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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Emperor Meiji"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 28 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Emperor Meiji"

1

Rodin, Stepan A. "Royal Voyages of Hirohito: Changing of Image of the Japanese Sovereign in 20th Century (as Seen Through the Function of Movement)." Voprosy Filosofii, no. 6 (2022): 202–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/0042-8744-2022-6-202-213.

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Анотація:
Through many centuries tenno, or the emperors of Japan, while being nominally the higher rulers of the country, were in fact deprived from the function of movement in their image, and such means of representation of their power, as tours around the country or voyages abroad, were absent from their governing instruments. From the beginning of Meiji period, the image of the sovereign had undergone many changes, partially due to the western influence and foreign views on the role and the functions of the ruler. The attempt to make tenno more like a public figure made by the Japanese elites led to the necessity of conducting imperial trips around the country, so the ruler could face life conditions of his subjects. Emperor Meiji was the first tenno to take such a journey. Other imperial ancestors, including crown princes, had also become more mobile from that time on. The case of Hirohito’s voyages as a crown prince and then as the emperor is one of the great interests as it enlightens the view of the imperial power and its functions through different stages of its evolution in the 20th century. This paper describes four major historical trips by Hirohito and analyzes their symbolical and political significance.
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2

Eom, Seogin. "Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism." F1000Research 10 (May 7, 2021): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.51001.2.

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This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.
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3

Eom, Seogin. "Motoda Nagazane’s standards of Confucianism – between Confucianism and Emperor Centralism." F1000Research 10 (April 6, 2021): 272. http://dx.doi.org/10.12688/f1000research.51001.1.

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Анотація:
This paper discusses the ideological significance of the activities of Motoda Nagazane who, in the latter half of his life, became an attendant of Emperor Meiji as a member of the Kumamoto school of practical science. Whilst there were trends towards modernisation and Westernisation, Motoda Nagazane led a conservative reaction attempting to restore Confucianist politics/policies. I scrutinise the theories of revolution and lineage considering the history of East Asian Confucianism and comparing Motoda’s assertions to the views expressed by Kumazawa Banzan. In doing so, I assert that Motoda’s consistent attitude shows that he does not approve of the theory of revolution and that he regards the theory of lineage as an established fact. Thus, he highlights the cultivation of virtues in rulers, adopting the stance typically taken by Confucian scholars in the history of Japanese ideology. In ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’, Motoda attempts to support the meaning of ‘The Three Sacred Treasures’ through Confucian texts. My evaluation of this text results in the view that in this discourse, Motoda transcends the significance of harmonising the deep and difficult ‘Lessons of the Emperor’s Way’ with Confucianism, which is easy to impart. I deduce that Confucianism was positioned above all else as the absolute/comprehensive standard in Motoda’s thought and that his endorsement of the Emperor’s way was proscribed within the ideological boundaries of Confucianism. Through the above analysis, I conclude that Motoda was an anachronistic Confucian scholar who truly endeavored to realise the kingship politics of Yao and Shun in the early Meiji era. While it is acknowledged that he was lagging behind his contemporaries, it is shown that this seemingly backward stance emanated from his serious Confucian scholarship. Further, his assertions differ from the plain-spoken Confucianist Emperor centralism that emerged in later years.
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4

Ikegami, Eiko. "Citizenship and National Identity in Early Meiji Japan, 1868–1889: A Comparative Assessment." International Review of Social History 40, S3 (December 1995): 185–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000113641.

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Анотація:
After the collapse of the long-standing Tokugawa regime (1603–1867), Japan under the Meiji emperor (1867–1912) rapidly implemented the process of modern nation-building by effectively utilizing the venerable institution of the emperor (Tennō) as its new national symbol. Following the imperial restoration, the Meiji government abolished the socioeconomic and political privileges of the samurai class, namely its exclusive right to bear arms, hold office and receive hereditary stipends. By 1900, Japan had already equipped itself with a modern Constitution that defined citizens' rights and obligations, a parliamentary system, an updated judicial system, universal education, a restructured national and local bureaucracy, national standing army, private ownership of land, and a nation-wide taxation system. None of these institutions had existed prior to 1868. All of the developmental innovations listed above were instituted within little more than a quarter century after the collapse of their predecessor's political structures. Before the Meiji restoration, Japanese society had been governed exclusively by its hereditary samurai elites for two and a half centuries. It was only during the early Meiji period – a little more than two decades or so – that the concept of kokumin (usually translated as “citizen”, more literally “country-person”) entered the popular vocabulary for the first time in Japanese history. The complex social and political dynamics of this initial period of development for Japanese citizenship rights is the primary object of my inquiry.
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5

Pye, Lucian W., and Donald Keene. "Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His World, 1852-1912." Foreign Affairs 81, no. 5 (2002): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/20033332.

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6

Bocharova, Marina Yurevna. "Visual state symbols of Japan during the Meiji era." Человек и культура, no. 4 (April 2021): 73–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.25136/2409-8744.2021.4.35261.

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Анотація:
This article is dedicated to the visual state symbols of Japan of the late XIX century (national flag, personal seal of the emperor, order and medal of honor, and military insignia). The aforementioned symbols are viewed as the attributes of the status. First institutionalized graphic symbols in the history of the country have emerged under the influence of European culture and actualized elements of the ”old” Japanese culture, primarily  from the emblems “mon” used to decorate and identify an individual or a family. This article explores the mechanisms of their emergence, as well as the mechanisms of evolution and introduction into the cultural environment based on the material of print mass-market production (postcards and Ukiyo-e woodblock prints). The author’s main contribution consists in comprehensive analysis of the state symbols of Japan of the late XIX century as the attributes of the status, which has been conducted for the first time. The flag, order and emblem of the emperor were used to demonstrate their direct affiliation to the department, as an attribute of a festive event, or indicate their authority. The research also employed postcards as a rarely used source for studying political symbols, or used in the context of ideology alone. The visual images of print production illustrate the reality of using state symbols, as well as within the framework of artistic techniques expand their use as the symbols.
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7

OKUTOMI, Toshiyuki. "THE STUDY ON NOH SPACE OF NOBLE RESIDENCE FOR ENTERTAINING MEIJI EMPEROR." Journal of Architecture and Planning (Transactions of AIJ) 72, no. 620 (2007): 193–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.3130/aija.72.193_2.

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8

Mitani, Hiroshi. "Japan’s Meiji Revolution in Global History: Searching for Some Generalizations out of History." Asian Review of World Histories 8, no. 1 (February 6, 2020): 41–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22879811-12340063.

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Abstract The Meiji Revolution that abolished the samurai aristocracy was one of the significant revolutions in modern history. It created a sovereign by integrating the dual kingship of early modern Japan into the body of an emperor, reintegrated Japan by dismantling 260 daimyo states, and abolished the hereditary status system to open the path to modernization. This essay presents two generalizations for comparative history. The Meiji Revolution saw a death toll of about 30,000, much lower than the 1,550,000 lives lost in the French Revolution. This contrast invites us to think of how to minimize the sacrifices associated with revolutions. Another question is how to cope with long-term crises. Since the late eighteenth century some Japanese had anticipated a coming crisis with the West. Their efforts were rejected by contemporaries, but their proposals functioned as crisis simulations to provide ways to engage the Western demands to open Japan in the mid-nineteenth century.
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9

Wong, Young-Tsu. "Revisionism Reconsidered: Kang Youwei and the Reform Movement of 1898." Journal of Asian Studies 51, no. 3 (August 1992): 513–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2057948.

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The reform movement of 1898 sought to move the Qing empire toward comprehensive and unprecedented institutional change and thus was a critical event in modern Chinese history. Had it succeeded, China could have, like Meiji Japan, entered the modern era without revolutions. Yet, however determined and daring its leaders, the historic effort was suddenly and tragically cut short by a coup.The standard view of the Reform Movement has been that, in reaction to China's repeated defeats and humiliation as well as the inadequacy of the Self-strengthening Movement, the reform-minded Kang Youwei (illustration 1) and Liang Qichao finally won support for change from a sympathetic Guangxu Emperor. The reformers then managed to put into effect a nationwide reform program through imperial decrees. But the movement, which lasted barely over one hundred days, came to an abrupt end when the Empress Dowager Cixi and her conservative supporters recaptured political power, executed or imprisoned many of the reformers, and placed the emperor under permanent house arrest.
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10

Schmid, Andre. "Colonialism and the ‘Korea Problem’ in the Historiography of Modern Japan: A Review Article." Journal of Asian Studies 59, no. 4 (November 2000): 951–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2659218.

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By the time emperor meiji died in 1912, mourned as the first “modern” emperor, Japan had already acquired a sizeable colonial realm. Two years earlier, Japanese newspapers and magazines had celebrated the annexation of Korea, congratulating themselves on living in an empire that was now 15 million people more populous and almost a third larger than it had been prior to annexation. For journalists and politicians at the time, the phrase “Chōsen mondai” (the Chōsen question) served as a euphemism for the panoply of issues relating to Japanese interests in the Korean peninsula. Yet despite this contemporary recognition of the significance of empire, English-language studies of Japan have been slow to interweave the colonial experience into the history of modern Japan. Today, for modern historians, the question of how, or even whether, to incorporate these events into the history of Japan is itself a quandary—what might be termed the “Korea problem” in modern Japanese historiography.
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Дисертації з теми "Emperor Meiji"

1

Redfern, Mary. "Crafting identities : tableware for the Meiji Emperor." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2015. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/59198/.

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As Japan struggled to free itself of the ‘unequal treaties’ imposed upon it by foreign powers in the mid-nineteenth century, the Meiji Emperor (1868–1912) was also seeking to establish his position as ruler in the eyes of both the citizens of Japan and audiences overseas. While the country embarked on a period of widespread modernisation along Western lines, building railroads and factories, educating the masses and developing strong armed forces, the emperor himself emerged from the seclusion previously expected of Japan’s imperial figurehead, greeting foreign visitors according to European models of etiquette and hosting lavish Western-style banquets. Bridging both Western and Japanese dining styles, and featuring pieces produced in Japan and Europe during the first half of the Meiji era, this study examines the ceramic tableware of the imperial court and the documentary sources that record its commissioning and use. Historically neglected, the study of Meiji-era ceramics as it has developed over recent years is dominated by export-focused narratives. By way of redressing this balance, this thesis focuses on the emperor as consumer before turning to consider the career of Arita potter Tsuji Katsuzō (1848– 1929), a maker of imperial tableware, to explore an alternate aspect of the role played by ceramics within Meiji-era Japan. Reconstructing the strategies that lay behind the selection of imperial tableware and examining how it was then used, I argue that these objects were employed to craft the identity of Japan’s new ruler. Connecting the emperor to rulers of centuries past and to those of distant lands through their design and in the material practices of their use, ceramics set on the imperial table positioned the Meiji Emperor as sovereign and invited others to do the same.
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2

Go, Nicole Belinda. "A Visual Theory of Natsume Sōseki: the Emperor and the Modern Meiji Man." Thesis, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/1807/25597.

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This thesis explores the affect of the emperor-centred visual culture on Sōseki’s use of visual methodologies in his travel writing in London and Manchuria, as well as his novel Sanshirō. In Part I of this thesis, I argue that Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence was in part due to the visual culture created around an imperial image infused with symbolic power. Part II of this thesis is almost a reversal of the first, as it discusses Sōseki’s use of deliberately visual methodologies to express his anxiety and ambivalence towards modernity. In light of my discussion of these complex visual techniques, I conclude by briefly addressing the allegations of Sōseki’s complicity in Japanese imperialism and the (non-)politicization of his work. While Sōseki’s anxiety and ambivalence may have been caused by the extremely visual culture centred on the emperor, it also provided him with a means and methodology for expressing his pessimism.
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Книги з теми "Emperor Meiji"

1

Emperor of Japan: Meiji and His world, 1852-1912. New York: Columbia University Press, 2002.

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2

Craig, Albert M. Chōshū in the Meiji restoration. Lanham, Md: Lexington Books, 2000.

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3

Shōzōkan, Sannomaru. Meiji jūninen Meiji Tennō gokamei "jinbutsu shashinchō": 4500-yomei no shōzō = Portrait photograph albums, by the imperial order of the Meiji Emperor, 1879. [Tokyo]: Kunaichō, 2013.

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4

Kayō no hensen ni miru tennō seido no henka: Meiji Ishin kara Shōwa no shūen made. Tōkyō: Jiyūsha, 2007.

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5

Sanjō Sanetomi to Iwakura Tomomi : Meiji Tennō o sasaeta futari : ichidai emaki ga monogataru Bakumatsu Ishin = Sanjo Sanetomi and Iwakura Tomomi : the two people who supported Emperor Meiji: An account of the late Edo period to the Meiji Restoration in biographical picture scrolls. [Tōkyō]: Kunaichō Sannomaru Shōzōkan, 2014.

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6

Masamichi, Asukai. Meiji Taitei. Tōkyō: Chikuma Shobō, 1994.

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7

Iizawa, Tadasu. Ishi Meiji Tennō den. Tōkyō: Shinchōsha, 1988.

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8

Keene, Donald. Meiji Tennō o kataru. Tōkyō: Shinchōsha, 2003.

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9

Dōmon, Fuyuji. Meiji Tennō no shōgai. Tōkyō: Mikasa Shobō, 1991.

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10

Japan), Meiji Jingū (Tokyo, ed. Meiji Tennō ki fuzu. Tōkyō: Yoshikawa Kōbunkan, 2012.

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Частини книг з теми "Emperor Meiji"

1

Kim, Kyu Hyun. "The Mikado’s August Body: ‘Divinity’ and ‘Corporeality’ of the Meiji Emperor and the Ideological Construction of Imperial Rule." In Politics and Religion in Modern Japan, 54–83. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230336681_3.

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2

"The ‘Great Emperor’ Meiji." In The Emperors of Modern Japan, 211–25. BRILL, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/ej.9789004168220.i-348.88.

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3

"THE GREAT EMPEROR MEIJI." In Japanese Civilization, its Significance and Realization, 229–36. Routledge, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315012407-36.

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4

REDFERN, MARY. "Minton for the Meiji Emperor." In Britain & Japan: Biographical Portraits, Vol. X, 542–53. Renaissance Books, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctt1s17p06.53.

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5

Keene, Donald. "Emperor of Japan:." In The Rise and Evolution of Meiji Japan, 359–61. Renaissance Books, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvzgb64z.33.

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6

"The death of the Meiji Emperor." In Japan on Display, 36–54. Routledge, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203087329-9.

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7

"THE EMPEROR SYSTEM AS A SPIRITUAL STRUCTURE." In The Culture of the Meiji Period, translated by Carol Gluck, 245–312. Princeton University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/j.ctvx5wbxq.13.

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8

"VIII. THE EMPEROR SYSTEM AS A SPIRITUAL STRUCTURE." In The Culture of the Meiji Period, 245–312. Yale University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.12987/9780691209951-011.

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9

Fujiwara, Gideon. "Supporting the Restoration in War and Ritual." In From Country to Nation, 172–98. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501753930.003.0008.

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The chapter tells the history of the Meiji Restoration in Hirosaki domain. Amid the turmoil and uncertainty of the Boshin civil war, Hirosaki domain transferred allegiance from the shogunal forces to the new government and demonstrated its loyalty to the court by fighting rival Morioka. Hirata disciple Yamada Yōnoshin (1843–68) died in this battle. This chapter examines how the Tsugaru group of kokugaku scholars impacted by the domain's decision to support the emperor. It also highlights Hirao Rosen and Tsuruya Ariyo's records on a ritual, shōkonsai (“call back the soul”), which honor the soldiers who died for the emperor. The chapter then reviews Rosen's political documents about how the Boshin War affected his domain, while celebrating Tsugaru's role in the “Imperial” victory of the new Meiji government over the defeated Tokugawa shogunate.
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10

"Appendix Tanaka and Kōtoku’s Appeal to the Meiji Emperor." In Bad Water, 207–10. Duke University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780822376507-009.

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