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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "European Political Communication"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "European Political Communication"

1

Krzyżanowski, Michał. "Social media in/and the politics of the European Union." Journal of Language and Politics 17, no. 2 (February 7, 2018): 281–304. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jlp.18001.krz.

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Abstract This paper looks at how social/online media – using the example of Twitter – are used in the politico-organizational communication of the European Union at a time when it faces multiple crises and is in acute need of effectively communicating its politics to the European demos. Proposing a critical discourse framework for the analysis of the politico-organizational use of Twitter, the paper shows that while, to some extent, bringing change or ‘modernization’ to EU political communication patterns, social/online media help in sustaining some of the deep-seated dispositions in EU communicative and organizational practices as well as political discourses. As deployed by the EU’s – and specifically the European Commission’s – spokesperson service, social/online help in solidifying some of the controversial patterns in EU political communication. They also bring in other, more contemporary, challenges as regards using Twitter and social media as parts of political and institutional/organizational communication.

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2

Walter, Stefanie. "Book Review: Europe: Political Communication in European Parliamentary Elections." Political Studies Review 11, no. 2 (April 16, 2013): 296–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1478-9302.12016_112.

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3

Semetko, Holli A., Claes H. de Vreese, and Jochen Peter. "Europeanised politics – Europeanised media? European integration and political communication." West European Politics 23, no. 4 (October 2000): 121–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/01402380008425403.

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4

Blumler, Jay G., Daniel Dayan, and Dominique Wolton. "West European Perspectives on Political Communication: Structures and Dynamics." European Journal of Communication 5, no. 2 (June 1990): 261–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0267323190005002007.

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5

Laurent, Brice. "Science museums as political places. Representing nanotechnology in European science museums." Journal of Science Communication 11, no. 04 (December 21, 2012): C02. http://dx.doi.org/10.22323/2.11040302.

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Science museums perform representations of science and that of its publics. They have been called to intervene in nanotechnology within global public policy programs expected to develop the field. This paper discusses the case of European science museums. It starts by examining the case of a European project that involved science museums working on nanotechnology. This example illustrates a "democratic imperative" that European science museums face, and which implies a transformation of their public role. It offers a path for the analysis of the current evolution of European science communication perspective – from "public understanding of science" to "scientific understanding of the public" – and of the political construction this evolution enacts.

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6

Bruter, Michael. "Legitimacy, Euroscepticism & Identity in the European Union – Problems of Measurement, Modelling & Paradoxical Patterns of Influence." Journal of Contemporary European Research 4, no. 4 (December 31, 2008): 273–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.30950/jcer.v4i4.153.

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In the past 10 years, an increasing number of social scientists and communication specialists have tried to understand how political institutions and the mass media attempt to – and often seemingly manage to – influence political identities. This body of literature has resulted in some tremendous progress in our understanding of multiple identities, identity change, and theories of communication, but in the context of European identity, there seems to be a distinct breakdown in communication between specific studies of European identity, and more general analyses of European public opinion and Europeans’ political behaviour. This article argues that a strongly emerging European identity may in fact be responsible for a number of recent developments in European public opinion and electoral behaviour that many authors have perceived as paradoxical, or simply chosen to ignore because they seemed to go against our traditional categories of analysis, such as Euroscepticism and democratic fatigue. However, this article suggests that this role of identity has been misevaluated because of some significant problems relating to the measurement, causation analysis, and interpretation of European identity as a concept and as an operational variable. This article focuses on some of these key problems, highlights some critical and often unexplained paradoxes, and proposes a few essential notions when it comes to the conceptualisation and operational measurement of political identities, as well as the evaluations of what affects them.

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7

Konye, Michael Nnamdi. "Which theory of communication is “political correctness”?" Journal of Education Culture and Society 7, no. 2 (September 10, 2016): 53–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.15503/jecs20162.53.74.

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The paper focuses on ‟political correctness”, which has become a late 20th century catch-phrase in Western European and North American liberal democracies but also has found currency in the political climate of the Asian and Eastern countries. A historical and multi-cultural review is intended as an introduction to a broader philosophical analysis of the Marxist backgrounds of political correctness and its neo-Marxist theoretical correctives in Jürgen Habermas’s theory of communicative action. My aim is to draw out both the educational and cultural implications of laying out the ethos of contemporary discourse on the foundations of the evolving dynamics of the rhetoric of political correctness.

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8

Kiss, Balázs. "Double Ressentiment: The Political Communication of Kulturkampf in Hungary." Politics and Governance 9, no. 3 (August 27, 2021): 227–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i3.4053.

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Emotions have always been invested in politics. Politicians and politically biased public intellectuals manage citizens’ emotions for various purposes: to alienate them from the rival political camp and to make them participate in elections or in politics in general. <em>Ressentiment</em> is an affective style of great political potential and it is present throughout democratic European societies. By analysing the discourses of the culture war between the political camps in Hungary since 2018, this article presents the components, drivers, mechanisms, and some typical outcomes of <em>ressentiment</em> on the levels of the individual and the political communities. It argues that in political communication both political sides are trying to appeal to the citizens’ <em>ressentiment</em>. Both camps use communicative means to incite, channel, and reorient <em>ressentiment</em> by, e.g., scapegoating, identity work, and transvaluation to attract citizens, stabilize their own support, and nudge followers towards specific political activities.

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9

GROSS, PETER. "New Relationships: Eastern European media and the post-Communist political world." Journalism Studies 4, no. 1 (January 2003): 79–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616700306506.

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10

Llorens, Carles, and Andreea Madalina Costache. "European Union Media Policy and Independent Regulatory Authorities: A New Tool to Protect European Media Pluralism?" Journal of Information Policy 4, no. 1 (January 1, 2014): 396–420. http://dx.doi.org/10.5325/jinfopoli.4.2014.396.

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Abstract Can a uniform policy for media pluralism be adopted across the 28 Member States of the European Union through the involvement of independent regulatory authorities? According to the authors, the chances remain remote due to political and stakeholder opposition grounded in diverse structural, cultural, political, and economic interests. Based on a review of key documents from diverse sources, and case studies in Hungary and Italy, it appears that the goal of an EU-wide collaborative network of financially and politically independent audiovisual regulatory authorities, with common standards, faces significant challenges. However, the authors see hope in the increased debate on the topic, and suggest that some movement in that direction may yet be possible.

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Дисертації з теми "European Political Communication"

1

Kaplan, Galyna. "The European Union Online : An Analysis of the European Commission's Online Political Communication." Thesis, Örebro universitet, Institutionen för humaniora, utbildnings- och samhällsvetenskap, 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:oru:diva-35130.

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2

Beale, Jeremy Dick Chiverall. "Technical innovation, European integration, and the case of information and communication technologies." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1992. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.240533.

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3

RUIZ, SOLER Javier. "Is Twitter the new coffee house? : the contribution of the European political Twittersphere to the European public sphere and European demos." Doctoral thesis, European University Institute, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1814/63305.

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Defence date: 12 June 2019
Examining Board: Prof. Alexander Trechsel, University of Lucerne (Supervisor); Prof. Giovanni Sartor, European University Institute; Prof. Luigi Curini, University of Milan; Prof. Anamaria Dutceac Segesten, Lund University
A Public Sphere and a demos are intrinsic key elements of any democratic society. The literature has pointed out that social media platforms can play an important role in developing direct interactions between users and creating a sense of community. Can Twitter contribute to the emergence of a transnational networked European Public Sphere and European demos? This thesis examines the contribution of the European Political Twittersphere to this question. I divide the question into three articles. In each I use a different theoretical framework and methodological approach to two datasets of two issue publics (the Schengen agreement and the transatlantic trade partnership, TTIP) collected through the public Twitter Streaming API from August 2016 to April 2017. In the first article I explore the actor level of the networks created from the Twitter data. I investigate whether these Twitter networks constitute networked publics where non-elite actors receive attention and play an important role by the number of mentions and retweets. In the second article I explore the question of the constitution of European transnational networks. To do so, I geolocate the accounts involved in the two networks to identify the type of interactions the users establish, whether national or transnational. In the third article I analyse the content of these networks by extracting what sentiments the users express for the topics, and whether they see themselves and the topics as national or European. The three articles capture three features of the European Political Twittersphere. First, the results indicate the presence of transnational European networks. Second, built from the bottom-up where non-elite actors receive most of the attention. And third, composed of a multilingual demoi where the users see themselves and the topics as European. However, although these mapped Twitter networks contribute to some extent to transnational interaction and a sense of community, the deliberative quality of these networks is low.

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4

Vinciūnienė, Aušra. "European Union communication policy and its implementation on the national level: Case of the Baltic States." Doctoral thesis, Lithuanian Academic Libraries Network (LABT), 2010. http://vddb.laba.lt/obj/LT-eLABa-0001:E.02~2010~D_20101126_135638-08418.

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Анотація:

Dissertation focuses on qualitative aspects of EU communication strategies applied in two new EU member states, young democracies – Lithuania and Estonia. The overall goal of the research was twofold: to gain a better understanding about the reasons that determine implementation of EU Communication Policy in different national contexts as well as to propose possible solutions how to reshape and adapt it to specific cultures and conditions. Dissertation deals with the normative approach, that EU communication can provide a basis for the formation of the European public sphere and can help to bridge the ‘gap‘ between EU institutions and citizens on the national level. Generally, this comparative study performed in two Baltic countries has shown that while analysing European political communication, it is crucially important to examine strategic-organisational, as well as contextual factors (socio-cultural, political, economic conditions, local particularities of histories and traditions of communication) and values of those communicating (institutional communication officers and journalists) that influence their relationship (political communication culture) and have an impact on messages produced.
Disertacijoje analizuojama, kaip vyksta politikos komunikacijos sistemų europeizacijos procesai naujosiose narėse, jaunos demokratijos valstybėse (Lietuvoje ir Estijoje), apie kurių kontekstą ir patirtis Europos moksliniame diskurse pernelyg mažai yra žinoma. Mokslinė problema formuluojama tokiu klausimu: kokiu būdu ir kokiomis priemonėmis galima būtų užtikrinti efektyvią politikos komunikaciją tarp ES lygmens bei nacionalinių institucijų ir piliečių, ir taip pasiūlyti efektyvių sprendimų, kaip institucinė ES komunikacijos politika, pritaikyta prie skirtingų ES šalių narių ar jų grupių (tokių kaip Baltijos šalys) kontekstų, galėtų padėti spręsti ES demokratijos stygiaus problemą bei paspartinti bendros politinės viešosios erdvės formavimąsi Europoje? Darbe siekta parodyti, kad veiksniai, lemiantys Europos viešosios erdvės formavimąsi, yra daugialypiai bei kompleksiški. Remiantis Lietuvos ir Estijos atvejo analize galima daryti prielaidą, kad ES komunikacijos politikos įgyvendinimą nacionaliniu lygmeniu ir viešosios erdvės europeizacijos galimybes „iš viršaus“ apsprendžia bent trys skirtingos grupės veiksnių: strateginiai-organizaciniai, politikos komunikacijos kultūros (politikos-žiniasklaidos santykio) ir sociokultūriniai (priklausomybė nuo politinio, ekonominio, socialinio ir kt. konteksto).

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Alves, Catarina Maria Fernando. "Participação eleitoral e comunicação política nas eleições europeias de 2014." Master's thesis, Instituto Superior de Ciências Sociais e Políticas, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10400.5/13199.

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Dissertação de Mestrado em Ciência Política
O tema da presente investigação surge na sequência do decréscimo da participação e do interesse dos cidadãos nas eleições europeias, e por outro lado, da evolução da comunicação política e das estratégias de apelo ao voto. O objetivo principal do trabalho consiste em identificar quais os esforços feitos por parte das instituições europeias ao nível da comunicação, materializados na campanha para as eleições europeias de 2014, de forma a combater a fraca participação eleitoral. A investigação desenvolve-se num primeiro momento, na análise da evolução das taxas de participação nos vários sufrágios europeus (com especial enfoque no decorrer do séc. XXI), seguindo-se a leitura da última campanha institucional lançada pelo Parlamento Europeu em 2014. Recorrendo à análise dos dados da afluência às urnas e à observação participante da campanha institucional de 2014, pretende-se reconhecer estratégias de comunicação e tipologias de mensagem, identificando os esforços desenvolvidos, através de várias dimensões de análise como a argumentação, os canais, os suportes ou o investimento.
The theme of the following work appears in the sequence of the decrease in participation and interest from citizens in the European elections, and on the other hand, in the sequence of the political communication evolution and its strategies. The main objective of this work is to identify the efforts made by the European institutions in terms of communication, materialized in the campaign for the European elections of 2014, in order to combat weak electoral participation. First, the research focuses on analyzing the evolution of participation rates in several European suffrages (with special focus throughout the 21th century), followed by the reading of the latest institutional campaign launched by the European Parliament following the 2014 European elections. Using turnout data analysis and participatory observation of the institutional campaign of 2014, we intended to recognize communication strategies and message types, identifying efforts in several dimensions of analysis as argumentation, channels, supports or investment.
N/A

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6

Borén, Lina. "Democracy and communication : A study of the European Union's communication with the citizens until 2005, from a deliberative perspective." Thesis, Jönköping University, Jönköping International Business School, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-777.

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There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and a number of surveys shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

This thesis is a critical study of EU’s communication with the citizens until 2005. Based on Habermas’s theoroetical framework, it searches for deliberative qualities within the EU’s structure. According to Habermas, political legitimacy requires that people can shape and express their opinions in a public sphere, but the EU does not really have a public sphere. He also emphasizes the importance of good channels of communication between people and politicians, but within the EU, communication has been synonymous with information (or marketing) and practically unilateral. This leads to the conclusion that the EU’s lack of deliberative qualities can have affected EU’s political legitimacy negatively.

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7

Borén, Lina. "Reconnecting with citizens? : A study of the new communication strategy of the European Commission from a deliberative view." Thesis, Jönköping University, Jönköping International Business School, 2007. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:hj:diva-778.

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There is a gap between the citizens and the political institutions of the European Union. Many theorists think that this is due to the fact that the EU suffers from a “democratic deficit” and that the EU is perceived as a project made by and for the political elite. Several years of low participation in the European Parliamentary elections and the French and Dutch rejection of the European Constitutional Treaty in Spring 2005 shows that the EU has weak legitimacy in the eyes of the people.

In 2004, Margot Wallström was charged to renew the European Commission’s communication strategy and to reconnect with the citizens by stimulating dialogue and debate. This thesis is a critical study of the deliberative qualities of the new communication strategy based on Habermas’s discursive theory, which discusses the strategy’s possible effects on EU legitimacy. It finds that the communication strategy, despite several deliberative apects, have little chances to have an impact on EUs legitimacy, since it fails to engage “common people” in the debate and since it is not part of a major institutional reform but just an “icing on the cake”.

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8

Favorito, Rebecca. "Constructing Legitimacy: Patrimony, Patronage, and Political Communication in the Coronation of Henry IV." The Ohio State University, 2016. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1468594085.

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9

Kim, Jia. "Anti-Immigrant Attitudes, Internet Use, and Radical Right Voting: A Cross-National Study in Eight Western European Countries." Thesis, Université d'Ottawa / University of Ottawa, 2020. http://hdl.handle.net/10393/41587.

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This thesis seeks to challenge the dominant modes of conceiving the empirical link between citizens’ negative perceptions of immigrants and electoral support for Western European radical right parties, and in doing so, to offer a deeper understanding of the dynamics of radical right voting behavior based on an analysis of radical right parties’ online activities. Despite radical right parties' great popularity and important presence online, little scholarly attention has been paid to their activities in an online space. Accordingly, most empirical research on radical right voting behavior has been conducted in an offline context, ignoring the potential role the Internet plays in connecting radical right parties and voters. Building on Norris’s demand-supply framework, I consider the largely ignored factor, citizens' online activities, in my quantitative model and, ultimately, develop formal links between citizens’ anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties conditional on their level of Internet usage. Thereby, I aim to provide an answer to the following research question: Does citizens’ Internet usage moderate the relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and radical right voting? Using data from the 9th wave of the European Social Survey (ESS), I test whether voters' high level of Internet consumption strengthens the positive relationship between anti-immigrant attitudes and electoral support for radical right parties in eight Western European countries. The results show that my expectations are strongly supported at the cross-national level and partially confirmed at the national level by Belgium, Germany, and Italy. My findings hold promise for future work in designing more elaborate and practical voting models.

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10

Marton, Zsolt. "Populism and the refugee crisis - The communication of the Hungarian government on the European refugee crisis in 2015-2016." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2017. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-22148.

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The European refugee crisis sparked many debates within the European Union member states, as European countries had different ideas about handling the situation. As a result to the long negotiations without decisions, the crisis escalated, resulting in anti-immigrant, populist parties to emerge with big support among European citizens.The Hungarian government was among the first countries in the European Union to capitalise upon the refugee crisis by politicising the question of immigration, therefore, several anti-immigration campaigns were initiated in Hungary during 2015 and 2016.By analysing and comparing two campaign materials (one from 2015 and one from 2016) via the three-dimensional critical discourse analysis model of Fairclough, the thesis sought to identify the milestones and the rhetoric shifts of the communication of the Hungarian government that changed the public discourse in Hungary, as well as to point out similarities with populist practices in the anti-immigrant campaigns. The empirical analysis was carried out in the theoretical framework of discourse and power, populism, post-factuality, and agenda setting and framing.The text argued for a rhetorical shift between 2015 and 2016, in which the target of the governmental communication changed from refugees towards the European Union and its immigration policy. The thesis found evidence for the usage of populist practices that vastly affected the way Hungarians approach the question of immigration.It is hoped that this thesis could highlight the imbalance in the power relations of the public discourse in Hungary, and the findings could contribute to further analyses of populist campaigns in the period of the European refugee crisis.

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Книги з теми "European Political Communication"

1

Jesper, Strömbäck, and Kaid Lynda Lee, eds. Political communication in European parliamentary elections. Farnham, Surrey, England: Ashgate Pub. Co., 2011.

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2

Weerdt, Hilde, and Franz-Julius Morche, eds. Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600. NL Amsterdam: Amsterdam University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5117/9789463720038.

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Based on a collaboration between historians of Chinese and European politics, Political Communication in Chinese and European History, 800-1600 offers a first comprehensive overview of current research on political communication in middle-period European and Chinese history. The chapters present new work on the sources and processes of political communication in European and Chinese history partly through juxtaposing and combining formerly separate historiographies and partly through direct comparison. Contrary to earlier comparative work on empires and state formation, which aimed to explain similarities and differences with encompassing models and new theories of divergence, the goal is to further conversations between historians by engaging regional historiographies from the bottom up.

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3

F, Dyson Kenneth H., and Humphreys Peter, eds. The Political economy of communications: International and European dimensions. London: Routledge, 1990.

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4

Boicu, Ruxandra, Silvia Branea, and Adriana Stefanel, eds. Political Communication and European Parliamentary Elections in Times of Crisis. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-58591-2.

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5

Gehrke, Gernot. Europe without the Europeans: A question of communication? Düsseldorf, Germany: European Institute for the Media, 1998.

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6

1961-, Weidinger-Moser Maria, ed. Communication goes Europe: Österreich-Brüssel und retour. Innsbruck: StudienVerlag, 2004.

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7

Centre national de la recherche scientifique (France). Groupe de recherche Espace public européen, ed. Vers un espace public européen?: Recherches sur l'Europe en construction. Paris: Harmattan, 2003.

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8

Community and communication: The role of language in nation state building and European integration. Clevedon: Multilingual Matters, 2000.

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9

Université Paris-Val-de-Marne. Centre d'études comparées en communication politique et publique, ed. La communication politique européenne sans l'Europe: Les élections au Parlement européen de 2009. Paris: L'Harmattan, 2012.

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10

European parliaments under scrutiny: Discourse strategies and interaction practices. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Pub., 2010.

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Частини книг з теми "European Political Communication"

1

Wurst, Anna-Katharina, Katharina Schlosser, and Jörg Haßler. "European Party Groups: Transnational Continuation or Complement of European National Parties?" In Political Campaigning and Communication, 251–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_16.

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2

Schlosser, Katharina, Anna-Katharina Wurst, Jörg Haßler, and Simon Kruschinski. "European Issues, but National Campaigning of German Parties." In Political Campaigning and Communication, 103–17. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_7.

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3

Aalberts, Chris. "The Five Principles of European Political Communication." In Governance and Security Issues of the European Union, 93–107. The Hague: T.M.C. Asser Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-6265-144-9_6.

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4

Pérez, Francisco Seoane. "The True Deficits of the European Public Sphere: Domesticisation and Politicisation." In Political Communication in Europe, 12–34. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137305138_2.

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Haßler, Jörg, Anna-Katharina Wurst, and Katharina Schlosser. "Analysing European Parliament Election Campaigns Across 12 Countries: A Computer-Enhanced Content Analysis Approach." In Political Campaigning and Communication, 41–52. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_3.

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Preston, Paschal, and Monika Metykova. "Media, Political Communication and the European Public Sphere." In The European Public Sphere and the Media, 34–49. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230271722_3.

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Magin, Melanie, Uta Russmann, Vicente Fenoll, and Jörg Haßler. "Information Greater than Mobilisation Greater than Interaction: Contours of a Pan-European Style of Social Media Campaigning." In Political Campaigning and Communication, 303–31. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_19.

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Fenoll, Vicente, Jörg Haßler, Melanie Magin, and Uta Russmann. "Campaigning for Strasbourg on Facebook: Introduction to a 12-Country Comparison on Parties’ Facebook Campaigns in the 2019 European Parliament Election." In Political Campaigning and Communication, 3–21. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-73851-8_1.

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La Porte, Teresa. "Idiosyncrasy of the European Political Discourse Toward Cooperation." In Handbook of Communication for Development and Social Change, 1277–92. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-15-2014-3_83.

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La Porte, Teresa. "Idiosyncrasy of the European Political Discourse toward Cooperation." In Handbook of Communication for Development and Social Change, 1–16. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-7035-8_83-1.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "European Political Communication"

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Vovin, Aleksey. "North Korean Political Transformation And Eastern European Experience: 1945-1950." In International Scientific and Practical Conference «MAN. SOCIETY. COMMUNICATION». European Publisher, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2021.05.02.126.

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Grishin, Nikolai, Rafik Usmanov, and Alexandr Grigoriev. "Political Communication and the Case of Electoral Reform in the European Union." In Proceedings of the International Conference Communicative Strategies of Information Society (CSIS 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/csis-18.2019.4.

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Fisenko, T. V. "Social media as part of the politicians’ communication strategy." In HISTORY, POLITICAL SCIENCE, PHILOSOPHY AND SOCIOLOGY: EUROPEAN DEVELOPMENT DIRECTION. Baltija Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30525/978-9934-26-120-6-17.

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Balu, Rodica. "A CURENT PARADIGM: EUROPEAN COMUNICATION- STRATEGIES OF COMMUNICATION: CONTROL AND MANIPULATION IN POLITICAL DISCOURSE." In eLSE 2013. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-13-261.

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Taking into consideration the role that power plays within the context of social life, it becomes obvious that without this attribute called ?power? there could be no ordinate human activity (Bordeiu, 2006). Seen as a political phenomenon, power seems to be the most important component of political institutions. In this regard, it is being used for keeping and consolidating a certain social order, for ensuring the functionality of all social institutions, for keeping the social cohesion in a society, for controlling the citizens? behavior, as well as for unwanted behavior prevention (Mihailescu, 2000). The most general and well-known form of power is social power and the literature of the field (Downing, 1998; Hastings, 2000; Balandier, 1998; Valsan, 1997) describes it as the means through which society adjusts itself and self-regulates its mechanism with the purpose of ensuring and sustaining its optimum functionality. Bordeiu (2006) sees it as the element that sets in motion all the social gearing towards historical progress, the propelling force which accomplishes social and sustainable development, the binding concept among all the social structures and phenomena, which it definitely organizes (forming its hierarchical systems), coordinates and orchestrates according to the target agenda. Like any other social phenomena, the social power phenomenon distinguishes itself through a series of specific traits and the question is whether these traits that personalize social power do need the use of language or not, and if they do, at what level? In what follows, I will briefly summarize the traits of social power as proposed by Bordeiu (2006) and the diverse manifestations of power forms in society, trying to determine (via logical assumptions) the relevance of language for each category:→ Display as social relation ? social power relies invariably on the existence of a specific social relation (subordination: leader to obedient, also co-operation for achieving conjoint goals) between people or groups of people, typical of any community, no matter its size (family, tribe, nation). Among the members of any groups appear different relations based on interests (power, solidarity, collaboration, conflict, etc), relations that come into being according to a specific context and are submitted to the filter of language. → Display as organization and management of social life ? power constitutes the most important element in organizing, ruling and adjustment setting of social life. It imposes the goals of human activity, the necessary means and strategies for achieving them and in this way power becomes the vital component that establishes and applies social order on the social level, an order that in its turn generates the phenomenon of power. So, social order depends on organization in order to validate power and vice versa, but neither of them can materialize themselves without the support of language. → Essentiality and Permanence - power is an essential and a permanent element for social relations and therefore ensures the normal functioning of society. But the normal functioning of a society could never be achieved without the patterns of communication and verbal interaction. Language itself becomes this way essential and permanent to society. → Global Display ? power has, among other things, the quality of a global factor and becomes an integrator that orchestrates and incorporates all the other forms of ruling and organization of social activities. During the integration process, language plays a decisive role, as it ensures the uniformity of the system (language performing values). → Social Values Synthesis Display ? The values promoted by power represent a synthesis of the other values manifested on the social level, which reflect the interests of the social majority, taking into consideration those related to the historical, moral or cultural tradition. In this case, language has the capacity to store these values, ensures fluency in passing on specific values and provides the opportunity to form a majority which will share the same ideological language. → Roles Asymmetry within Power Relationships ? The need for organizing and ruling different forms of activity (within complex human groups) determines social divisions, respectively asymmetries in the roles assumed by different categories of individuals (leaders and obeyers).

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Cortoni, Ida. "DIGITAL MEDIA AND INCLUSIVE EDUCATION IN HOME-SCHOOLING." In International Conference on Education and New Developments. inScience Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36315/2022v1end019.

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"The paper focuses on one of the aspects most investigated and monitored in recent years by the Desi index (Digital Economy and Society Index) on the digitization process in Europe, human capital, with an in-depth focus on primary school teachers. The emergent state of Covid 19 has had a strong impact in the field of education, so much so that the uses of digital technology and its applications are now an essential topic in public and political debate. The implementation of digital devices for education, during the lockdown, has necessarily led to a reflection on the methodological paths that can be applied and tested in the educational context. There are many uncertainties linked to the validity of new digital didactic approaches and to the communicative and transmissive effectiveness of the contents where the digital skills of teachers and families and the lack of adequate equipment risk compromising the objective of effective and inclusive education. How can educational quality and inclusion be guaranteed through digital communication, beyond socio-cultural inequalities? How can school digital capital guarantee new educational planning in the classroom? These are the main questions of the paper, which will focus on illustrating the communicative strategies of visual storytelling and graphicacy as tools for democratising digital communication, for sociocultural inclusion and for reducing sociocultural inequalities, by illustrating the structural framework and the main actions/strategy of the European Erasmus Plus project CAVE (Communication and Visual Education in homeschooling)."

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Arama, Alexandra. "INNOVATION OF TEACHING AND LEARNING PRACTICES THROUGH ONLINE COLLABORATIVE PROJECTS." In eLSE 2019. Carol I National Defence University Publishing House, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-19-160.

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Year by year, the interest for new technologies and how to bring them effectively in the classroom increased, even if we think from the teacher's perspective or from the students' perspective. The use of ICT in school partnerships is well supported by the European initiatives and programs, as Erasmus+ and eTwinning, and through political strategies as Education and Training 2020 initiative. The educational projects and activities that are implemented at European level are effective tools that schools can use in order to innovate practices, to successfully and actively involve students in their learning and to diversify the teaching practices in order to a meet the current need of leaners and to integrate new technologies in learning and teaching. During 2017, at European level, 5900 eTwinners declared that eTwinning had a significant impact on the development of individual teachers' skills and teaching practices, as well as on student's motivation and learning practices, confirming that eTwinning is an important tool to promote innovation in schools. European eTwinning projects have demonstrated during the last 12 years their pedagogical value through the innovation of teaching practices, encouraging group / partnership work and peer learning, the use of new information and communication technologies (ICT) to support the teaching process, involving students in teaching-learning-evaluation activities, diversification of learning activities by valorisation of projects in the formal curriculum, etc. The article explores the development of the eTwinning Action and its impact reported by teachers involved in eTwinning online school projects, trying to underline the added value of this type of projects in terms of innovation of educational practices and making learning more attractive.

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Costea, Mariana, Aura Mihai, Arina Seul, and Bogdan Sarghie. "PILLOTING 3D CAD FOOTWEAR COURSES WITHIN SKILLS 4 SMART TCLF PROJECT." In eLSE 2021. ADL Romania, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.12753/2066-026x-21-155.

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This article approaches the piloting stage of 42 trainees involved on MOOC courses for 3D CAD Footwear Developer, developed under Skills 4 Smart TCLF project. S4TCLF it is a project oriented to enhance the modernisation and competitiveness of the EU Textile, Clothing, Leather, and Footwear industry, through the development of a sustainable upskilling and reskilling strategy, which is supported by a communication campaign to attract social, economic and political actors. The project consortium is made from 22 partners within 9 European countries. The 3D CAD Footwear Developer is one of the 8 qualification profiles for which a training course was developed in our European partnership. The course responds to the industry needs and fulfil educational requirements by tackling knowledge and skills related to the footwear product design and styling process, manufacturing stages and technologies, 3D CAD modelling and virtual prototyping, 2D CAD pattern engineering, 3D/2D CAD of lasts, soles and heel, which all together correspond to the level 5 of the European Qualification Framework (EQF). The MOOC courses for 3D CAD Footwear Developer were published on the Iversity learning platform, part of the Springer Nature. A chapter of this course is structured in 3-5 video lectures supported by audio voice. At the end of the chapter an assignment task is proposed to be solved in order to continue with the next chapter/unit. The guided trainees were questioned and assessed by the S4TCLF project staff at different times. The aim of the piloting session was to obtain feedback and to assess the added value of the teaching materials.

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Roux-Demare, François-Xavier. "Adaptation of the Penal Response to the Globalization of Criminality." In G.I.D.T.P. 2019 - Globalization, Innovation and Development, Trends and Prospects 2019. LUMEN Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/lumproc/gidtp2022/19.

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The evolution of international economic-political relations and the means of communication has required, for a long time, a review of the apprehension of spaces and borders. The jurist was not excluded from this reflection, quite the contrary. The criminal sciences – despite the traditional term of “sovereign matter” – have had to adapt to an obvious evolution. The situation is not new; crime is becoming international. Nevertheless, it is no longer a question of being limited to the international crimes creating international criminal law, but of the necessary response of an international criminal law. In fact, alongside crimes that undermine the international public order, States must fight against an internationalized crime. The physiognomy of this crime is now acquired: internationalized, interpenetrated and professionalized. Borders do not seem to be an obstacle to crime. The globalization of exchanges and means of communication strengthens the effectiveness of criminal bands. To this criminal evolution, the States had to react. Again, this is not a recent response. Quickly, the national police collaborated to fight against a blatant and detestable impunity through the game of borders. However, and in order to face the increase in this crime benefiting from the disappearance of borders, States had to overcome their sense of sovereignist withdrawal. The European Union illustrates this new response, going beyond traditional criminal cooperation to ensure a real criminal integration.

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Fügedy, Anikó Erzsébet, and Gavril Flora. "Social Factors Influencing the Acquisition of the Romanian Language by Students Belonging to a Local Community Hungarian Minority." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/22.

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Research on language acquisition is a central theme in sociolinguistic research. Contemporary social, economic and political processes affect the life of communities and the languages what they speak. Globalization, migration and the enlargement of the European Union can significantly change the role and the future of majority and minority languages. In this research, we aim to reveal the family level language choice strategies of the Hungarian community in the small town of Margitha (Bihor County, Romania), discussing the role of family related social framework that positively or negatively influences the motivation of minority students to acquire knowledge of the Romanian language. For this purpose, we used both quantitative and qualitative methodological approaches. The results of research confirm that in multi-ethnic communities perhaps the most important, however at the same time the most vulnerable component of ethnic identity is the linguistic identity, which plays a key role in shaping the cultural landmarks and contents that determine the social integration of the individual. The positive family effects of socialization with the Hungarian language can be observed mostly in the ethnically homogeneous family. However, if one of the spouses is ethnic Romanian, the dominant language of communication within the family is more likely to be the Romanian language.

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Duić, Dunja, and Veronika Sudar. "THE IMPACT OF COVID-19 ON THE FREE MOVEMENT OF PERSONS IN THE EU." In EU 2021 – The future of the EU in and after the pandemic. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/18298.

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The impact of the COVID-19 outbreak is being endured throughout the world, and the European Union (EU) is no exception. The rapid spreading of the virus effected, among other things, restriction on the freedom of movement. The EU member states introduced national response measures to contain the pandemic and protect public health. While broadly similar, the measures differ with regard to strictness and the manner of introduction, reflecting the political legitimacy of the respective country. With the ‘Guidelines concerning the exercise of the free movement of workers during COVID-19 outbreak’ – its first COVID-19-related Communication – the European Commission (EC) attempted to curb differing practices of the EU member states and ensure a coordinated approach. Ultimately, this action was aimed at upholding of fundamental rights as guaranteed to EU citizens, one such being the freedom of movement. Thus, from the very start of the pandemic, the coordinated actions of EU institutions sought to contain the spread of COVID-19 infections with the support and cooperation of EU member states. This is confirmed by the most recent Council of the EU (Council) recommendation on a coordinated approach to restrictions to freedom of movement within the EU of October 2020. While they did prevent the spread of infection and save countless lives, the movement restriction measures and the resulting uncertainty have greatly affected the people, the society, and the economy, thereby demonstrating that they cannot remain in force for an extended period. This paper examines the measures introduced by EU member states and analyses the legal basis for introducing therewith limitations on human rights and market freedoms. To what extent are the EU and member states authorized to introduce restrictions on the freedom of movement in the interest of public health? Have the EU and member states breached their obligations regarding market freedoms and fundamental rights under the Treaty? And most importantly: have they endangered the fundamental rights of the citizens of the EU?

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Звіти організацій з теми "European Political Communication"

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Willis, Craig, Will Hughes, and Sergiusz Bober. ECMI Minorities Blog. National and Linguistic Minorities in the Context of Professional Football across Europe: Five Examples from Non-kin State Situations. European Centre for Minority Issues, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.53779/bvkl7633.

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Football clubs are often analysed by scholars as ‘imagined communities’, for no fan of any team will ever meet, or even be aware of most of their fellow supporters on an individual level. They are also simultaneously one of the most tribal phenomena of the twenty-first century, comparable to religion in terms of the complexity of rituals, their rhythm and overall organizational intricacies, yet equally inseparable from economics and politics. Whilst, superficially, the events of sporting fixtures carry little political significance, for many of Europe’s national and linguistic minorities football fandom takes on an extra dimension of identity – on an individual and collective scale, acting as a defining differentiation from the majority society. This blogpost analyses five clubs from non-kin state settings, with the intention to assess how different aspects of minority identities affect their fan bases, communication policies and other practices.

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Kenes, Bulent. CasaPound Italy: The Sui Generis Fascists of the New Millennium. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), June 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/op0010.

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CasaPound Italy is one of the most interesting and ambiguous populist right-wing extremist groups emerged in Europe. Its supporters say they are not ‘racist’ but are against immigration because of its impact on wages and houses; not antisemitic, but anti-Israel vis-à-vis Palestine; not homophobic, but supporters of the ‘traditional family’. Never before there was in Italy an explicitly neo-fascist group enjoying the strategic viability and the marge of political manoeuvre that was secured today by the CasaPound. Although CasaPound remains substantially marginal from an electoral point of view, its visibility in the Italian system is symptomatic of the ability of the extreme right to assimilate populist and alternative agendas in order to increase the attractiveness of their communication campaigns.

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Atkinson, Dan, and Alex Hale, eds. From Source to Sea: ScARF Marine and Maritime Panel Report. Society of Antiquaries of Scotland, September 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.9750/scarf.09.2012.126.

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The main recommendations of the panel report can be summarised under four headings: 1. From Source to Sea: River systems, from their source to the sea and beyond, should form the focus for research projects, allowing the integration of all archaeological work carried out along their course. Future research should take a holistic view of the marine and maritime historic environment, from inland lakes that feed freshwater river routes, to tidal estuaries and out to the open sea. This view of the landscape/seascape encompasses a very broad range of archaeology and enables connections to be made without the restrictions of geographical or political boundaries. Research strategies, programmes From Source to Sea: ScARF Marine and Maritime Panel Report iii and projects can adopt this approach at multiple levels; from national to site-specific, with the aim of remaining holistic and cross-cutting. 2. Submerged Landscapes: The rising research profile of submerged landscapes has recently been embodied into a European Cooperation in Science and Technology (COST) Action; Submerged Prehistoric Archaeology and Landscapes of the Continental Shelf (SPLASHCOS), with exciting proposals for future research. Future work needs to be integrated with wider initiatives such as this on an international scale. Recent projects have begun to demonstrate the research potential for submerged landscapes in and beyond Scotland, as well as the need to collaborate with industrial partners, in order that commercially-created datasets can be accessed and used. More data is required in order to fully model the changing coastline around Scotland and develop predictive models of site survival. Such work is crucial to understanding life in early prehistoric Scotland, and how the earliest communities responded to a changing environment. 3. Marine & Maritime Historic Landscapes: Scotland’s coastal and intertidal zones and maritime hinterland encompass in-shore islands, trans-continental shipping lanes, ports and harbours, and transport infrastructure to intertidal fish-traps, and define understanding and conceptualisation of the liminal zone between the land and the sea. Due to the pervasive nature of the Marine and Maritime historic landscape, a holistic approach should be taken that incorporates evidence from a variety of sources including commercial and research archaeology, local and national societies, off-shore and onshore commercial development; and including studies derived from, but not limited to history, ethnology, cultural studies, folklore and architecture and involving a wide range of recording techniques ranging from photography, laser imaging, and sonar survey through to more orthodox drawn survey and excavation. 4. Collaboration: As is implicit in all the above, multi-disciplinary, collaborative, and cross-sector approaches are essential in order to ensure the capacity to meet the research challenges of the marine and maritime historic environment. There is a need for collaboration across the heritage sector and beyond, into specific areas of industry, science and the arts. Methods of communication amongst the constituent research individuals, institutions and networks should be developed, and dissemination of research results promoted. The formation of research communities, especially virtual centres of excellence, should be encouraged in order to build capacity.

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Arora, Sanjana, and Olena Koval. Norway Country Report. University of Stavanger, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31265/usps.232.

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This report is part of a larger cross-country comparative project and constitutes an account and analysis of the measures comprising the Norwegian national response to the COVID-19 pandemic during the year of 2020. This time period is interesting in that mitigation efforts were predominantly of a non-medical nature. Mass vaccinations were in Norway conducted in early 2021. With one of the lowest mortality rates in Europe and relatively lower economic repercussions compared to its Nordic neighbours, the Norwegian case stands unique (OECD, 2021: Eurostat 2021; Statista, 2022). This report presents a summary of Norwegian response to the COVID-19 pandemic by taking into account its governance, political administration and societal context. In doing so, it highlights the key features of the Nordic governance model and the mitigation measures that attributed to its success, as well as some facets of Norway’s under-preparedness. Norway’s relative isolation in Northern Europe coupled with low population density gave it a geographical advantage in ensuring a slower spread of the virus. However, the spread of infection was also uneven, which meant that infection rates were concentrated more in some areas than in others. On the fiscal front, the affluence of Norway is linked to its petroleum industry and the related Norwegian Sovereign Wealth Fund. Both were affected by the pandemic, reflected through a reduction in the country’s annual GDP (SSB, 2022). The Nordic model of extensive welfare services, economic measures, a strong healthcare system with goals of equity and a high trust society, indeed ensured a strong shield against the impact of the COVID-19 pandemic. Yet, the consequences of the pandemic were uneven with unemployment especially high among those with low education and/or in low-income professions, as well as among immigrants (NOU, 2022:5). The social and psychological effects were also uneven, with children and elderly being left particularly vulnerable (Christensen, 2021). Further, the pandemic also at times led to unprecedented pressure on some intensive care units (OECD, 2021). Central to handling the COVID-19 pandemic in Norway were the three national executive authorities: the Ministry of Health and Care services, the National directorate of health and the Norwegian Institute of Public Health. With regard to political-administrative functions, the principle of subsidiarity (decentralisation) and responsibility meant that local governments had a high degree of autonomy in implementing infection control measures. Risk communication was thus also relatively decentralised, depending on the local outbreak situations. While decentralisation likely gave flexibility, ability to improvise in a crisis and utilise the municipalities’ knowledge of local contexts, it also brought forward challenges of coordination between the national and municipal level. Lack of training, infection control and protection equipment thereby prevailed in several municipalities. Although in effect for limited periods of time, the Corona Act, which allowed for fairly severe restrictions, received mixed responses in the public sphere. Critical perceptions towards the Corona Act were not seen as a surprise, considering that Norwegian society has traditionally relied on its ‘dugnadskultur’ – a culture of voluntary contributions in the spirit of solidarity. Government representatives at the frontline of communication were also open about the degree of uncertainty coupled with considerable potential for great societal damage. Overall, the mitigation policy in Norway was successful in keeping the overall infection rates and mortality low, albeit with a few societal and political-administrative challenges. The case of Norway is thus indeed exemplary with regard to its effective mitigation measures and strong government support to mitigate the impact of those measures. However, it also goes to show how a country with good crisis preparedness systems, governance and a comprehensive welfare system was also left somewhat underprepared by the devastating consequences of the pandemic.

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