Готові списки джерел за темами / Europe – 1815-1848

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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Europe – 1815-1848"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 13 січня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Europe – 1815-1848"

1

Tully, Carol, and Virgil Nemoianu. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848." Modern Language Review 102, no. 3 (July 1, 2007): 826. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20467451.

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Marshall, D. G. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848." Modern Language Quarterly 68, no. 3 (September 1, 2007): 447–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/00267929-2007-008.

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3

Spariosu, Mihai. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 (review)." MLN 121, no. 5 (2006): 1272–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mln.2007.0015.

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Tully, Carol. "The Triumph of Imperfection: The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 by Virgil Nemoianu." Modern Language Review 102, no. 3 (2007): 826–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/mlr.2007.0015.

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Stykalin, Alexander. "The Hungarian Revolution of 1848-1849 in the historical retrospective after 170 years." Slavic Almanac, no. 1-2 (2019): 29–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2073-5731.2019.1-2.1.02.

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The Revolution of 1848-1849 in Hungary was a serious challenge to the entire European order established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815 as the result of the Napoleon wars. The unfavorable outcome of the revolution was first of all a result of the lack of interest of the major European powers (Russia including) in destroying the Habsburg monarchy, which was a guarantor of stability on the continent due to its middle position in Europe. The main lesson of the events in the Habsburgs monarchy (including Hungary) in 1848-1849 is seen in the fact that for the first time in the European history, they showed so clearly the destructive power of nationalism. The mismatch of the goals of the national movements with their specific programs led to the sharp collisions. Later this experience was taken into consideration by the ideologues of the national movements of various peoples of the Danube region. This report not only evaluates the international significance of the Hungarian revolution of 1848-1849 in a retrospective after 170 years and assesses its place in the Hungarian historical memory. An attempt is made to dispel some stereotypes concerning the policy of the Russian Empire in the region. It is established that its non-interference in the internal affairs of the neighboring empire was of a fundamental nature due to the fear of creating a new “European question”. The choice in favor of the military action was made only after long hesitations for the fear of the collapse of the Habsburg Empire.
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6

Šedivý, Miroslav. "The Path to the Austro-Sardinian War: The Post-Napoleonic States System and the End of Peace in Europe in 1848." European History Quarterly 49, no. 3 (July 2019): 367–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0265691419853481.

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The aim of this article is to explain the long-term process leading to the decision of Sardinian King Charles Albert to wage war against Austria in March 1848. Moving beyond the normal stress on Italian national consciousness, the article focuses more on the King’s attitude towards the conduct of European powers in Italian affairs and attempts to prove that repeated illegal and aggressive actions of the European powers after 1830 destroyed the King’s faith in the fairness of the political-legal system established at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, leading also to his loss of faith in the strength of law and increasing his belief in the power of armed force in international relations. All this significantly contributed to his final decision to start a war of conquest against Austria, which he regarded as weak and thus no longer respected, much like his attitude towards the existing political-legal order in general.
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CHABAL, EMILE. "The Agonies of Liberalism." Contemporary European History 26, no. 1 (September 29, 2016): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777316000321.

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It is striking the extent to which many liberals have seen themselves as figures on the margins of politics. This is partly an ideological issue. Of all the great ‘isms’ of the modern age, liberalism has had neither the historical certainty of the two great totalitarian ideologies of the twentieth century, nor the reassuring hierarchical logic of conservatism. Most liberals have agonised about how much humans can achieve and have repeatedly stressed the fallibility of rational or democratic solutions, at least in comparison with more revolutionary ideologies like communism. But liberals’ sense of living on the margins is also a consequence of the context in which liberalism was born. In Europe, the spectre of the French Revolution – and, later, the Bolshevik Revolution – gave liberalism a specific flavour. Liberals were often keen on reform, but they always feared social upheaval. Time and again, liberals found themselves in power only to lose control of the pace of social change. In the worst cases – 1815, 1848 or 1917 spring to mind – this put the liberal cause back by generations. For much of modern European history, to be a liberal was to be in a perpetual state of siege.
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Aaslestad, Katherine, and Karen Hagemann. "1806 and Its Aftermath: Revisiting the Period of the Napoleonic Wars in German Central European Historiography." Central European History 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 547–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000185.

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If the French faced the 200th anniversary of the Napoleonic Empire with some trepidation about how to commemorate the infamous Corsican, the British celebrated the Battle of Trafalgar as an enduring national victory. A grand exhibit in the National Maritime Museum in London, “Nelson and Napoleon,” observed this event in 2005. In contemporary Germany, however, the commemoration of 1806 has occurred mainly among small circles of specialists and remained largely absent from popular historical consciousness. In recent times, besides the exhibition on the Holy Roman Empire in the German Historical Museum in Berlin, only small local exhibits and substantial articles in magazines like Die Zeit and Der Spiegel recall 1806. Past momentous occasions such as 1848, 1914–1919, 1933–1945, and 1949 clearly overshadow in contemporary historical memory the tumultuous decades that surrounded the Napoleonic Wars. This tendency to overlook and underestimate the significance of the early nineteenth century also remains evident among scholars who work on later periods of German history. In the shadow of World Wars and the Holocaust, the period of the Revolutionary and Napoleonic Wars between 1792 and 1815 seems distant to the contemporary audience. But why do historians also tend to disregard the importance of this era of warfare and domestic, social, and economic transformation—a period so rich in complexity—and its enduring consequences for nineteenth- and twentieth-century Europe?
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Claudon, Francis. "Virgil NEMOIANU, The Triumph of Imperfection . The Silver Age of Sociocultural Moderation in Europe, 1815-1848 , Columbia (South Carolina), University of South Carolina Press, 2006, 258 pages." Revue de littérature comparée 324, no. 4 (April 29, 2008): X. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/rlc.324.0489j.

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Ragozin, G. S. "Conservative approach towards the Austrian identity in works by Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf (1816-1832)." Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta, no. 480 (2023): 123–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/15617793/480/15.

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The article deals with the issue of Austrian identity emergence and transformation in conservative intellectual discourse of 1816-1832, concentrating on the legacy of Friedrich von Gentz and Adam Muller von Nitterdorf. The author analyzed ideas presented in works by Friedrich von Gentz, e.g. Manifestos of Emperor Francis I he edited; his speculations on the political systems of Austria, Germany and Europe; his essays published in Osterreichischer Beobachter [Austrian Observer]. The author also analyzed works by Adam Muller von Nitterdorf, including his political essays, panegyric pamphlets addressed to Emperor Francis I and the didactic essay on school education based on dynastic patriotism. The correspondence of the two public figures was also studied. The research methodology is based on the history of concepts that deals with the emergence and evolution of a certain concept in its historical and political contexts. Besides, the author employed the terms and concepts “historical memory”, “historical discourse” and “identity”. The conservative political thought of the Austrian Empire was the main context for speculations on the Austrian identity and also referred to criticism against the French Revolution of the 18th century and to the revisiting of the Napoleonic Wars in the Vormarz period (1815-1848). The author came to the following conclusions. Both intellectuals had a similar approach towards the role of the monarch and loyalty towards him as a core self-identification element for the Austrian Empire's multiethnic population - a “family of peoples”, according to Gentz. This image was broadcast via periodicals monopolized by the officials after the Karlsbad decrees. The “organic constitution” concept played a vital role. According to both intellectuals, Francis I was also a formal symbol of Austrian leadership in German lands. At the same time, Gentz and Muller had a different understanding of an “Austrian”. Muller referred to universalist patterns from previous periods with his speculations on an “Austrian” as a sum of all communities living within the empire. On the contrary, Gentz referred to an “Austrian“ as a subject of the empire with German as a native language and belonging to German culture. Such contradictions were significant in distorting the identity policy of the Metternich government. At the same time, both intellectuals agreed that reinforcing this identity is possible only with the active support of the authorities. For the rest of the society it was to be implemented via school education. The Catholic church was also to play an important role in implementing the policy, with the Josephinism and neo-Josephinism approaches of active inclusion of the clergy into leading the public opinion in a required discourse. After the two intellectuals and the emperor passed away, the conservative doctrine failed to preserve its leadership in the Empire.
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Дисертації з теми "Europe – 1815-1848"

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Brendel, Thomas. "Zukunft Europa ? : das Europabild und die Idee der internationalen Solidarität bei den deutschen Liberalen und Demokraten im Vormärz (1815-1848) /." Bochum : D. Winkler, 2005. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb40199525d.

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Bruyère-Ostells, Walter. "Les officiers de la Grande Armée dans les mouvements nationaux et libéraux (1815-1833)." Paris 4, 2005. http://www.theses.fr/2006PA040045.

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Les officiers de la Grande Armée participent aux différents mouvements nationaux et libéraux en Europe (France, Italie, Espagne, Portugal, Belgique, Pologne) et en Amérique latine. Ils ont souvent un rôle moteur dans ces révolutions tant sur le plan militaire que sur le plan politique. L’Amérique du sud ou la Grèce recrutent des vétérans en passant des contrats avec ces hommes étrangers aux pays qu’ils vont servir ; à Naples, en Piémont, en France, en Belgique ou en Pologne, les officiers napoléoniens se mettent au service du mouvement révolutionnaire le plus souvent par conviction. Leur idéal est majoritairement libéral ; il est soit de sympathie bonapartiste, soit (plus rarement) de sympathie orléaniste. La plupart n’ont pas de préférence dynastique avant 1830. Ceci explique le ralliement rapide à Louis-Philippe. Le sentiment national est également un facteur d’explication de leur engagement, y compris à l’étranger. Dans les soulèvements pour la liberté nationale, l’engagement peut-être largement spontané (France ou Belgique en 1830). Dans d’autres révolutions (Italie, Grèce), il résulte de l’action de réseaux clandestins. Les vétérans peuvent être recrutés dans des foyers européens du libéralisme. La maçonnerie reste un lieu de sociabilité mais sa neutralité politique pousse les officiers vers des rites politisés ou vers des sociétés secrètes. Le rôle de ces dernières est réel (charbonnerie) mais leur action est dépourvue d’unité
The Grand Army officers take part in national and liberal actions in France, Italy, Spain, Portugal, Greese, Belgium, Poland and South America. They play a great part in the army and politics as well. South America or Greece recruit officers by contracts ; in Napoli, in Piedmont, France, Belgium or in Poland, most Napoleonic officers act by conviction. They are liberal with bonapartist liking or, less often, with orleanist liking. Real boonapartist are few and most officers don’t prefer any dynasty before 1830. That’s why Louis-Philippe was accepted in July 1830. Among officers, many are republicans, either moderate or radical. They are numerous among either in the 1789’s or even in Marie-Louises. In additional, National feeling explains their commitment, even in foreign parts. During uprisings for national liberty (France, Belgium), commitment can be spontaneous but in other revolutions (Italy, Greece), it can be the result of underground groups. Officers stay in European liberal towns. There, free masonry is still a mind society but doesn’t choose between liberalism and conservatism. So, officers join secret societies like carboneria. Their action is real but itisn’t a European union
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Touche, Catherine. "Les doctrines juridiques de l'Europe libérée face aux codes napoléoniens (1811 -1825)." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Rennes 1, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022REN1G009.

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À compter de 1793, la France révolutionnaire puis napoléonienne en est venue à occuper la moitié de l’Europe. Les territoires belges et la Hollande, une grande partie des territoires suisses et allemands, la Pologne, les divers royaumes italiens et l’Espagne ont ainsi été soumis, à divers degrés, au modèle juridique français, dont ses législations codifiées : non seulement le Code civil (1804) – le plus fameux des cinq –, mais aussi le code de procédure civile (1806), le code de commerce (1807), le code d’instruction criminelle (1808) et le code pénal (1810). L’un des grands paradoxes de cette épopée française est d’avoir voulu imposer un système juridique commun à l’Europe et, ce faisant, d’avoir partout éveillé les nationalismes. La désaffection progressive des élites et des populations accompagne le désastre de Leipzig (octobre 1813), la campagne de France et le traité de Fontainebleau (juin 1814). L’acte final du congrès de Vienne (9 juin 1815) et la défaite de Waterloo (18 juin) consacrent l’effondrement de l’hégémonie française. Dans cette période charnière, les auteurs de doctrine écrivent. Tandis que des réformateurs proposent de prendre les codes français pour modèle, d’autres rejettent ou ignorent l’héritage de l’envahisseur. Tandis que certains font l’exégèse de la codification française, d’autres cherchent à l’insérer dans un paysage juridique européen où la comparaison est une nécessité. Parfois, les réactions aux codes mènent à la création : l’École historique du droit est ainsi fondée en 1814. La littérature juridique de ces pays, dans le crépuscule de l’occupation puis à l’aube des restaurations, témoigne d’une grande diversité, d’une évolution à la fois substantielle et méthodologique, et met en lumière l’existence de réseaux doctrinaux avec leurs pôles d’attraction. Examiner la façon dont les auteurs européens se positionnent face aux cinq codes français, c’est interroger un carrefour de l’histoire du droit en Europe
From 1793 onwards, Revolutionary and then Napoleonic France came to occupy half of Europe. The Belgian territories and Holland, a large part of the Swiss and German territories, Poland, the various Italian kingdoms and Spain were thus subjected, to varying degrees, to the French legal model, including its codified legislation: not only the Civil Code (1804) - the most famous of the five - but also the Code of Civil Procedure (1806), the Commercial Code (1807), the Code of Criminal Procedure (1808) and the Penal Code (1810). However, while it sought to impose a common legal system over Europe, France paradoxically aroused nationalism everywhere. The disaster of Leipzig (October 1813), the French campaign and the Treaty of Fontainebleau (June 1814) were accompanied by the growing disaffection of both the population and the elite towards Napoleon. The Congress of Vienna’s Final Act (9 June 1815) and the defeat at Waterloo (18 June) completed the collapse of French hegemony. During this watershed period, authors of doctrine were active. While some reformers suggested taking the French codes as a model, others rejected or ignored the legacy of the invader. While some produced exegetic commentaries of French codification, others sought to make it fit within the European legal landscape, necessarily leading to comparisons between models. Reactions to the codes sometimes led to creation as demonstrated by the founding of the Historical School of Law in 1814. The legal literature of these countries, in the twilight of the occupation and then at the dawn of the restorations, displays a great diversity and an evolution that is both substantial and methodological. Furthermore, it highlights the existence of doctrinal networks with their respective poles of attraction. To examine the way in which European authors position themselves in relation to the five French codes is to investigate a turning point in the history of law in Europe
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Frontoni, Giulia. "Vernetzt!" Doctoral thesis, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11858/00-1735-0000-002E-E36D-A.

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Книги з теми "Europe – 1815-1848"

1

European politics, 1815-1848. Burlington, VT: Ashgate Pub., 2011.

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2

Art in an age of counterrevolution, 1815-1848. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004.

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3

Ford, Franklin L. Europe, 1780-1830. 2nd ed. London: Longman, 1989.

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4

Europe, 1780-1830. 2nd ed. London: Longman, 1989.

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5

Die nationalen Beziehungen im Grossherzogtum Posen (1815-1848). Bern: P. Lang, 1986.

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6

1943-, Reinalter Helmut, ed. Politische Vereine, Gesellschaften und Parteien in Zentraleuropa 1815-1848/49. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 2005.

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7

María Teresa Martínez de Sas. Las claves de la restauración y el liberalismo, 1815-1848. Barcelona, España: Planeta, 1990.

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8

Heroic imagination: The creative genius of Europe from Waterloo (1815) to the Revolution of 1848. New York: New York University Press, 2004.

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9

The triumph of imperfection: The silver age of sociocultural moderation in Europe, 1815-1848. Columbia, S.C: University of South Carolina Press, 2005.

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10

Weston, Evans Robert John, and Pogge von Strandmann H, eds. The revolutions in Europe, 1848-1849: From reform to reaction. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Europe – 1815-1848"

1

Rapport, Michael. "Social Crises and Responses, 1815–1848." In Nineteenth-Century Europe, 78–98. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-20476-8_5.

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2

Dukes, Paul. "From Reaction Towards Liberalism, 1815–1848." In Paths to a New Europe, 187–221. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-80206-3_7.

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Dukes, Paul. "From Reaction towards Liberalism, 1815–1848." In A History of Europe 1648–1948: The Arrival, The Rise, The Fall, 213–48. London: Macmillan Education UK, 1985. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-18027-1_8.

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"The Underground Republic: Opposition Movements, 1815–1848." In Post-Revolutionary Europe. Bloomsbury Academic, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350390201.ch-004.

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"Socialism and Social Protest: FROM REFORM TO RADICALISM (1815–1848)." In Revolutionary Europe. Bloomsbury Academic, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781350020030.ch-007.

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6

Scheltema, Michiel. "Constitutional Developments in the Netherlands: Towards a Weaker Parliament and Stronger Courts?" In Constitutional Policy and Change in Europe, 200–213. Oxford University PressOxford, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198279914.003.0009.

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Abstract In 1983 a completely redrafted Constitution came into force in the Netherlands. The old Constitution, dating from 1815, had been amended several times—the amendments of 1848 were the most important ones—but a complete revision had never been under taken before. During the process of rewriting the document, issues of substantive constitutional importance had been under discussion. Some issues had been given special attention, such as the introduction of some kind of referendum, the need for judicial review of Acts of Parliament—not existing in the Netherlands—and the introduction of elections for the mayors of cities and towns to replace the existing system of appointments by the Crown.
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Zalar, Jeffrey T. "Historical Introduction." In Oxford History of Modern German Theology, Volume 1: 1781-1848, 521—C25S5. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198845768.003.0027.

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Abstract This chapter addresses the formative Restoration and Vormärz eras of history in German-speaking lands from roughly 1815 to the Revolutions of 1848–49. It begins with politics, considering the realignment of most of the states of central Europe into the German Confederation and the tensions this realignment provoked between establishment conservatives and emancipation-minded liberals. Then it examines social changes in both agrarian and urban environments as industrialization took hold, rural surplus labourers moved to upstart cities, and restive populations everywhere demanded amelioration of their living and working conditions. Finally, it highlights such cultural transformations as the spread of compulsory schooling and the coalescence of the public sphere that so powerfully influenced the expansion and character of intellectual life. These three interrelated discussions of politics, society, and culture establish helpful contexts for comprehending the development of German theology in the modern period.
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Davis, Paul K. "Rome." In Besieged, 220–21. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195219302.003.0065.

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Abstract When Napoleon Bonaparte established French domination in Italy in the 1790s, he brought with him the principles of the French Revolution and thus the seeds of his own destruction. Nationalism and republican government became the catchwords of post-Napoleonic Europe, even while monarchs scrambled to reestablish their own authority. In Italy, revolts in 1820 and 1830 attempted to set up an Italian Republic by overthrowing the Austrians and Spanish, to which the Concert of Europe had granted authority in the northern and southern parts of the peninsula after 1815. The difficulty of establishing a republic was compounded by the fact that the Italian peninsula was divided into a number of smaller states, each vying for either independence or hegemony. One of those entities was the Vatican, which ruled what were called the Papal States in the region immediately around Rome. To further complicate the international interest in Italy, Pope Pius IX was able to secure a guarantee from France that her soldiers would maintain his authority. All of this came to a boil in 1848, when nationalist movements rose up around the Continent. Many European monarchies were threatened, and in France the Second Republic came into being. Italian nationalists seized the opportunity to break away from Austria, for Vienna had its hands full with revolutionary movements at home. On 22 November 1848, Pope Pius, disguised as a common priest, stole out of the Vatican and fled to the coastal city of Gaeta, from where he appealed for French aid to restore him to power. In February 1849 a newly elected parliament announced the formation of the Roman Republic with Giuseppe Mazzini as chief minister.
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Schroeder, Paul W. "AHR Forum Did the Vienna Settlement Rest on a Balance of Power?" In European Politics 1815–1848, 3–26. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255897-1.

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Brophy, James M. "Violence Between Civilians and State Authorities in the Prussian Rhineland, 1830–1846." In European Politics 1815–1848, 181–215. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315255897-10.

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