Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Environmental protection Press coverage Victoria"

This article reports on a preliminary scan of six English-language newspapers in Southeast Asia, with a side comparison to a leading Australian newspaper, regarding their coverage of environmental sustainability issues over a two month period in 2005. It identifies the ownership and key politico-economic issues for each masthead, and does a detailed quantitative analysis of their subject matter and use of sources, followed by two case studies of complex, multisourced stories critical of corporate or government activities. The analysis draws on field theory, and canvasses debates about the power relations among journalists and sources. It concludes that there is a common set of journalistic practices across the sample regardless of national and political differences, but considerable diversity of approaches within that commonality. Patterns of ownership, particularly state vs non-state offer little general explanatory power for this diversity. Protection of the environment had ‘motherhood status’ in the reporting, but precisely because of this status no assumptions can be made about the quality of the coverage.

News coverage by the mass media is very influential on the way of thinking and behaving society in saving the environment from damage. Examples are pollution, abuse of natural resources and environmental protection. Media coverage also influences policy makers in formulating environmental law policies. Aspects of communication and policy aspects have interrelationships that affect each other. In the empirical level the relationship is reflected in the public perception when responding to environmental problems. The mass media as a social institution has contributed to the worldview and thinking of the community and policy makers. This study focuses on the interrelation or relationship between press coverage with rescue and environmental law formulation policy. The purpose of research to determine the influence of mass media coverage on rescue and environmental management policy. This type of research is qualitative research with mass media content analysis method combined with in-depth interview technique to source and stake holder applied in this research. Data processing is done by manual coding technique, coding sheet and interview guide. The analysis is done by qualitative and quantitative descriptive approach presented in the form of frequency table and bar diagram. Interview results are used to sharpen the analysis. The result, that the continuous and continuous mass media coverage and deep, was able to stop environmental destruction, especially illegal sand mining in the Brantas River Basin of Kediri. Second, the government in taking environmental law policy is influenced by mass media coverage. The conclusion of this research is that the mass media influence the cessation of illegal sand mining activity in Brantas River Basin of Kediri. Both media coverage influenced policy makers to formulate legal policy in Kediri.

Water pollution from intensive livestock husbandry is a persistent social-ecological problem. Since remedies require attention to the slurry–water nexus among practitioners, the agricultural press is a strategic entry point for agenda setting. Systematic content analysis can provide insights into how farming practices and sustainability issues are communicated, which may influence farmers’ attention to the issue and to potential solutions. To address this question, we present a semantic network analysis of three specialized farming magazines in Germany and analyze their coverage of the slurry–water nexus, in particular relationships of actors and issues and co-occurrence with political events. We used text mining methods in order to analyze a text corpus consisting of 4227 online articles published between 2010 and 2020. Results show that one fifth of all slurry-themed articles contained water-related content. We found a shift over time from dominantly management-oriented content towards a politicized debate with more actors and stronger semantic relationships with water protection constructed as an insulated stand-alone issue. This is accompanied by a shift from thematic reporting to episodic reporting focused on environmental legislation and compliance management. This implies less attention to innovations for water-conserving slurry management. Despite its shortcomings, episodic coverage may open up windows of opportunity to improve communication by experts and policy makers.

In order to get a scientific assessment of the coastal ecosystem health in Qingdao, a study on ecosystem health assessment of Qingdao coastal zone during 1998-2009 based on press-state-response (PSR) model contained a series of indicators was conducted. In this paper, the integrated ecosystem health index was calculated through weight values multiplied the standardization values of the indicators. The results indicated that the IEHI in the coastal zone of Qingdao fluctuated by a large margin during 1998-2009, when the IEHI range from 0.35 to 0.84, and the ecosystem was in the states of unhealthy and subhealthy in most of the time interval. The urban expansion and the three wastes were the dominating pressure factors which effected the coastal ecosystem health. The atmosphere and inshore environment took a turn for the worse, while the cultivated land resource exhausted almost. In order to improve the coastal ecosystem health, it was quite necessary to increase the forest coverage rate, tertiary industry proportion and investment in environmental protection.

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to examine how and when a reputation for corporate social responsibility (CSR) can deter dysfunctional consumer behaviors (DCBs) such as shoplifting or negative word-of-mouth (WOM) in response to firm failures. The authors predict that congruency of the CSR activities and the basis for the firm failure (e.g. environmental protection, environmental harm) provides protection for firms while incongruency (e.g. environmental protection, social harm) does not. The authors base this prediction on the process of retroactive attribution and sense-making. Design/methodology/approach Across two studies the research finds support that a reputation for CSR can deter consumer dysfunctional behavior. Study 1 uses an experimental design with a Mturk sample, and a behavioral outcome using an overpayment situation, to examine when consumers will act honestly and recognize overpayment. Study 2 uses secondary data, across three novel data sources (Google trends data, an existing data set of consumer perceptions of CSR and Factiva to uncover press coverage of negative firm events). Study 2 examines how CSR reputation impacts consumers’ participation in negative WOM in response to firm failures. Findings Study 1 finds support for CSR congruency as a protection mechanism against dysfunctional behavior in response to negative events. The authors find that dysfunctional behaviors in conditions of congruency, while incongruent and a control condition do not provide such protections. Study 2 supports these findings using Google trends data in the form of online negative WOM. The authors find that when firms are known for their social performance, negative events in the social domain result in significantly lower levels of negative WOM. Originality/value The current paper makes the novel prediction that consumers will use a current negative event (corporate social irresponsibility) to re-evaluate previous CSR. Thus, in contrast with prior research, the authors argue that a negative event is not affected by previous CSR but that previous CSR is affected by a negative event. Furthermore, the authors posit that the congruency between the transgression and previous CSR moderates consumer perceptions, such that incongruent CSR and transgression contexts lead to increased DCBs through consumers’ retroactive sense-making process.

The article is devoted to media coverage of human rights protection, namely the problems and prospects for the development of human rights journalism in Ukraine. Human protection, adherence to the fundamental principles enshrined in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights and the Basic Law of Ukraine are the basis of freedom, justice and universal peace. Violation by the media of a wide range of media — from human integration and development in society to sensitive conflict issues, voices of people with disabilities, the elderly, vulnerable groups, etc. — shows adherence to democratic principles of statehood, humanism and freedom of speech. Advocacy or advocacy journalism is participatory journalism, and the journalist is a direct participant who seeks to protect those who find themselves in a difficult situation by changing the situation itself, resolving the conflict, andexpressing one’s own opinion. Today, with the intensification of social processes in society, socio-economic and environmental conflicts, emphasis should be placed on personal (civil, political, economic, social, cultural and environmental) rights and freedoms that ensure the right of everyone to a safe life, health, free access to information, the right to the state of the environment, the quality of food and household items, etc. For the development of human rights journalism, it would be appropriate to increase the number and quality of publications in the media, which cover the problems of all vulnerable groups (children, adolescents, people with disabilities, prisoners, women / men, gender, etc.), use correct terminology in accordance with human rights), the balance of authenticity and judgments from the facts is observed (the standard of separation of facts), the avoidance of hate speech, the materials of one’s own analysis prevail (without reprinting official press releases of the authorities). This study aims to increase the sensitivity of the media to socially vulnerable groups and the protection of human rights. One of the solutions to the problem is to highlight the problems and prospects for the development of human rights journalism in Ukraine. Strengthening the media to the standard of reliability through quality work with sources of information, the use of correct terminology and improving the performance of their own journalistic materials and is the most important in the development of human rights journalism.

Based on the high use of agrochemicals and pressure on ecosystems from agricultural production, as well as complaints and social movements against pineapple crop in the northern region of Costa Rica, a communication strategy was articulated within the framework of the project “Characterization of agricultural practices and the use and management of agrochemicals in pineapple crop, for implementing good agricultural practices (GAP)”. The strategy focused on promoting agricultural and environmental education to help farmers in the implementation of GAPs in the northern region of Costa Rica. There are not many public relations studies about agriculture and rural areas in Latin America. However, public relations can contribute to community development, based on the search for relationships based on trust, mutual understanding, cooperation and a sense of belonging that could lay the foundations for promoting sustainable development. The methodology was carried out in three main stages: diagnosis, approach and execution, and evaluation of the strategy. In the initial stage, one of the main findings was the outstanding negativity in local and national media coverage of pineapple production. Based on the results of the diagnosis, four main problems to be addressed during the implementation stage were identified: 1) overdose of pesticides; 2) bad stubble management; 3) poor soil management; 4) disrespect for aquifer protection zones. For the second stage, we applied two tactics consisting of a set of tasks intended to target audiences identified as main or primary. Also, a training program and crisis management activities were executed. The final stage consisted of the application of an evaluation questionnaire to 25 farmers participating in the training program. The results were several activities developed in the communities, including a series of informative and educational products (videos, key messages through WhatsApp, newsletters, infographics, a guide for the identification of pests and diseases in the pineapple crop); press management; workshops at local schools; and a GAPs Fair to promote the sustainable production of pineapple. The strategy promoted a training program, consisting of 34 talks, which was attended by 240 people: farmers, university students, agricultural products and tools sales personnel, people from cooperatives and interested members of the public. According to the final evaluation, 68 % of the training participants stated that their ability to produce pineapple using GAP improved during the last years; 40 % stated that environmental balance was the main benefit of implementing GAPs in pineapple crop, followed by economic savings (24 %). This shows that the message related to the environment was the prevailing one, consistent with the environmental and educational communication proposed by the strategy. As a conclusion, of the three most implemented agricultural practices by pineapple farmers, we identified that two were part of those promoted by the communication campaign. Thus, the project’s communication strategy had a strong incidence in the improvement of agricultural practices in the area and increased the number of positive notes related to the pineapple crop, before the crisis. We were able to impact the local production of pineapple through a clearly established strategy. Also, this allowed us to face the different phases of the crisis situation.

Old growth is a critical growth stage in many forest types globally. It has many key ecological roles including biodiversity conservation, carbon storage and the provision of services such as water production. The extent of old growth forest has been declining in many ecosystems around the world, with major ecological and ecosystem service consequences. Important insights about such declines, as well as the structure, function and conservation of old growth forest, can be gained from detailed cross-sectional and longitudinal studies of different age cohorts within a given forest ecosystem. In this review article, we outline key insights into the characteristics of, and threats to old growth forests, using the Mountain Ash (Eucalyptus regnans) forests of the Central Highlands of Victoria, south-eastern Australia as a detailed case study. These forests are dominated by the tallest flowering plants on earth and have been subject to several decades of intense study. These studies show that old growth Mountain Ash forests are characterized by (among other features): giant trees (approaching 100 m tall and sometimes exceeding 20 m in circumference), numerous trees with hollows, an understorey of Acacia and rainforest trees, a range of plant and animal species that are rare or absent in younger aged stands, and moist, nutrient-rich soils. The area of old growth Mountain Ash forest has declined to 1.16% of the ∼141,000 ha area occupied by ash-type forests in the Central Highlands region. This is up to 60 times less than it was at the time of European colonization ∼220 years ago. The loss of old growth has major implications for bird, mammal and other biodiversity, as well as for carbon storage and water production for human consumption. The main drivers of old growth decline are recurrent wildfire, widespread clearcutting, and a logging-fire interaction in which cut and then regenerated forests become more flammable and are at significantly elevated risk of burning at high (stand replacing) severity. Climate change is also a driver of old growth decline both through elevating the mortality of large old living trees and underpinning an increase in the frequency of high severity wildfire. These interacting drivers mean that restoring old growth Mountain Ash forest will be an ecological and policy challenge. We argue that a first step must be to cease all commercial logging in the Mountain Ash ecosystem to allow new cohorts of old growth forest to be recruited and thereby expand the extent of the old growth estate. In addition, the Government of Victoria should revert to a past definition of old growth that made it easier for forest to qualify for protection. Given there are high risks of recurrent high-severity wildfire in the existing Mountain Ash forest estate which is dominated by highly flammable young regrowth forest, new technologies (such as the use of drones and satellites) are needed to rapidly detect and then suppress ignitions before fires become large and difficult to control. Mountain Ash forests have provided an important natural laboratory for understanding the dynamics, management and conservation of old growth forest. They have also helped generate some valuable general perspectives likely to be relevant to other forest ecosystems globally. These include: (1) the critical value of multi-facetted cross-sectional and longitudinal studies in quantifying attributes of, and threats to, old growth forest, (2) the need for a carefully crafted definition of old growth that will typically be ecosystem-specific and based on the time required to develop key ecosystem attributes (e.g., large old trees), (3) the importance of rigorous protection measures because poor decisions that result in the loss of old growth now will take prolonged periods to rectify, and (4) setting protection levels that are relative to the existing spatial coverage of remaining old growth and the extent and impacts of stressors driving old growth decline.

A national study was conducted in Brunei to assess and compare the immunogenicity of the various brands of COVID-19 vaccines administered to the population as part of the National COVID-19 Vaccination Programme. Most of the population have had received at least 2 doses of BBIBP-CorV, AZD1222 or MRNA-1273 vaccines. Neutralising antibodies against SARS-CoV-2 induced by these vaccines will be analysed to infer population-level immune protection against COVID-19. During the 5-week recruitment period, 24,260 eligible individuals were invited to the study via SMS, out of which 2,712 participants were enrolled into the study. This paper describes the novel adaptive strategy used to recruit the study participants. Digital technology was leveraged to perform targeted online recruitment to circumvent the limitations of traditional recruitment methods. Technology also enabled stratified random selection of these eligible individuals who were stratified based on age, gender and vaccine brand. Data was extracted from the electronic health records, the national mobile health application and a third-party survey platform and integrated into a dedicated research platform called EVYDResearch. The instant availability and access to up-to-date data on EVYDResearch enabled the study team to meet weekly and adopt an adaptive recruitment strategy informed by behavioural science, where interventions could be quickly implemented to improve response rates. Some examples of these include incorporating nudge messaging into SMS invitations, involving the Minister of Health to make press announcements on this study, media coverage, setting up an enquiries hotline and reaching out to foreign language speaking expatriates of a local multinational company to participate in this study. Data integration from various data sources, real time information sharing and a strong teamwork led to good outcomes adaptable to the progress of recruitment, compared to the more time-consuming and static traditional recruitment methods.

IntroductionIt has been nearly half a century since the appearance of Susan Sontag’s landmark essay “The Imagination of Disaster.” The critic wrote of the public fascination with science fiction disaster films, claiming that, on the one hand “from a psychological point of view, the imagination of disaster does not greatly differ from one period in history to another [but, on the other hand] from a political and moral point of view, it does” (224). Even if Sontag is right about aspects of the imagination of disaster not changing, the types, frequency, and magnitude of disasters and their representation in media and popular culture suggest that dynamic conditions prevail on both counts. Disaster has become a significantly urban phenomenon, and highly publicised “worst case” scenarios such as Hurricane Katrina and the Haiti earthquake highlight multiple demographic, cultural, and environmental contexts for visualising cataclysm. The 1950s and 60s science fiction films that Sontag wrote about were filled with marauding aliens and freaks of disabused science. Since then, their visual and dramatic effects have been much enlarged by all kinds of disaster scenarios. Partly imagined, these scenarios have real-life counterparts with threats from terrorism and the war on terror, pan-epidemics, and global climate change. Sontag’s essay—like most, if not all of the films she mentions—overlooked the aftermath; that is, the rebuilding, following extra-terrestrial invasion. It ignored what was likely to happen when the monsters were gone. In contrast, the psychological as well as the practical, social, and economic aspects of reconstruction are integral to disaster discourse today. Writing about how architecture might creatively contribute to post-conflict (including war) and disaster recovery, for instance, Boano elaborates the psychological background for rebuilding, where the material destruction of dwellings and cities “carries a powerful symbolic erosion of security, social wellbeing and place attachment” (38); these are depicted as attributes of selfhood and identity that must be restored. Similarly, Hutchison and Bleiker (385) adopt a view evident in disaster studies, that disaster-struck communities experience “trauma” and require inspired responses that facilitate “healing and reconciliation” as well as material aid such as food, housing, and renewed infrastructure. This paper revisits Sontag’s “The Imagination of Disaster,” fifty years on in view of the changing face of disasters and their representation in film media, including more recent films. The paper then considers disaster recovery and outlines the difficult path that “creative industries” like architecture and urban planning must tread when promising a vision of rebuilding that provides for such intangible outcomes as “healing and reconciliation.” We find that hopes for the seemingly positive psychologically- and socially-recuperative outcomes accompanying the prospect of rebuilding risk a variety of generalisation akin to wish-fulfilment that Sontag finds in disaster films. The Psychology of Science Fiction and Disaster FilmsIn “The Imagination of Disaster,” written at or close to the height of the Cold War, Sontag ruminates on what America’s interest in, if not preoccupation with, science fiction films tell us about ourselves. Their popularity cannot be explained in terms of their entertainment value alone; or if it can, then why audiences found (and still find) such films entertaining is something that itself needs explanation.Depicted in media like photography and film, utopian and dystopian thought have at least one thing in common. Their visions of either perfected or socially alienated worlds are commonly prompted by criticism of the social/political status quo and point to its reform. For Sontag, science fiction films portrayed both people’s worst nightmares concerning disaster and catastrophe (e.g. the end of the world; chaos; enslavement; mutation), as well as their facile victories over the kinds of moral, political, and social dissolution the films imaginatively depicted. Sontag does not explicitly attribute such “happy endings” to wish-fulfilling phantasy and ego-protection. (“Phantasy” is to be distinguished from fantasy. It is a psychoanalytic term for states of mind, often symbolic in form, resulting from infantile wish-fulfilment, desires and instincts.) She does, however, describe the kinds of fears, existential concerns (like annihilation), and crises of meaning they are designed (purpose built) to allay. The fears are a product of the time—the down and dark side of technology (e.g. depersonalisation; ambivalence towards science, scientists, and technology) and changes wrought in our working and personal lives by urbanisation. In short, then as now, science fictions films were both expressions of deep and genuine worries and of the pressing need to inventively set them to rest.When Sontag claims that “the imagination of disaster does not greatly differ” (224) from one period to another, this is because, psychologically speaking, neither the precipitating concerns and fears (death, loss of love, meaninglessness, etc.), nor the ways in which people’s minds endeavour to assuage them, substantively differ. What is different is the way they are depicted. This is unsurprisingly a function of the political, social, and moral situations and milieus that provide the context in which the imagination of disaster unfolds. In contemporary society, the extent to which the media informs and constructs the context in which the imagination operates is unprecedented.Sontag claims that there is little if any criticism of the real social and political conditions that bring about the fears the films depict (223). Instead, fantasy operates so as to displace and project the actual causes away from their all too human origins into outer space and onto aliens. In a sense, this is the core and raison d’etre for such films. By their very nature, science fiction films of the kind Sontag is discussing cannot concern themselves with genuine social or political criticism (even though the films are necessarily expressive of such criticism). Any serious questioning of the moral and political status quo—conditions that are responsible for the disasters befalling people—would hamper the operation of fantasy and its production of temporarily satisfying “solutions” to whatever catastrophe is being depicted.Sontag goes on to discuss various strategies science fiction employs to deal with such fears. For example, through positing a bifurcation between good and evil, and grossly oversimplifying the moral complexity of situations, it allows one to “give outlet to cruel or at least amoral feelings” (215) and to exercise feelings of superiority—moral and otherwise. Ambiguous feelings towards science and technology are repressed. Quick and psychologically satisfying fixes are sought for these by means of phantasy and the imaginative construction of invulnerable heroes. Much of what Sontag says can straightforwardly be applied to catastrophe in general. “Alongside the hopeful fantasy of moral simplification and international unity embodied in the science fiction films lurk the deepest anxieties about contemporary existence” (220). Sontag writes:In the films it is by means of images and sounds […] that one can participate in the fantasy of living through one’s own death and more, the death of cities, the destruction of humanity itself. Science fiction films are not about science. They are about disaster, which is one of the oldest subjects in art. In science fiction films disaster is rarely viewed intensively; it is always extensive. It is a matter of quality and ingenuity […] the science fiction film […] is concerned with the aesthetics of disaster […] and it is in the imagery of destruction that the core of a good science fiction film lies. (212–13)In science fiction films, disaster, though widespread, is viewed intensively as well as extensively. The disturbances constitutive of the disaster are moral and emotional as well as material. People are left without the mental or physical abilities they need to cope. Government is absent or useless. We find ourselves in what amounts to what Naomi Zack (“Philosophy and Disaster”; Ethics for Disaster) describes as a Hobbesian second state of nature—where government is inoperative and chaos (moral, social, political, personal) reigns. Science fiction’s way out is to imaginatively construct scenarios emotionally satisfying enough to temporarily assuage the distress (anomie or chaos) experienced in the film.There is, however, a tremendous difference in the way in which people who face catastrophic occurrences in their lives, as opposed to science fiction, address the problems. For one thing, they must be far closer to complex and quickly changing realities and uncertain truths than are the phantastic, temporarily gratifying, and morally unproblematic resolutions to the catastrophic scenarios that science fiction envisions. Genuine catastrophe, for example war, undermines and dismantles the structures—material structures to be sure but also those of justice, human kindness, and affectivity—that give us the wherewithal to function and that are shown to be inimical to catastrophe as such. Disaster dispenses with civilization while catastrophe displaces it.Special Effects and Changing StorylinesScience fiction and disaster film genres have been shaped by developments in visual simulation technologies providing opportunities for imaginatively mixing fact and fiction. Developments in filmmaking include computer or digital techniques for reproducing on the screen what can otherwise only be imagined as causal sequences of events and spectacles accompanying the wholesale destruction of buildings and cities—even entire planets. Indeed films are routinely promoted on the basis of how cinematographers and technicians have advanced the state of the art. The revival of 3-D movies with films such as Avatar (2009) and Prometheus (2012) is one of a number of developments augmenting the panoramas of 1950s classics featuring “melting tanks, flying bodies, crashing walls, awesome craters and fissures in the earth, plummeting spacecraft [and] colourful deadly rays” (Sontag 213). An emphasis on the scale of destruction and the wholesale obliteration of recognisable sites emblematic of “the city” (mega-structures like the industrial plant in Aliens (1986) and vast space ships like the “Death Star” in two Star Wars sequels) connect older films with new ones and impress the viewer with ever more extraordinary spectacle.Films that have been remade make for useful comparison. On the whole, these reinforce the continuation and predictability of some storylines (for instance, threats of extra-terrestrial invasion), but also the attenuation or disappearance of other narrative elements such as the monsters and anxieties released by mid-twentieth century atomic tests (Broderick). Remakes also highlight emerging themes requiring novel or updated critical frameworks. For example, environmental anxieties, largely absent in 1950s science fiction films (except for narratives involving colliding worlds or alien contacts) have appeared en masse in recent years, providing an updated view on the ethical issues posed by the fall of cities and communities (Taylor, “Urban”).In The Invasion of the Bodysnatchers and its remakes (1956, 1978, 1993), for example, the organic and vegetal nature of the aliens draws the viewer’s attention to an environment formed by combative species, allowing for threats of infestation, growth and decay of the self and individuality—a longstanding theme. In the most recent version, The Invasion (2007), special effects and directorial spirit render the orifice-seeking tendrils of the pod creatures threateningly vigorous and disturbing (Lim). More sanctimonious than physically invasive, the aliens in the 1951 version of The Day the Earth Stood Still are fed up with humankind’s fixation with atomic self-destruction, and threaten global obliteration on the earth (Cox). In the 2008 remake, the suave alien ambassador, Keanu Reeves, targets the environmental negligence of humanity.Science, including science as fiction, enters into disaster narratives in a variety of ways. Some are less obvious but provocative nonetheless; for example, movies dramatising the arrival of aliens such as War of the Worlds (1953 and 2005) or Alien (1979). These more subtle approaches can be personally confronting even without the mutation of victims into vegetables or zombies. Special effects technologies have made it possible to illustrate the course of catastrophic floods and earthquakes in considerable scientific and visual detail and to represent the interaction of natural disasters, the built environment, and people, from the scale of buildings, homes, and domestic lives to entire cities and urban populations.For instance, the blockbuster film The Day After Tomorrow (2004) runs 118 minutes, but has an uncertain fictional time frame of either a few weeks or 72 hours (if the film’s title is to taken literally). The movie shows the world as we know it being mostly destroyed. Tokyo is shattered by hailstones and Los Angeles is twisted by cyclones the likes of which Dorothy would never have seen. New York disappears beneath a mountainous tsunami. All of these events result from global climate change, though whether this is due to human (in) action or other causes is uncertain. Like their predecessors, the new wave of disaster movies like The Day After Tomorrow makes for questionable “art” (Annan). Nevertheless, their reception opens a window onto broader political and moral contexts for present anxieties. Some critics have condemned The Day After Tomorrow for its scientific inaccuracies—questioning the scale or pace of climate change. Others acknowledge errors while commending efforts to raise environmental awareness (Monbiot). Coincident with the film and criticisms in both the scientific and political arena is a new class of environmental heretic—the climate change denier. This is a shadowy character commonly associated with the presidency of George W. Bush and the oil lobby that uses minor inconsistencies of science to claim that climate change does not exist. One thing underlying both twisting facts for the purposes of making science fiction films and ignoring evidence of climate change is an infantile orientation towards the unknown. In this regard, recent films do what science fiction disaster films have always done. While freely mixing truths and half-truths for the purpose of heightened dramatic effect, they fulfil psychological tasks such as orchestrating nightmare scenarios and all too easy victories on the screen. Uncertainty regarding the precise cause, scale, or duration of cataclysmic natural phenomena is mirrored by suspension of disbelief in the viability of some human responses to portrayals of urban disaster. Science fiction, in other words, invites us to accept as possible the flight of Americans and their values to Mexico (The Day After Tomorrow), the voyage into earth’s molten core (The Core 2003), or the disposal of lava in LA’s drainage system (Volcano 1997). Reinforcing Sontag’s point, here too there is a lack of criticism of the real social and political conditions that bring about the fears depicted in the films (223). Moreover, much like news coverage, images in recent natural disaster films (like their predecessors) typically finish at the point where survivors are obliged to pick up the pieces and start all over again—the latter is not regarded as newsworthy. Allowing for developments in science fiction films and the disaster genre, Sontag’s observation remains accurate. The films are primarily concerned “with the aesthetics of destruction, with the peculiar beauties to be found in wreaking havoc, in making a mess” (213) rather than rebuilding. The Imagination of Disaster RecoverySontag’s essay contributes to an important critical perspective on science fiction film. Variations on her “psychological point of view” have been explored. (The two discourses—psychology and cinema—have parallel and in some cases intertwined histories). Moreover, in the intervening years, psychological or psychoanalytical terms and narratives have themselves become even more a part of popular culture. They feature in recent disaster films and disaster recovery discourse in the “real” world.Today, with greater frequency than in the 1950s and 60s films arguably, representations of alien invasion or catastrophic global warming serve to background conflict resolutions of a more quotidian and personal nature. Hence, viewers are led to suspect that Tom Cruise will be more likely to survive the rapacious monsters in the latest The War of the Worlds if he can become less narcissistic and a better father. Similarly, Dennis Quaid’s character will be much better prepared to serve a newly glaciated America for having rescued his son (and marriage) from the watery deep-freezer that New York City becomes in The Day After Tomorrow. In these films the domestic and familial comprise a domain of inter-personal and communal relations from which victims and heroes appear. Currents of thought from the broad literature of disaster studies and Western media also call upon this domain. The imagination of disaster recovery has come to partly resemble a set of problems organised around the needs of traumatised communities. These serve as an object of urban governance, planning, and design conceived in different ways, but largely envisioned as an organic unity that connects urban populations, their pasts, and settings in a meaningful, psychologically significant manner (Furedi; Hutchison and Bleiker; Boano). Terms like “place” or concepts like Boano’s “place-attachment" (38) feature in this discourse to describe this unity and its subjective dimensions. Consider one example. In August 2006, one year after Katrina, the highly respected Journal of Architectural Education dedicated a special issue to New Orleans and its reconstruction. Opening comments by editorialist Barbara Allen include claims presupposing enduring links between the New Orleans community conceived as an organic whole, its architectural heritage imagined as a mnemonic vehicle, and the city’s unique setting. Though largely unsupported (and arguably unsupportable) the following proposition would find agreement across a number of disaster studies and resonates in commonplace reasoning:The culture of New Orleans is unique. It is a mix of ancient heritage with layers and adaptations added by successive generations, resulting in a singularly beautiful cultural mosaic of elements. Hurricane Katrina destroyed buildings—though not in the city’s historic core—and displaced hundreds of thousands of people, but it cannot wipe out the memories and spirit of the citizens. (4) What is intriguing about the claim is an underlying intellectual project that subsumes psychological and sociological domains of reasoning within a distinctive experience of community, place, and memory. In other words, the common belief that memory is an intrinsic part of the human condition of shock and loss gives form to a theory of how urban communities experience disaster and how they might re-build—and justify rebuilding—themselves. This is problematic and invites anachronistic thinking. While communities are believed to be formed partly by memories of a place, “memory” is neither a collective faculty nor is it geographically bounded. Whose memories are included and which ones are not? Are these truly memories of one place or do they also draw on other real or imagined places? Moreover—and this is where additional circumspection is inspired by our reading of Sontag’s essay—does Allen’s editorial contribute to an aestheticised image of place, rather than criticism of the social and political conditions required for reconstruction to proceed with justice, compassionately and affectively? Allowing for civil liberties to enter the picture, Allen adds “it is necessary to enable every citizen to come back to this exceptional city if they so desire” (4). However, given that memories of places and desires for their recovery are not univocal, and often contain competing visions of what was and should be, it is not surprising they should result in competing expectations for reconstruction efforts. This has clearly proven the case for New Orleans (Vederber; Taylor, “Typologies”)ConclusionThe comparison of films invites an extension of Sontag’s analysis of the imagination of disaster to include the psychology, politics, and morality of rebuilding. Can a “psychological point of view” help us to understand not only the motives behind capturing so many scenes of destruction on screen and television, but also something of the creative impulses driving reconstruction? This invites a second question. How do some impulses, particularly those caricatured as the essence of an “enterprise culture” (Heap and Ross) associated with America’s “can-do” or others valorised as positive outcomes of catastrophe in The Upside of Down (Homer-Dixon), highlight or possibly obscure criticism of the conditions which made cities like New Orleans vulnerable in the first place? The broad outline of an answer to the second question begins to appear only when consideration of the ethics of disaster and rebuilding are taken on board. If “the upside” of “the down” wrought by Hurricane Katrina, for example, is rebuilding of any kind, at any price, and for any person, then the equation works (i.e., there is a silver lining for every cloud). If, however, the range of positives is broadened to include issues of social justice, then the figures require more complex arithmetic.ReferencesAllen, Barbara. “New Orleans and Katrina: One Year Later.” Journal of Architectural Education 60.1 (2006): 4.Annan, David. Catastrophe: The End of the Cinema? London: Lorrimer, 1975.Boano, Camillo. “‘Violent Space’: Production and Reproduction of Security and Vulnerabilities.” The Journal of Architecture 16 (2011): 37–55.Broderick, Mick, ed. Hibakusha Cinema: Hiroshima, Nagasaki and the Nuclear Image in Japanese Film. London: Kegan Paul, 1996.Cox, David. “Get This, Aliens: We Just Don’t Care!” The Guardian 15 Dec. 2008 ‹http://www.guardian.co.uk/film/filmblog/2008/dec/15/the-day-the-earth-stood-still›. Furedi, Frank. “The Changing Meaning of Disaster.” Area 39.4 (2007): 482–89.Heap, Shaun H., and Angus Ross, eds. Understanding the Enterprise Culture: Themes in the Work of Mary Douglas. Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1992. Homer-Dixon, Thomas. The Upside of Down: Catastrophe, Creativity and the Renewal of Civilization. Washington, DC: Island Press, 2006.Hutchison, Emma, and Roland Bleiker. “Emotional Reconciliation: Reconstituting Identity and Community after Trauma.” European Journal of Social Theory 11 (2008): 385–403.Lim, Dennis. “Same Old Aliens, But New Neuroses.” New York Times 12 Aug. 2007: A17.Monbiot, George. “A Hard Rain's A-gonna Fall.” The Guardian 14 May 2004.Sontag, Susan. “The Imagination of Disaster” (1965). Against Interpretation and Other Essays. New York: Dell, 1979. 209–25.Taylor, William M. “Typologies of Katrina: Mnemotechnics in Post-Disaster New Orleans.” Interstices 13 (2012): 71–84.———. “Urban Disasters: Visualising the Fall of Cities and the Forming of Human Values.” Journal of Architecture 11.5 (2006): 603–12.Verderber, Stephen. “Five Years After – Three New Orleans Neighborhoods.” Journal of Architectural Education 64.1 (2010): 107–20.Zack, Naomi. Ethics for Disaster. New York: Rowman and Littlefield, 2009.———. “Philosophy and Disaster.” Homeland Security Affairs 2, article 5 (April 2006): ‹http://www.hsaj.org/?article=2.1.5›.FilmographyAlien. Dir. Ridley Scott. Brandywine Productions, 1979.Aliens. Dir. James Cameron. Brandywine Productions, 1986.Avatar. Dir. James Cameron. Lightstorm Entertainment et al., 2009.The Core. Dir. Jon Amiel. Paramount Pictures, 2003.The Day after Tomorrow. Dir. Roland Emmerich. 20th Century Fox, 2004.The Invasion of the Body Snatchers. Dir. Don Siegel. Allied Artists, 1956; also 1978 and 1993.The Invasion. Dirs. Oliver Hirschbiegel and Jame McTeigue. Village Roadshow et al, 2007.Prometheus. Dir. Ridley Scott. Scott Free and Brandywine Productions, 2012Star Wars Episode IV: A New Hope. Dir. George Lucas. Lucasfilm, 1977.Star Wars Episode VI: Return of the Jedi. Dir. George Lucas. Lucasfilm, 1983.Volcano. Dir. Mick Jackson. 20th Century Fox, 1997.War of the Worlds. Dir. George Pal. Paramount, 1953; also Steven Spielberg. Paramount, 2005.Acknowledgments The authors are grateful to Oenone Rooksby and Joely-Kym Sobott for their assistance and advice when preparing this article. It was also made possible in part by a grant from the Australian Research Council.

Environmental ethics and environmental journalism are influencing the developing philosophy of environmental citizenship. This philosophy involves the ideas that people are part of the environment, that the future depends on a healthy environment, and that action on behalf of the environment is necessary. It applies to individuals, communities, large and small companies and corporations, governments, and a coalition of nations. Environmental philosophers and environmental journalists can work together, in a symbiotic way, to foster discussions among citizens and policy makers about ideas as well as events, and thus, influence attitudes and policies, and continue to influence environmental citizenship. Environmental citizenship as an extension of democracy offers the best chance for undoing the manmade problems which are degrading the quality of life on Earth. A healthier environment is the will of the people. An informed, voting public will succeed in creating a healthier environment. Pioneering work by philosophers and journalists, especially over the last forty-five years has brought the dialogue about environmental problems to an unprecedented level and continues to offer encouragement to the mindful evolution of mankind. These ecological discussions of rights and responsibilities, intrinsic and economic values, pragmatism and utilitarianism, culture and spirit, are increasingly being applied to a developing idea of sustainability, and are, thus, helping to expand ideas about what it means to be a citizen in a democracy.

Economic retrenchment, social shifts, and technological changes endanger journalism's democratic role. Journalism education faces parallel threats. I review the state of journalism and education, linking the crisis to society's loss of story, framed philosophically by the Dewey-critical theory split over journalism and power. I explore the potential for renewing journalism and education with Carey's ritual model and Postman's restoration of storytelling. I then summarize existing major academic programs and suggest a new interdisciplinary curriculum for environmental journalism, a specialty well suited to experimental, democracy-centered education. The curriculum uses as pedagogy active and conversational learning and reflection. A graduate introductory course is detailed, followed by additional suggested classes that could form the basis of a graduate certificate program or, with further expansion, a graduate degree concentration.

This thesis examines environmental journalists, and the nature of their response to a set of perceived constraints within their professional context. Much of the literature on the subject to date would portray journalists as simply a channel through which previously screened information would be sent. The journalist, in this interpretation, is reduced to a mere transport device - one uninvolved in the manufacture and negotiation of that which we see as news. This study refutes this viewpoint, holding instead that the environmental journalist, operating from the platform of a "round", has internalised a set of strategic methodologies that both acknowledge the constraints and work to circumvent them. Indeed, the title "Getting Around the Problem", was borrowed from a common response from those in the sample set. The respondents collectively acknowledged the existence of a set of unique constraints, but always maintained there was a way to "get around the problem". The study, operating at an intensive level of scrutiny, shows evidence of these constraints, explains their genesis, and demonstrates the journalists' own responses. Implicit in this study is the idea that journalists do in fact operate from within a managed system, but still continue, despite this fact, to retain a significant degree of professional autonomy.

A content analysis of 36 newspapers in 12 states were examined to determine if balanced reporting of pesticide and water issues existed in 1995. There were two hypotheses explored in this study: One, that journalists tend to bias their reporting of pesticide and water issues by using more mentions from environmental groups than other sources; and two, that journalists tend to bias their reporting by using more negative terminology than positive terminology when reporting on pesticide and water issues.An on-line search using the Lexis-Nexis newspaper database produced 302 usable articles for this study. The number of mentions of environmental groups, government agencies and agri-industry officials were listed in coding sheets. Also, negative versus positive terminology was coded.A chi-square analysis of coded data derived from the selected articles demonstrated that journalists use a balance of sources when reporting on pesticide and water issues. However the analysis also shows that journalists frequently use more negative terminology, such as "toxic," or "contaminated," than positive when writing about pesticide and water issues.Recommendations at the end of this study are made to help reporters understand more thoroughly the definitions of some of the terminology they use in writing about pesticide and water issues.
Department of Journalism

Text in English
The study aimed to explore the coverage of environmental news by Zimbabwe‟s print media. The research is premised on the admission that the press covers environmental issues in their reportage. However, the study revealed that there are challenges obtaining in environmental reporting by the three weeklies, namely; Daily News on Sunday, The Financial Gazette, and The Sunday Mail. The use of content analysis and critical discourse analysis in analysing the environmental news stories helped to highlight the shortcomings of media houses and journalists as depicted by their choice of words or phrases, the inclusion as well as exclusion of certain viewpoints. The study analysed environmental news in themes such as imminent decimation of wildlife through poaching, climate change, violation of wetlands, destruction of forests, and land reclamation. To aid the understanding and appreciation of environmental reporting by the press, the study utilised three media theories, namely, agenda-setting, development media theory, and framing. Chapter one focused on introducing the context of the study, as well as justifying it, and adopted the qualitative research method for the study. Chapter two gave an extended review for the study. Chapter three provided the research methodology. Chapter four analysed environmental stories published by the Daily News on Sunday.Chapter five analysed environmental stories which were published in The Financial Gazette.Chapter six gave an analysis of environmental news published in The Sunday Mail. Chapter seven concluded the study by giving a summary of the central argument of the study which was that the Zimbabwean press fell short in effectively and efficiently sourcing, selecting and disseminating environmental news. The chapter proffered some recommendations which point to some areas which require further studies.
Communication Science
D. Litt. et Phil. (Communication)

In Ethiopia people are highly dependent on natural resources which often lead to environmental degradation. The perception is that environmental degradation is partly due to lack of environmental awareness. The level of environmental awareness and the role of the media in creating awareness in Kembata Tembaro Administrative zone were investigated. Quantitative and qualitative methodologies were used to identify sources of environmental knowledge, content, spatial extent, volume and priority of media coverage, impact of media, and expectation of audiences and producers. Experience, rather than outside sources, such as provided by the media, is the main source of environmental information, but awareness is key to reduce further environmental degradation. Environmental media programs should be transmitted at suitable times and the experiences of successful farmers in natural resources conservation and development should be shared. Attention should also be given to identification of awareness obstacles and training and sensitizing of journalists on environment issues

Thesis (M.A. (Journalism and Media Studies))--Rhodes University, 2005.
"A thesis submitted in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts in Journalism and Media Studies" -T.p.