Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Economic assistance, domestic – great britain"

The article describes the activities of the Imperial Consulate of Russia in Niuzhuang (Yingkou) during the period from 1906 till 1909. One of the priorities of the work of Russian diplomats at that time was the restoration of Russian-Chinese trade and economic relations as the part of the social and cultural policy in South Manchuria. A young diplomat, consul Andrey Terentyevich Belchenko, played a special role in expanding the commercial contacts between Russian and Chinese players. Thanks to the assistance of the Imperial Consulate, the problems associated with the local branch of the Russian-Chinese Bank for the return of allocated funds were resolved. Paying great attention to the promotion of the Russian manufactory in Niuzhuang (Yingkou), Consul Belchenko ordered assistance in this abrupt return of “The company Vikula Morozov with Sons”, “Ivan Konovalov with Son”, “Manufactory of N.N. Konshina "and others. Having visited at the beginning of 1908 Harbin, the Russian consul in Yingkou, had negotiations with Russian merchants who had big business problems due to the consequences of the Russian-Japanese War. In the spring of the same year, Harbin entrepreneurs came to Niuzhuang and made contacts with Chinese partners on the realization of the flour and oil industry. The Imperial Consulate, despite the high competition of the parties with foreign companies (Great Britain, Japan, Germany, etc.), actively promoted the Russian trading company in the inexpensive market, and by the end of 1909, the sale of domestic goods exceeded the pre-war level. The shipping traffic of Russian transport was also restored, which became regular since 1908.

The article aims at highlighting the financial and economic imperatives and semantics of the practical ways for overcoming the negative effects of the COVID-19 pandemic by country, and finding capabilities for their implementation in Ukraine, taking into account the corona test results of the real economy expressed in the national measures of sustainable and comprehensive development, traditionally taken as a whole. The state of institutional and sectoral units of the real sector of economy during the COVID-19 global pandemic has been analyzed. The key factors of the negative impact on economic sustainability have been systematized based on the criterial invariance of the quantitative and qualitative indices of the production, logistics, labor availability (saving) and bankruptcy parameters. The research results in suggesting two types of measures to overcome the pandemic effects: the first one is at the enterprise level, and the second one is at the state level. The first group should include the companies’ strategy decomposition, e.g. reducing costs, restructuring activities, diversifying production to meet the domestic market needs, supporting employees’ mobility and engagement in remote work (online operation). The second group should include deferring tax payments, providing assistance (support) to enterprises and employees, state guarantees on loans, interest-free loans, one-time financial help, one-time grants for certain sectors, which are among the most sensitive ones to the COVID-19 pandemic effects. A critical analysis of the best practices in overcoming the pandemic effects in such countries as France, the USA, Germany, Great Britain, Italy, Turkey, Japan, China, South Korea and others has been carried out. Possible ways of their application in Ukraine have been offered.

The article provides a meaningful analysis of domestic and foreign websites, which reflects up-to-date information about the peculiarities of civil activism and public solidarity during the COVID-19 pandemic in such countries as: Great Britain, Canada, France, Australia, America, Mexico, Russia. In the course of the analysis, similar assistance programs, common motives of people to engage in volunteer activities are highlighted, and unique projects related to both the geographical location of regions and the mentality of citizens are indicated. An attempt has been made to prove that volunteering during the pandemic is an effective tool for the formation of social solidarity around the world, and its manifestation in difficult times is a necessary and effective way to preserve the social health of the population and maintain the socio-economic balance of states. It is concluded that self-isolation served as an impetus to strengthen social ties between people and led to the emergence of new forms of interaction, as well as support options for various categories of citizens. In conclusion, the statement is made about the importance of cooperation between civil activists and regional governments in terms of organizing productive interaction and providing prompt mutual assistance in the emerging challenges of unstable and rapidly changing reality.

The article presents the author's views on the new collective monograph “The COVID-19 pandemic: challenges, consequences, counteraction” (Moscow: “Aspect Press”, 2021), which claims to provide almost comprehensive coverage and generalization of foreign and domestic theoretical and practical thought, information devoted to the study of the emergence and further development of a new coronavirus infection (COVID-19) in the world. A comparative analysis of sociological studies (for example: Great Britain, Italy, Russia, USA) devoted to measuring the social opinion of the population regarding the consequences of COVID-19 is extremely valuable. In general, the collective monograph published will tell the reader on its pages about the genesis of the development of world pandemics that have left their bright mark, about the prevailing socio-political and economic aspects during COVID-19, about existing measures of state assistance to the population and much more. Within the framework of this review, the content of all five chapters of the collective monograph was briefly highlighted, in addition, the author of the article selectively highlighted and supplemented the most controversial and even overlooked by the authors of the work significant aspects. In conclusion, it is concluded that this scientific academic work is aimed at a wide range of readers.

This article outlines the changing role of culture in modern economy. According to European examinations and researches (including the European Commission), culture is one of the biggest and most dynamically developing employers of Europe, supporting increasingly domestic economies, particularly at the regional level. According to many economists, for instance David Throsby (Professor of Economics at Macquarie University in Sydney ), countries, which are not investing in culture at the age of innovative economies cannot function properly. Culture is no longer perceived only in terms of some aesthetic values but is more often regarded as an economical motor. Moreover, the definition of culture applies now to a very broad range of activities, including creative sectors, which are using cultural resources. Culture becomes a web of different sectors. Culture has a direct and indirect impact on economy, especially in the social sphere, it may also strongly affect economic transformations of areas, characterized by low level of general investments. Furthermore, it becomes an object of scientific and economical analyses. Many European countries are demonstrating an interest in the economics and culture, Great Britain or Germany for example – adapting widely culture for economic and social purposes. However this process needs a great deal of support, it is not possible without coherent promotional and educational system, deeply hierarchical model, active participation of non-government organizations, a huge amount of plans and assistance programs dedicated to culture at the local, regional and domestic level, as well as wide non-profit social contribution into the bloom of this increasingly important branch. The idea of profitable culture should be attached to national development strategies. We should create appropriate mechanisms, changing the social attitude towards culture, harnessing informative and educational campaigns raising public awareness of the notion of National Heritage (already at the level of basic education). Long-term programs aiming cultural education are compulsory, within different aspects of its activity. Culture fulfills multiple purposes important for the economy, it stimulates : the labour market, the entrepreneurship of private, public institutions and the society, development of new technologies, tourism, development of professional qualifications (in particular shaping the idea of lifelong learning), other industries. The proportion of well-educated employees in the cultural & creative sector is significant, what was proven in British examinations. Finally, culture allows Poland to apply for a huge financial aid from the EU funds: Culture Programme, European Capital of Culture, Media 2007 Programme, Digital Libraries initiatives, Lifelong Learning Programme or Europe for Citizens project. The role of culture shouldn’t be underestimated at the time of economic chaos in Europe, when governments are deciding on budget cuts. To some extent the article is answering a question, whether the culture should undergo additional funding now, so when the national debts are growing, or it would be illogical.

This article analyzes the work of the People's Commissariat of Foreign Affairs (NKID) of the USSR in the city of Kuibyshev (now Samara), where it was evacuated in 1941- 1943 together with other central government agencies and the diplomatic corps accredited in the USSR. Although this period was quite short, and though key decisions were, of course, made in Moscow, intense rough work was being carried out in the “reserve capital”, which ensured the solution of the tasks set by the country's leadership to the NKID apparatus.The aggression of Nazi Germany found the Soviet Union poorly prepared not only militarily, but also diplomatically. Due to the opposition of the Western powers, domestic diplomacy failed to create a collective security system to prevent the aggression of Germany, Italy and Japan. Negotiations with representatives of Great Britain and France, which were conducted in 1939, were interrupted and relations with these countries were virtually frozen.Some important strategic tasks were set before Soviet diplomacy. First of all, it was about the concentration of diplomatic activity in specific areas that could provide real assistance to the Red Army in obtaining the necessary weapons and strategic raw materials. Among other tasks were the search for allies, establishing effective military, economic and political cooperation with them, counteracting the expansion of the Nazi coalition at the expense of Sweden and Turkey, and conducting an extremely balanced policy in the Far East in order to avoid a military clash with Japan.Due to the deterioration of the military situation on the Western Front and the imminence of the capture of Moscow, on October 16, 1941, the main staff of the People's Commissariat for Foreign Affairs, headed by its Deputy Chairman A. Vyshinsky, as well as members of the diplomatic corps were evacuated to Kuibyshev (now Samara). V. Molotov and a small group of assistants remained in Moscow.The relations between the NKID and the embassies evacuated to Kuibyshev evolved differently. The level and the intensity of contacts with them largely depended on bilateral relations with the respective nations. Contacts with the embassies of Great Britain and the USA were naturally at the top of the agenda. By way of ambassadors of these countries the key tasks of forming the anti-Hitler coalition were being solved, and the dates of summit meetings were agreed upon.The crowding of the central office staff and foreign diplomats in a small regional city certainly introduced difficulties into the practical implementation of many tasks. Nevertheless, the striving for a common victory and the awareness of responsibility to their own country, united this motley crew of diplomats, and facilitated the search for compromise solutions. The return to Moscow of the employees of the People’s Commissariat and the diplomatic corps took place after the victory in the Battle of Kursk in the summer of 1943. Only at the end of 1943 Kuibyshev did finally cede its status of the capital of the USSR to Moscow.

The article is devoted to the analysis of the features of ensuring the life of coal monofunctional cities in the conditions of energy transformation, which should be based not only on the legal definitions of the main categories, but also on the legal qualifications and the ratio of their object-subject compositions. It was determined that the Energy Strategy of Ukraine — 2035 focuses on the subject composition of certain types of transformation relations, while the object circle, after a complete rejection of coal in the energy sector and the termination of any subsidies to this sector, requires: coordination of structural changes with all stakeholders including the local population; basing plans for diversifying the economy, restructuring the coal industry, developing the infrastructure of post-coal regions on appropriate financial support, creating trust funds that will combine state, private and international assistance of various levels; transformation of unprofitable mines and, first of all, as an integral technically and organizationally separate (single) property complex of funds and resources. The concept of “coal monofunctional city” — a satellite of a city-forming enterprise for the extraction and processing of coal — an administrative-territorial unit, the specialization of labor of the population in which is determined by a set of directions for ensuring the operation of this enterprise and the life of its employees is proposed. The concept of “life activity of an employee of a coal mining enterprise is proposed — a set of daily processes, actions, activities that can ensure the existence of an employee, his family members, the entire workforce as a whole through training, communication, orientation, movement, self-service, control over his behavior, participation in labor activities with the help of physical, psychological and social functions”. It has been substantiated that the considered experience of such European coal-mining countries as Germany, Ro mania, Czech Republic, Poland, Great Britain can and should be adapted in the process of developing domestic con ceptual, strategic or program documents to support the life of coal monocities in the following blocks of relations: energy; environmental; social; economic; informational; administrative; housing and communal services; transport; law enfor cement.

Most countries in the world are building a state system of financial control and control over international finances, taking into account the fundamental principles laid down in international legal sources and on the basis of world experience. The realization of the task of ensuring sustainable economic, social and political development of Ukraine requires further investigation of the problems of establishing effective control over international finances and initiating the reform process in this field, which can become a key element in the complex systemic transformations in the financial sphere and the construction of a new financial system of the state. We believe that Ukraine should look for the most important challenges of today, drawing on international experience in this field, with a view to its further use. The importance and importance of using foreign experience is also closely linked to the process of state integration into the world community and the implementation of international practice of financial control. Therefore, it is crucial for Ukraine to study foreign experience of financial control and to borrow appropriate experience in this field in order to improve the efficiency and effectiveness of the domestic financial control system. It should be noted that the global practice in the field of financial control is extremely voluminous and multifaceted, it has different approaches to the organization and implementation of control measures, most of which have been validated over time. N. Lazareva and GV Dmitrenko point out that the choice of a particular model is based on the relevant factors: the state of democratic development of society and the level of construction of civil society, the specifics of the distribution of powers between branches of government, the normalized form of government, historically accepted in the state form of government, historically the way of development of statehood and development of institute of financial control [2, p. 68; 3, p. 22]. Most countries in the world have gone a long way in finding ways to develop and build financial control. The highest financial control authorities in most countries of the world have endured a long period of searching for their effective functioning and implementation of really effective control measures. For example, the National Audit Office of Great Britain was formed in 1120, the Regular Audit Organization of Belgium - 1386, the General Chamber of Prussia - 1714, the Main Accountancy Chamber of the Principality of Warsaw - 1808, etc. [4, p. 127]. Such bodies were far from the current vision of public authorities in the area of financial control. However, they have become the prototype of the current institutions, with a defined range of tasks, functions, powers and goals for their implementation. Given the challenges and needs of today, the powers of such institutions and bodies have been expanded to control the cash provided or received in the form of international financial assistance. Unfortunately, historically Ukraine has been deprived of the possibility of gradually building state institutions in this area. Gaining independence in 1991 put the country in a position to address key challenges to economic development and the effective functioning of public authorities and government. Considering this fact, we consider that foreign experience in any sphere for Ukraine is the most valuable source of solving urgent problems, including the borrowing of the world practice of organization of financial control, control in the sphere of international finances and proper regulatory fixing of such mechanism. Keywords: international finance, international financial assistance, control over international finance in Ukraine.

Pandemics are caused by the negative impact of global threats, we put you at risk in one global world. An effective and efficient mortality tool, bringing also economic and economic successes. The world is currently struggling with the coronavirus (COVID-19) caused by SARS-CoV-2, which unfortunately already has pandemic status. Blow it off on yourself, concerned about how it will affect the global recession The aim of the article is to present and compare how governments of countries such as Poland, Germany, and the United Kingdom provide entrepreneurs with financial security in connection with the negative effects caused by COVID-19. At the beginning of the article, it is briefly presented what financial security is, and several measures are distinguished to measure the financial security of enterprises. Then, the financial assistance for entrepreneurs selected to the countries is described. Countries such as Poland, Germany, and Great Britain were selected for the analysis. The most attention was devoted to describing the aid for Polish entrepreneurs. The information used in the article was obtained from the Polish and British GOV portal and from the German ministry responsible for economic policy (BMWi). In the end, support from the government in the analysed countries was compared, and the country is indicated, where entrepreneurs would cope best in the current situation and have the best chance for development. It is also indicated what impact the financial aid of the government has on the development of enterprises.

The article is devoted to the study of the Kenyan diaspora of modern Great Britain. The study provides details on the background, main reasons and channels of migration of Kenyans to the UK. The main emphasis is placed on the study of the specifics of immigrants from Kenya, their ethnic composition, gender and age structure, socio-economic indicators. By the end of the colonial era, a de facto regime of racial segregation had been established in Kenya. The main ethnic groups - Europeans, Indians and Africans - actually lived in closed enclaves. It was Europeans and South Asians who made up the backbone of postcolonial migration from this African country. The process of Africanization in the young Kenyan state provoked the massive migration of Indian Kenyans to Great Britain in the 1960-1970s. Particular attention is paid to the analysis of the practice of material assistance of British Kenyans to their relatives in Kenya. They are in regular contact with each other, maintaining strong bonds. Private remittances from abroad are one of the main sources of investment in the Kenyan economy in the 2000s and 2010s. Migration to the UK is seen by many Kenyans as a temporary and forced measure, which does not exclude the possibility of returning to their historical homeland. By the nature of settlement, birth rate, material well-being and the degree of success, immigrants from Kenya are close to the South Asian diasporas in the United Kingdom. An education, proficiency in English, together with a general loyalty to British culture, contributes to the rapid and painless integration of Kenyans into the host society.

The role of non-governmental organizations (NGOs) has sparked increased interest in recent years as they have grown in prominence and international activity. The thesis looks at British and Canadian NGOs concerned with overseas development assistance, and asks what influence they have wielded in the formulation of their own governments' development policies. Based on recent policy community writing, a "conceptual map" is devised which suggests that six elements are important for any analysis of influence: context, content, motivations, resources, tactics, and channels. Chapters two to five use these elements to look at the broad "policy communities" in which official development policy is formulated, and to examine the increasing roles and activities of NGOs as lobbyists. Chapters six and seven take a closer look at two specific "policy networks" within those communities: the relationships created around the World Food Conference in 1974 are compared with those existing at the time of the 1992 United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (the Earth Summit). The thesis concludes that NGOs have had an increasing but limited influence on government policy, given (1) an increase in the activity and influence of NGOs, (2) the greater relevance of certain "elements of influence" over others, and (3) the comparatively stronger influence of Canadian NGOs in relation to their British counterparts. The thesis' contribution to knowledge is based on its use of extensive and original primary sources and interviews in both countries, its application of a policy community approach to a new field in international relations, and its systematic attempt to answer evolving questions about this growing, international, and non-governmental force.

The United Kingdom's postwar economic recovery and the usefulness of Marshall Plan aid depended heavily on a rapid increase in exports by the country's manufacturing industries. American aid administrators, however, shocked to discover the British industry's inability to respond to the country's urgent need, insisted on aggressive action to improve productivity. In partial response, a joint venture, called the Anglo-American Council on Productivity (AACP), arranged for sixty-six teams involving nearly one thousand people to visit U.S. factories and bring back productivity improvement ideas. Analyses of team recommendations, and a brief review of the country's industrial history, offer compelling insights into the problems of relative industrial decline. This dissertation attempts to assess the reasons for British industry's inability to respond to the country's economic emergency or to maintain its competitive position faced with the challenge of newer industrializing countries.

AbstractGender equality is an increasingly topical issue, but it has deep historical roots. The principle of gender equality found its legitimacy, even if limited to salary, in the 1957 Treaty of Rome, establishing the European Economic Community (EEC). This treaty, in Article 119, sanctioned the principle of equal pay between male and female workers. The EEC continued to protect women’s rights in the 1970s through equal opportunity policies. These policies referred, first, to the principle of equal treatment between men and women regarding education, access to work, professional promotion, and working conditions (Directive 75/117/EEC); second, to the principle of equal pay for male and female workers (Directive 76/207/EEC); and finally, enshrined the principle of equal treatment between men and women in matters of social security (Directive 79/7/EEC). Since the 1980s, several positive action programmes have been developed to support the role of women in European society. Between 1982 and 2000, four multiyear action programmes were implemented for equal opportunities. The first action programme (1982–1985) called on the Member States, through recommendations and resolutions by the Commission, to disseminate greater knowledge of the types of careers available to women, encourage the presence of women in decision-making areas, and take measures to reconcile family and working life. The second action programme (1986–1990) proposed interventions related to the employment of women in activities related to new technologies and interventions in favour of the equal distribution of professional, family, and social responsibilities (Sarcina, 2010). The third action programme (1991–1995) provided an improvement in the condition of women in society by raising public awareness of gender equality, the image of women in mass media, and the participation of women in the decision-making process at all levels in all areas of society. The fourth action programme (1996–2000) strengthened the existing regulatory framework and focused on the principle of gender mainstreaming, a strategy that involves bringing the gender dimension into all community policies, which requires all actors in the political process to adopt a gender perspective. The strategy of gender mainstreaming has several benefits: it places women and men at the heart of policies, involves both sexes in the policymaking process, leads to better governance, makes gender equality issues visible in mainstream society, and, finally, considers the diversity among women and men. Among the relevant interventions of the 1990s, it is necessary to recall the Treaty of Maastricht (1992) which guaranteed the protection of women in the Agreement on Social Policy signed by all Member States (except for Great Britain), and the Treaty of Amsterdam (1997), which formally recognised gender mainstreaming. The Treaty of Amsterdam includes gender equality among the objectives of the European Union (Article 2) and equal opportunity policies among the activities of the European Commission (Article 3). Article 13 introduces the principle of non-discrimination based on gender, race, ethnicity, religion, or handicaps. Finally, Article 141 amends Article 119 of the EEC on equal treatment between men and women in the workplace. The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the Nice Union of 2000 reaffirms the prohibition of ‘any discrimination based on any ground such as sex’ (Art. 21.1). The Charter of Fundamental Rights of the European Union also recognises, in Article 23, the principle of equality between women and men in all areas, including employment, work, and pay. Another important intervention of the 2000s is the Lisbon strategy, also known as the Lisbon Agenda or Lisbon Process. It is a reform programme approved in Lisbon by the heads of state and governments of the member countries of the EU. The goal of the Lisbon strategy was to make the EU the most competitive and dynamic knowledge-based economy by 2010. To achieve this goal, the strategy defines fields in which action is needed, including equal opportunities for female work. Another treaty that must be mentioned is that of Lisbon in 2009, thanks to which previous treaties, specifically the Treaty of Maastricht and the Treaty of Rome, were amended and brought together in a single document: the Treaty on European Union (TEU) and the Treaty on the Functioning of the European Union (TFEU). Thanks to the Lisbon Treaty, the Charter of Fundamental Rights has assumed a legally binding character (Article 6, paragraph 1 of the TEU) both for European institutions and for Member States when implementing EU law. The Treaty of Lisbon affirms the principle of equality between men and women several times in the text and places it among the values and objectives of the union (Articles 2 and 3 of the TEU). Furthermore, the Treaty, in Art. 8 of the TFEU, states that the Union’s actions are aimed at eliminating inequalities, as well as promoting equality between men and women, while Article 10 of the TFEU provides that the Union aims to ‘combat discrimination based on sex, racial or ethnic origin, religion or belief, disability, age, or sexual orientation’. Concerning the principle of gender equality in the workplace, the Treaty, in Article 153 of the TFEU, asserts that the Union pursues the objective of equality between men and women regarding labour market opportunities and treatment at work. On the other hand, Article 157 of the TFEU confirms the principle of equal pay for male and female workers ‘for equal work or work of equal value’. On these issues, through ordinary procedures, the European Parliament and the Council may adopt appropriate measures aimed at defending the principle of equal opportunities and equal treatment for men and women. The Lisbon Treaty also includes provisions relating to the fight against trafficking in human beings, particularly women and children (Article 79 of the TFEU), the problem of domestic violence against women (Article 8 of the TFEU), and the right to paid maternity leave (Article 33). Among the important documents concerning gender equality is the Roadmap (2006–2010). In 2006, the European Commission proposed the Roadmap for equality between women and men, in addition to the priorities on the agenda, the objectives, and tools necessary to achieve full gender equality. The Roadmap defines six priority areas, each of which is associated with a set of objectives and actions that makes it easier to achieve them. The priorities include equal economic independence for women and men, reconciliation of private and professional life, equal representation in the decision-making process, eradication of all forms of gender-based violence, elimination of stereotypes related to gender, and promotion of gender equality in external and development policies. The Commission took charge of the commitments included in the Roadmap, which were indirectly implemented by the Member States through the principle of subsidiarity and the competencies provided for in the Treaties (Gottardi, 2013). The 2006–2010 strategy of the European Commission is based on a dual approach: on the one hand, the integration of the gender dimension in all community policies and actions (gender mainstreaming), and on the other, the implementation of specific measures in favour of women aimed at eliminating inequalities. In 2006, the European Council approved the European Pact for Gender Equality which originated from the Roadmap. The European Pact for Gender Equality identified three macro areas of intervention: measures to close gender gaps and combat gender stereotypes in the labour market, measures to promote a better work–life balance for both women and men, and measures to strengthen governance through the integration of the gender perspective into all policies. In 2006, Directive 2006/54/EC of the European Parliament and Council regulated equal opportunities and equal treatment between male and female workers. Specifically, the Directive aims to implement the principle of equal treatment related to access to employment, professional training, and promotion; working conditions, including pay; and occupational social security approaches. On 21 September 2010, the European Commission adopted a new strategy to ensure equality between women and men (2010–2015). This new strategy is based on the experience of Roadmap (2006–2010) and resumes the priority areas identified by the Women’s Charter: equal economic independence, equal pay, equality in decision-making, the eradication of all forms of violence against women, and the promotion of gender equality and women’s empowerment beyond the union. The 2010–2015 Strategic Plan aims to improve the position of women in the labour market, but also in society, both within the EU and beyond its borders. The new strategy affirms the principle that gender equality is essential to supporting the economic growth and sustainable development of each country. In 2010, the validity of the Lisbon Strategy ended, the objectives of which were only partially achieved due to the economic crisis. To overcome this crisis, the Commission proposed a new strategy called Europe 2020, in March 2010. The main aim of this strategy is to ensure that the EU’s economic recovery is accompanied by a series of reforms that will increase growth and job creation by 2020. Specifically, Europe’s 2020 strategy must support smart, sustainable, and inclusive growth. To this end, the EU has established five goals to be achieved by 2020 and has articulated the different types of growth (smart, sustainable, and inclusive) in seven flagship initiatives. Among the latter, the initiative ‘an agenda for new skills and jobs’, in the context of inclusive growth, is the one most closely linked to gender policies and equal opportunities; in fact, it substantially aims to increase employment rates for women, young, and elderly people. The strategic plan for 2010–2015 was followed by a strategic commitment in favour of gender equality 2016–2019, which again emphasises the five priority areas defined by the previous plan. Strategic commitment, which contributes to the European Pact for Gender Equality (2011–2020), identifies the key actions necessary to achieve objectives for each priority area. In March 2020, the Commission presented a new strategic plan for equality between women and men for 2020–2025. This strategy defines a series of political objectives and key actions aimed at achieving a ‘union of equality’ by 2025. The main objectives are to put an end to gender-based violence and combat sexist stereotypes, ensure equal opportunities in the labour market and equal participation in all sectors of the economy and political life, solve the problem of the pay and pension gap, and achieve gender equality in decision-making and politics. From the summary of the regulatory framework presented, for the European Economic Community first, then for the European Community, and finally for the European Union, gender equality has always been a fundamental value. Interest in the issues of the condition of women and equal opportunities has grown over time and during the process of European integration, moving from a perspective aimed at improving the working conditions of women to a new dimension to improve the life of the woman as a person, trying to protect her not only professionally but also socially, and in general in all those areas in which gender inequality may occur. The approach is extensive and based on legislation, the integration of the gender dimension into all policies, and specific measures in favour of women. From the non-exhaustive list of the various legislative interventions, it is possible to note a continuous repetition of the same thematic priorities which highlights, on the one hand, the poor results achieved by the implementation of the policies, but, on the other hand, the Commission’s willingness to pursue the path initially taken. Among the achievements in the field of gender equality obtained by the EU, there is certainly an increase in the number of women in the labour market and the acquisition of better education and training. Despite progress, gender inequalities have persisted. Even though women surpass men in terms of educational attainment, gender gaps still exist in employment, entrepreneurship, and public life (OECD, 2017). For example, in the labour market, women continue to be overrepresented in the lowest-paid sectors and underrepresented in top positions (according to the data released in the main companies of the European Union, women represent only 8% of CEOs).

Abstract Throughout most of the post-war era it is possible to see some continuity in the financial assistance provided for families with children, with incremental improvements reflecting changing demographic patterns and needs. In recent years, however, this momentum appears to have been lost, with policy changes responding to fiscal concerns, and policy design based on an implicit view of how the family ought to be. Meanwhile the pace of economic and technological change has not abated, and many families face an uncertain future.

Abstract The economic situation of families with children is largely contingent on five factors: the rate of employment; the level of wages; the number of earners in the family; and the size and the composition of the family, i.e., the number of children and whether the family is headed by one or two parents. Government income transfers can offset some of the consequences of the other four factors, but in the US such transfers have been modest. Except during the 1930s, the gross domestic product (GDP) rose steadily from the beginning of the twentieth century. Per capita real GDP increased by about two-thirds between World War II and 1974 but only by about one-fourth between 1974 and 1992. Families’ standard of living improved steadily between World War II and 1974 but later stagnated, with different consequences for different types of families. The rnid-1970s may be thought of as the post-World War II watershed in the economic situation of families. The slowdown in economic growth following the first world-wide oil shortage had significant consequences for family economic well-being. Family income inequality increased during the latter period, with shares in family income rising only for the highest quintile, declining for the three lowest, and remaining stable for the fourth (US Bureau of the Census, 1992). The economic situation of the poor also worsened during these years.

Financed, guided, and supported by US and British agents, the anti-Mosaddeq opposition successfully overthrew the National Front government on 19 August 1953 (28 Mordad, according to the Iranian calendar) in a violent coup d’état combining indigenous forces with foreign actors. US policymakers had long believed that without the substantial oil revenues that the international oil companies could provide, Iran would descend into economic and political chaos, leading eventually to communist control. In March 1953, US policymakers became convinced that Mosaddeq would never accept a “reasonable” oil settlement with the British and that allowing him to remain in office would lead to disaster. From April to August 1953, the United States, Great Britain, and their Iranian allies worked to weaken Mosaddeq in preparation for a coup d’état. Great Britain had been attempting to organize Mosaddeq’s ouster since he first came to power and eagerly supported the American effort. Internal opposition to Mosaddeq, particularly military officers led by General Fazlollah Zahedi, sought out and accepted foreign assistance. The final and key element was the shah, who reluctantly agreed to participate once he received assurances of US and British backing.

This chapter analyses the British naval policies concerning West Africa between 1843 and 1857. During this period, Britain sought to encourage legitimate commerce and curtail slavery for its own economic interest, while domestically America feared the British domination of the West African coast. As such, suspicion and mistrust was rife between the two nations, and is in great detail via the abolitionist activity in the North of England; the actions of free traders and slavers; Royal Navy operations; the competition for trade between Britain and France; Commodore Charles Hotham’s slavery suppressing naval strategy; British free trade treaties; and the naval methods of enforcing British goals. It concludes in 1857, with British interests torn between strategic naval aims and domestic pressures, and British and American diplomacy still tense over West African policies.

A compact literature will find pragmatic or normative true consensus on relationships between international students and economic growth whether it is new or not. In this context, the authors see that accumulated systematic knowledge is mostly seen in the literature on the United States of America, Great Britain, and Canada. Those are the countries that most international students have been studying. At this point, what motivated the authors is that the topic needs to be extended to the Turkiye context. To that end, the objective of this study is to examine basic indicators of Türkiye's recent growth in the economy at a glance and its link with international students. Particularly, the background part outlines an overview of exploring questions of what influences economic output, ultimate determinants of growth in the economy, the significance of gross domestic product (GDP), and indicators of economic growth by comparing GDP in current prices with the real GDP systematically referring to the literature. The characteristic of qualitative document analysis methodology dominates this study.

The first federal Congresses implemented the US Constitution by turning the constitutional text into the policies and institutions of the federal government. Under the Washington administration (1789–1797) federal legislation was overwhelmingly concerned with foreign affairs, international commerce, the federal territories in the trans-Appalachian West, Native American diplomacy and trade, and relations between the member-states in the American union. Other than the post office, hardly any laws were adopted to regulate social and economic relations within the member-states of the American federal union. Congress’s record in the period stands in marked contrast with that of both American state legislatures, such as Pennsylvania, and legislatures of unitary states, such as Great Britain, which were much more concerned with domestic issue legislation. In the bisected American state, there was a distribution of authority between a federal government in charge of international and intraunion affairs and state governments in charge of domestic affairs.

This film considers the ways in which in this period foreign (and domestic) policy was determined via elite personality clashes and sexual intrigue. Religious differences were the professed determining factor in political decisions during the period but are given little consideration in the film. What is being explored, again, is the struggle for power within a socio-economic elite. The severe political instability of the period within Great Britain centres on this contest to define the established order within the nation. Insurrection (as in the Monmouth Rebellion of a few years previous) is a constant threat, and machinations between Tories and Whigs (and between factions within these parties) creates a continual source of intrigue within both the court and the wider government.

Due to the potentially dangerous properties of radioactive material, it is during the transport that the process of nuclear energy and technology uses are prone to nuclear and radiation accidents. Radioactive material hence must be transported with reasonable containers to achieve heat dissipation, confinement of radioactive material, radiation shielding and prevention of nuclear criticality. The key to transport safety lies in the designing and manufacturing quality of the transport containers. Therefore, the safety supervision for transport containers of radioactive material is a guarantee for the environment and the public from nuclear and radiation hazards, also is international general practice. As the most authoritative international organization, International Atomic Energy Agenda (IAEA) draws up and regularly revises safety regulation ‘Regulation for the Safe Transport of Radioactive Material’, which proposes technical indicators for transport containers of radioactive material and responsibility of competent authorities. According to the transport modes, other international organizations, such as International Maritime Organization, International Civil Aviation Organization, International Air Transport Association, United Nations Economic Commission for Europe, enacted related transport safety regulations based on actual needs. This paper introduces the administrative licensing approval process for the transport containers of radioactive material in China and the research on competent authority and approval procedure in American, Russia, France, Canada, Germany and Great Britain. In China, National Nuclear Safe Administration (NNSA) is responsible for the licensing approval for the transport containers of radioactive material, including designing, manufacturing, using and transporting of transport containers. NNSA also organizes and formulates relevant administrative regulations and approval procedures, and has issued administrative regulation ‘Regulation on the Safe Management for the Transport of Radioactive Material’ and a series of administrative rules, management procedures, guide, technical documents and so on. These regulations established the sort management of radioactive materials and the responsibility for competent authority, and also stipulated approval and supervision for transport and transport containers of radioactive materials. While some other countries, such as America, certifies the transport containers of radioactive material to achieve the control. The domestic and overseas research into administrative licensing approval processes for transport containers is in view of the increasing transport of radioactive material among countries and the requirement of international transport. Transport containers with material of high potential risk, such as spent fuel, need to obtain the transport approval from the competent authority of transit or arrival country. Therefore, the research on domestic and other countries licensing management of transport containers of radioactive material, which is not only beneficial to improving the transport safety management of radioactive material in China, but also can promote international transport campaigns of radioactive material..

This report aims to present findings of the research conducted in Poland within the Work Package 1 of the Welcoming Spaces project, namely “Welcoming spaces” in relation to economic viability, social wellbeing and political stability in shrinking regions. The main aim of the mentioned research was to examine how welcoming initiatives are organised and implemented in the selected shrinking localities in Poland. In particular, the creation of welcoming initiatives concerning social wellbeing, economic viability and political stability was assessed. To accomplish this objective, five localities were selected purposefully, namely Łomża (city with powiat status) and Zambrów (urban commune) in Podlaskie Voivodeship and Łuków (town), Wohyń (rural commune) and Zalesie (rural commune) in Lubelskie Voivodeship. Within these localities, 23 welcoming initiatives were identified, out of which 12 were chosen for in-depth research. The field research was conducted in all five localities between March and December 2021. During this period, the SGH Warsaw School of Economics team conducted 43 interviews with institutional stakeholders (representatives of local governments, schools, non-governmental organisations – NGOs, religious organisations and private companies) and individuals (both migrant newcomers and native residents). In addition, local government representatives were surveyed to compare their policies, measures and stances toward migrant inhabitants and local development. The research was also complemented with the literature review, policy documents analysis, and local media outlets discourse analysis. Until February 2022 and the outbreak of war in Ukraine, welcoming spaces in Poland were scarce and spatially limited to the big cities like Warsaw, Cracow, Wrocław, Gdańsk, Lublin or Białystok, governed by liberal mayors and city councils open to accept migrants and treat them as a valuable human asset of the city community. However, in smaller cities, towns and rural areas, especially in shrinking regions, welcoming spaces have been highly conditioned by welcoming initiatives carried out mainly by civil society organisations (CSOs). It is very likely that the war in Ukraine will completely change the situation we write about in this country report. However, this crisis and its consequences were not the subjects of our desk research and fieldwork in Poland, which ended in December 2021. As of late July 2022, the number of border crossings from Ukraine to Poland is almost 5 million and the number of forced migrants registered for temporary protection or similar national protection scheme concern 1.3 million people (UNHCR 2022). However, the number of those who have decided to stay in Poland is estimated at around 1.5 million (Duszczyk and Kaczmarczyk 2022). Such a large influx of forced migrants from Ukraine within five months already affects the demographic situation in the country and access to public services, mainly in large and medium-size cities1 . Depending on the development of events in Ukraine and the number of migrants who will decide to stay in Poland in the following months, the functioning of the domestic labour market, education, health service, and social assistance may significantly change. The following months may also bring new changes in the law relating to foreigners, aimed at their easier integration in the country. Access to housing in cities is already a considerable challenge, which may result in measures to encourage foreigners to settle in smaller towns and rural areas. Given these dynamic changes in the migration situation of the country, as well as in the area of admission and integration activities, Poland seems to be slowly becoming one great welcoming space. It is worth mentioning that the main institutional actors in this area have been NGOs and local governments since the beginning of the humanitarian crisis in Ukraine. An important supporting and coordinating role has also been played by international organisations such as the United Nations High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR), which launched its inter-agency Regional Refugee Response Plan (RRRP) in early spring to address the most urgent needs of the population of forced migrants and their host countries in this part of Europe (UNHCR 2022a; UNHCR 2022b; UNHCR 2022c). Based on the number of newly emerged welcoming initiatives and the pace of this emergence, they will soon become an everyday reality for every municipality in Poland. Therefore, it is difficult to find more up-todate circumstances for the “Welcoming Spaces” project objective, which is “to rethink ways forward in creating inclusive space in such a way that it will contribute firstly to the successful integration of migrants in demographically and economically shrinking areas and simultaneously to the revitalization of these places”. Furthermore, the initiatives we selected as case studies for our research should be widely promoted and treated as a model of migrants’ inclusion into the new communities. On the other hand, we need to emphasize here that the empirical material was collected between March and December 2021, before the outbreak of war in Ukraine. As such, it does not reflect the new reality in Poland