well as the origins of racism, carefully addressing both the presence of Anthony Johnson and other free blacks like him, but noting that patterns of discrimination toward blacks existed from the beginning of European and African colonization of the New World.
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10

Jones, Daniel W., Lloyd E. Chambless, Aaron R. Folsom, Richard G. Hutchinson, Richey A. Sharrett, H. A. Tyroler, and Herman A. Taylor. "CHD Risk Factors In African-Americans." Circulation 103, suppl_1 (March 2001): 1347. http://dx.doi.org/10.1161/circ.103.suppl_1.9999-17.

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0017 Few studies have reported the incidence of coronary heart disease and its relationship to risk factors in African-Americans. As part of the Atherosclerosis Risk in Communities Study, baseline risk factors were tested as predictors of incident coronary heart disease over 7-10 years of follow-up, 1987-1997, in four U.S. communities (Forsyth County, North Carolina; Jackson, Mississippi; Minneapolis, Minnesota; and Washington County, Maryland). The sample included 14,026 men and women (2,298 black women [BW]; 5,686 white women [WW]; 1,396 black men [BM]; and 4,682 white men [WM] aged 45-64 who were free of clinical coronary heart disease at baseline. Age-adjusted incidence rates for the 7-10 year period (95% confidence interval) for coronary heart disease were BW 5.0(4.1-6.1), WW 4.0(3.5-4.6), BM 10.7(8.9-12.8), and WM 12.6(11.5-13.8). In multivariate analysis, traditional risk factors were generally predictive in blacks as in whites. Hypertension was a particularly strong risk factor in black women, with hazard rate ratios (HR) being: BW 4.12, WW 2.0, BM 1.85, and WM 1.59. Diabetes was predictive, but HRs were somewhat less in blacks than in whites: BW 1.88, WW 3.34, BM 1.70, and WW 2.14. LDL cholesterol was similarly predictive in all race/gender groups, HR 1.19-1.36 per S.D. LDL cholesterol increment. HDL cholesterol appeared somewhat more protective in whites than in blacks. Although black/white differences in risk factor associations exist, there were more similarities than differences in coronary heart disease risk factors and incidence. Findings from this study, along with clinical trial evidence showing efficacy, support aggressive management of traditional risk factors in blacks as in whites. Understanding of the intriguing racial differences in risk factor prediction may be an important part of further understanding the causes of coronary heart disease and may lead to better methods of prevention and treatment.
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Дисертації з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Bartlett, Andrew Walsh. "The free place : literary, visual, and jazz creations of space in the 1960s /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/10312.

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2

Pietersen, Sheri-Ann. "An Eriksonian psychobiography of Martin Luther King Junior." Thesis, Nelson Mandela Metropolitan University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10948/d1021037.

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The aim of the current study was to conduct a psychobiography of the life of Martin Luther King Junior, who was born in 1929 and died in 1968. He was an American clergyman, husband, father, activist, and prominent leader in the African-American civil rights movement. King fought for civil rights for all people. His “I Have a Dream” speech raised public consciousness of the civil rights movement and established him as one of the greatest orators in the United States of America. His main legacy was to secure access to civil rights for all Americans, thereby empowering people of all racial and religious backgrounds, and promoting equality in the American nation. This is a psychobiographical research study which aimed to explore and describe the life of Martin Luther King junior’s psychological development according to Erik Erikson’s Psychosocial Developmental Theory. King was selected through purposive sampling on the basis of interest, value, and uniqueness to the researcher. Alexander’s model of identifying salient themes was used to analyse the data which were then compared to Erikson’s theory through a process of analytical generalisation. Limitations of the current study were identified and certain recommendations for future research in this field are offered.
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3

Savery, Steven J. "The free Negro in Illinois prior to the Civil War, 1818-1860 /." View online, 1986. http://ia301519.us.archive.org/0/items/freenegroinillin00save/freenegroinillin00save.pdf.

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4

O'Donovan, Susan E. "Transforming work : slavery, free labor, and the household in Southwest Georgia, 1850-1880 /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 1997. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p9808979.

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5

Jackson, Tambra Oni. "Learning to teach in Freedom Schools developing practices and identities as educators and activists /." Diss., Connect to online resource - MSU authorized users, 2006.

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6

Hicks, Nytasia M. ""It's a care free way of life": A qualitative descriptive study on living-apart-together relationships among older black women." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2020. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1595603122018959.

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7

Kelley, Lucas Patrick. "Suffrage for White Men Only: The Disfranchisement of Free Men of Color in Antebellum North Carolina." Thesis, Virginia Tech, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/10919/73510.

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This thesis explores the disfranchisement of free men of color in 1835 North Carolina through the lens of antebellum citizenship and within the context of the racial turmoil of the 1830s. Citizenship and the evolution of southern racial ideology converged in the 1835 North Carolina Constitutional Convention. On the one hand, free men of color voted, a right permitted in North Carolina for all taxpaying men regardless of race and one of the most crucial components of citizenship in the early republic and Jacksonian periods. But on the other hand, some North Carolina white slaveholders saw free people of color as instigators of slave uprisings and a threat to their social order and economic system. As convention delegates debated disfranchisement, they drew on their notions of citizenship and their fear of people of color, and a majority ultimately decided that free nonwhites did not deserve a voice in the political arena. My explanation of why delegates disfranchised free men of color is twofold. First, members of the convention supported disfranchisement because of the perceived connection between free people of color and slave violence. Disfranchisement also came about because the majority of delegates determined that political citizenship was reserved exclusively for white men, and the elimination of nonwhite suffrage in North Carolina was one of the most explicit representations of the ongoing transition of citizenship based on class to a citizenship based on race in the antebellum United States.
Master of Arts
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8

Walch, Barbara Hunter. "Sallye B. Mathis and Mary L. Singleton: Black pioneers on the Jacksonville, Florida, City Council." UNF Digital Commons, 1988. https://digitalcommons.unf.edu/etd/704.

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In 1967 Sallye Brooks Mathis and Mary Littlejohn Singleton were elected the first blacks in sixty years, and the first women ever, to the city council of Jacksonville, Florida. These two women had been raised in Jacksonville in a black community which, in spite of racial discrimination and segregation since the Civil War, had demonstrated positive leadership and cooperative action as it developed its own organizations and maintained a thriving civic life. Jacksonville blacks participated in politics when allowed to do so and initiated several economic boycotts and court suits to resist racial segregation. Black women played an important part in these activities--occasionally in visible leadership roles. As adults, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton· participated as educators, family members and leaders in various community efforts. Both had developed wide contacts and were respected among many blacks and whites. Mary Singleton had learned about politics as the wife of a respected black politician, and Sallye Mathis became a leader in the civil rights struggles of the 1960s in Jacksonville. In 1967, a governmental reform movement in Duval County, a softening of negative racial attitudes, and perhaps their being female aided their victories. While Sallye Mathis remained on the Jacksonville City Council for fifteen years until her death in 1982, Mary Singleton served in the Florida House of Representatives from 1972 to 1976--the third black in the twentieth century and the first woman from Northeast Florida. From 1976 to 1978 she was appointed director of the Florida Division of Elections and in 1978 she campaigned unsuccessfully for Lt. Governor of Florida. As government officials, Sallye Mathis and Mary Singleton emphasized the needs of low-income people and were advocates for black interests when they felt it was necessary. They were active as volunteers in numerous other community organizations and projects to further their goals. PALMM
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9

Brown, Linda Bigger. "Schooling for blacks in Henrico County, Virginia 1870-1933 : with an emphasis on the contributions of Miss Virginia Estelle Randolph /." Diss., This resource online, 1990. http://scholar.lib.vt.edu/theses/available/etd-09162005-115016/.

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10

Turley, Alicestyne. "SPIRITED AWAY: BLACK EVANGELICALS AND THE GOSPEL OF FREEDOM, 1790-1890." UKnowledge, 2009. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/gradschool_diss/79.

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The true nineteenth-century story of the Underground Railroad begins in the South and is spread North by free blacks, escaping southern slaves, and displaced, white, anti-slavery Protestant evangelicals. This study examines the role of free blacks, escaping slaves, and white Protestant evangelicals influenced by tenants of Kentucky’s Second Great Awakening who were inspired, directly or indirectly, to aid in African American community building. The impact of Kentucky’s Great Revival resulted in creation and expansion of systems of escape commonly referred to as the “Underground Railroad” which led to self-emancipation among enslaved African Americans, the establishment of free black settlements in the South, North, within Kentucky borderlands, and the Mid- West, and resulting in the eventual outbreak of a Civil War. An examination of slave narratives, escaping slave ads, the history of American religious societies, as well as examination of denominational doctrines, policies, public views, and actions regarding American slavery confirmed the impact of Kentucky’s 1797 Great Revival on freeing slaves, creating black church congregations, establishment of antislavery churches, and benevolent societies throughout Kentucky and the Mid-West. These newly formed churches and societies spread the gospel of black freedom beyond Kentucky into Western Territories particularly Indiana, Illinois, and Missouri. The spread of an evangelical religious message and the violent displacement of white and black antislavery advocates had the unintended consequence of aiding freedom seeking slaves in the formation of independent, black settlements and religious societies, not only in Kentucky but also in the North and West. This work acknowledges the central role Kentucky played in providing two of the three acknowledged and well-documented national Underground Railroad escape corridors which successfully ran through eastern Kentucky’s Appalachian Mountains and within the core of the state’s Western and Central Bluegrass Regions.
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Книги з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Wills, Cheryl. Die free: A heroic family history. Minneapolis, Minn: Bascom Hill Publishing Group, 2010.

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2

Walker, Juliet E. K. Free Frank: A Black Pioneer on the Antebellum Frontier. Lexington, KY: University Press of Kentucky, 1995.

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3

Fort Mosé: Free African settlement. New York: Abrams Books for Young Readers, 2010.

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4

Sidwell, Mark. Free indeed: Heroes of Black Christian history. Greenville, S.C: Bob Jones University Press, 1995.

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5

Fisher, Lillian M. Brave Bessie: Flying free. Dallas, Tex: Hendrick-Long Publishing Co., 1995.

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6

ill, Unwin Nora Spicer, ed. Amos Fortune, free man. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Puffin Books, 1989.

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7

Elizabeth, Yates. Amos Fortune, free man. New York, N.Y., U.S.A: Puffin Books, 1989.

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8

Dance, Daryl Cumber. The lineage of Abraham: The biography of a free Black family in Charles City, VA. [Virginia?]: D.C. Dance, 1998.

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9

Free to stay: The true story of a former slave and the family she adopted. Salisbury, Md: Arcadia Enterprises, 2000.

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10

A gentleman of color: The life of James Forten. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002.

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Частини книг з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Brown, Jeannette. "The Reason for This Book and Why These Women Were Chosen." In African American Women Chemists. Oxford University Press, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199742882.003.0004.

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Many people have studied the history of African American women chemists, but the information is scattered in many references, articles, and trade books. Until now, there was no one place where one could access extensive information about these women. This book is a compilation of all the references to date about the lives of these women; the chapters include a brief biography of each woman, with citations to the published information. The back matter provides a list of references. Not all of the women that I have written about are primarily researchers; some of them chose to be educators or businesspeople. My selection includes women pioneers—women who were the first to enter the field and receive a degree in chemistry, biochemistry, or chemical engineering. Some of these women were able to work as chemists before obtaining an advanced degree in chemistry. They later chose to pursue the PhD degree when major colleges and university allowed all students, regardless of race, to study. Some of the women chose not to pursue PhD degrees, ending their education with an MS degree. I extended my research to try to find the earliest women to pursue chemistry after the Civil War. It was difficult to find such early documents; however, I have not stopped searching. The first woman in this book, Josephine Silone Yates, was born into a family of free blacks in the north in 1852, before the Civil War. The next woman, Bebee Steven Lynk, was born in Mason, Tennessee in 1872 but not much is known about her early life. Alice Ball was born in 1896 into a family of free blacks in Seattle. These women, who were born in the nineteenth century, studied chemistry. Only one obtained an advanced degree: a PhC, which may have been a two-year degree. Josephine Silone Yates is reputed to have obtained a master’s degree. Most of the women in this book were, as the expression is used today, “nerds.” They were outstanding students in school.
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2

D'Agostino, Susan. "Reach for the stars, just like Katherine Johnson." In How to Free Your Inner Mathematician, 35–42. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198843597.003.0006.

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“Reach for the stars, just like Katherine Johnson” tells the story of the mathematics and mathematician behind NASA’s 1961 Apollo spacecraft flown by astronaut John Glenn. When Glen grew concerned that NASA had switched to an inanimate computer for checking computations regarding re-entry into the atmosphere, he insisted that human computer and mathematician Katherine Johnson check the numbers. Johnson needed to consider drag, aerodynamic lift, vacuum perigee altitude, the spacecraft’s center of gravity, and more to ensure a safe reentry corridor. The discussion is illustrated with numerous hand-drawn sketches. Katherine Johnson, whose biography is summarized, was an African American woman who worked in NASA’s Research Flight Division at the Langley Research Center in Hampton, Virginia. Mathematics students and enthusiasts are encouraged to reach for literal and metaphorical stars in mathematical and life pursuits. At the chapter’s end, readers may check their understanding by working on a problem. A solution is provided.
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3

"Carnegie Public Libraries for African Americans." In Not Free, Not for All, 49–87. University of Massachusetts Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1hd1917.6.

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4

Shrader‐Frechette, Kristin. "African Americans, LULUs, and Free Informed Consent." In Environmental Justice, 71–94. Oxford University Press, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/0195152034.003.0004.

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5

White, Jonathan W. "African American Dreams." In Midnight in America. University of North Carolina Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469632049.003.0004.

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The experience of slavery had an indelible effect on the dreams of black Americans. Some slaves dreamt of escape, or of loved ones who had been sold away. Former slaves sometimes had vivid dreams of being returned into slavery. Whether slave or free, African Americans often looked to their dreams as signs from God or as confirmation of their conversion to Christianity. White Americans tended to look down on African American dream practices as superstitious, but in fact, white and black Americans had a shared dream culture that stretched back into the colonial era.
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6

Silber, Nina. "A Passionate Addiction to Lincoln." In This War Ain't Over, 99–122. University of North Carolina Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5149/northcarolina/9781469646541.003.0005.

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No historical figure became as prominent in 1930s America as Abraham Lincoln. Once seen mainly as a figure of moderation and reconciliation, Lincoln became a more powerful figure associated with state building and the broadly defined work of emancipation. Under the influence of poet and Lincoln biographer Carl Sandburg, important parallels were drawn between Lincoln and FDR. Yet, because of Roosevelt’s limited attention to racial oppression, there was a tendency to make Lincoln a more race neutral figure, one who freed white people more than black. At the same time, African Americans, who were increasingly shifting their political interests to the Democratic Party, invested Lincoln with more of a racial justice agenda. Conservatives, for their part, took aim at the way New Dealers and Popular Fronters re-imagined Lincoln, especially on the Federal stage.
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"I sing because I am free: Ethel Waters." In Faith and Struggle in the Lives of Four African Americans. Bloomsbury Academic, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350074651.0006.

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Smolla, Rodney A. "The Charleston Massacre." In Confessions of a Free Speech Lawyer, 9–13. Cornell University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501749650.003.0002.

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This chapter talks about Dylann Storm Roof, a white supremacist, who brutally murdered nine African Americans at the Emanuel African Methodist Episcopal Church in Charleston, South Carolina on June 17, 2015. It discusses Roof's actions that renewed debates over guns, the Second Amendment, and the right to bear arms. The Charleston massacre changed the dynamics of American debate over symbols of the Confederacy, including the Confederate battle flag and monuments to Confederate leaders such as Jefferson Davis, Stonewall Jackson, and Robert E. Lee. This chapter also looks at events prior to Roof committing the murders, in which he toured South Carolina historical sites with links to the Civil War and slavery, posting photographs and selfies of his visits. Roof's online website, which was infested with attacks on African Americans, Hispanics, and Jews, described the story of his racist radicalization.
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Turley, Alicestyne. "When I Can Read My Title Clear." In The Gospel of Freedom, 192–236. University Press of Kentucky, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813195476.003.0007.

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Examines the freeing effects of religion on the lives of African Americans. America's Second Great Awakening publicly declared African Americans possessed souls worthy of receiving the shared Christian message intended for all humanity. As a result, African Americans joined Europeans in internalizing a Christian doctrine that espoused principles of brotherhood and shared humanity, transferring those ideals into black religious empowerment that gave black Americans free title to their own lives.
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McKee, Sally. "A Family Long Free." In The Exile's Song. Yale University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/yale/9780300221367.003.0002.

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This chapter argues that no family embodies the anomalous history of New Orleans better than the Dede family. Of all the towns and cities in North America with populations of free African Americans, the chapter goes on to argue, New Orleans was the city most likely to have produced a black man like Edmond Dede—possessed of enough talent, ambition, and training to launch himself up to a high level of accomplishment. Only in New Orleans could African American families trace their family's history back beyond 1864, the year the Emancipation Proclamation took effect. Contrary to later reports that Edmond Dede was the son of West Indian refugees, he in fact belonged instead to a long-established family with roots in North America.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Macken, Jared. "The Ordinary within the Extraordinary: The Ideology and Architectural Form of Boley, an “All-Black Town” in the Prairie." In 111th ACSA Annual Meeting Proceedings. ACSA Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35483/acsa.am.111.63.

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In 1908, Booker T. Washington stepped off the Fort Smith and Western Railway train into the town of Boley, Oklahoma. Washington found a bustling main street home to over 2,500 African American citizens. He described this collective of individuals as unified around a common goal, “with the definite intention of getting a home and building up a community where they can, as they say, be ‘free.’” The main street was the physical manifestation of this idea, the center of the community. It was comprised of ordinary banks, store front shops, theaters, and social clubs, all of which connected to form a dynamic cosmopolitan street— an architectural collective form. Each building aligned with its neighbor creating a single linear street, a space where the culture of the town thrived. This public space became a symbol of the extraordinary lives and ideology of its citizens, who produced an intentional utopia in the middle of the prairie. Boley is one of more than fifty “All-Black Towns” that developed in “Indian Territory” before Oklahoma became a state. Despite their prominence, these towns’ potential and influence was suppressed when the territory became a state in 1907. State development was driven by lawmaker’s ambition to control the sovereign land of Native Americans and impose control over towns like Boley by enacting Jim Crow Laws legalizing segregation. This agenda manifests itself in the form and ideology of the state’s colonial towns. However, the story of the state’s history does not reflect the narrative of colonization. Instead, it is dominated by tales of sturdy “pioneers” realizing their role within the myth of manifest destiny. In contrast, Boley’s history is an alternative to this myth, a symbol of a radical ideology of freedom, and a form that reinforces this idea. Boley’s narrative begins to debunk the myth of manifest destiny and contrast with other colonial town forms. This paper explores the relationship between the architectural form of Boley’s main street and the town’s cultural significance, linking the founding community’s ideology to architectural spaces that transformed the ordinary street into a dynamic social space. The paper compares Boley’s unified linear main street, which emphasized its citizens and their freedom, with another town typology built around the same time: Perry’s centralized courthouse square that emphasized the seat of power that was colonizing Cherokee Nation land. Analysis of these slightly varied architectural forms and ideologies reorients the historical narrative of the state. As a result, these suppressed urban stories, in particular that of Boley’s, are able to make new contributions to architectural discourse on the city and also change the dominant narratives of American Expansion.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Free African Americans – Biography"

1

Bodenhorn, Howard. The Complexion Gap: The Economic Consequences of Color among Free African Americans in the Rural Antebellum South. Cambridge, MA: National Bureau of Economic Research, May 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.3386/w8957.

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Lazonick, William, Philip Moss, and Joshua Weitz. The Unmaking of the Black Blue-Collar Middle Class. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp159.

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In the decade after the Civil Rights Act of 1964, African Americans made historic gains in accessing employment opportunities in racially integrated workplaces in U.S. business firms and government agencies. In the previous working papers in this series, we have shown that in the 1960s and 1970s, Blacks without college degrees were gaining access to the American middle class by moving into well-paid unionized jobs in capital-intensive mass production industries. At that time, major U.S. companies paid these blue-collar workers middle-class wages, offered stable employment, and provided employees with health and retirement benefits. Of particular importance to Blacks was the opening up to them of unionized semiskilled operative and skilled craft jobs, for which in a number of industries, and particularly those in the automobile and electronic manufacturing sectors, there was strong demand. In addition, by the end of the 1970s, buoyed by affirmative action and the growth of public-service employment, Blacks were experiencing upward mobility through employment in government agencies at local, state, and federal levels as well as in civil-society organizations, largely funded by government, to operate social and community development programs aimed at urban areas where Blacks lived. By the end of the 1970s, there was an emergent blue-collar Black middle class in the United States. Most of these workers had no more than high-school educations but had sufficient earnings and benefits to provide their families with economic security, including realistic expectations that their children would have the opportunity to move up the economic ladder to join the ranks of the college-educated white-collar middle class. That is what had happened for whites in the post-World War II decades, and given the momentum provided by the dominant position of the United States in global manufacturing and the nation’s equal employment opportunity legislation, there was every reason to believe that Blacks would experience intergenerational upward mobility along a similar education-and-employment career path. That did not happen. Overall, the 1980s and 1990s were decades of economic growth in the United States. For the emerging blue-collar Black middle class, however, the experience was of job loss, economic insecurity, and downward mobility. As the twentieth century ended and the twenty-first century began, moreover, it became apparent that this downward spiral was not confined to Blacks. Whites with only high-school educations also saw their blue-collar employment opportunities disappear, accompanied by lower wages, fewer benefits, and less security for those who continued to find employment in these jobs. The distress experienced by white Americans with the decline of the blue-collar middle class follows the downward trajectory that has adversely affected the socioeconomic positions of the much more vulnerable blue-collar Black middle class from the early 1980s. In this paper, we document when, how, and why the unmaking of the blue-collar Black middle class occurred and intergenerational upward mobility of Blacks to the college-educated middle class was stifled. We focus on blue-collar layoffs and manufacturing-plant closings in an important sector for Black employment, the automobile industry from the early 1980s. We then document the adverse impact on Blacks that has occurred in government-sector employment in a financialized economy in which the dominant ideology is that concentration of income among the richest households promotes productive investment, with government spending only impeding that objective. Reduction of taxes primarily on the wealthy and the corporate sector, the ascendancy of political and economic beliefs that celebrate the efficiency and dynamism of “free market” business enterprise, and the denigration of the idea that government can solve social problems all combined to shrink government budgets, diminish regulatory enforcement, and scuttle initiatives that previously provided greater opportunity for African Americans in the government and civil-society sectors.
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