Готові списки джерел за темами / Drafting of constitutions

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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 9 березня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

1

Fernando, Joseph M., and Ho Hui Ling. "British and Commonwealth legacies in the framing of the Malayan constitution, 1956–1957." Britain and the World 8, no. 2 (September 2015): 181–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2015.0190.

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The drafting of a constitution is a complex consultative process. No country, including the United States and India, can claim that its constitution was entirely the original creation of its draftsmen. Framers of constitutions are inspired and influenced by a variety of sources from ancient and modern forms of government and laws. The 1957 Malayan federal constitution drafted by the Reid commission was no exception. While it is known that the drafting of the Malayan (now Malaysian) constitution was influenced by Commonwealth constitutions, the extent of this influence has remained unclear. This article reveals through a close scrutiny of the primary constitutional documents that the framing of the Malayan constitution was mainly influenced by three connected yet varied sources of constitutionalism. Their influences can be discerned at two inter-related levels. At the first level, it is clear that the underlying constitutional principles which formed the foundations of the Malayan constitution were largely based on English constitutionalism and principles of Common law. At the second and more visible level, this article reveals that the drafting of the Malayan constitution was largely influenced by two contemporary Commonwealth constitutions which served as the main reference templates for the framing of the articles.
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Abubaker, Habiba. "Empirical Research on Constitutional Drafting Processes Following War or Internal Disturbances in Iraq, Tunisia, Kosovo and Sudan." Max Planck Yearbook of United Nations Law Online 23, no. 1 (December 3, 2020): 314–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18757413_023001011.

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Constitutional drafting is a complex procedure. Every year, nonetheless, the world witnesses the birth of several constitutions. The drafting of constitutions, however, differs greatly from one to the other; this depends mainly on the state of affairs in each State and the causes behind the need for a new constitution. In post-conflict States, the success of the constitutional drafting process depends on various factors including, inter alia, the inclusiveness of the process; transparency; equal representation in the bodies involved in the drafting; public participation; as well as the role the international community plays. All of these factors have great implications on the success, or failure, of not only the constitutional drafting process, but also on the whole peace-building process in post-conflict societies. In other words, a successful constitutional drafting process must be nationally-led and owned while targeting the root causes of the conflict. While it may be aided by international components, the process must reflect the geo-ideological differences within a State, whether cultural, tribal, ethnic or religious. This article gives an empirical account of the constitutional drafting processes adopted as a consequence of internal conflict in Iraq, Tunisia, Kosovo, and Sudan. The paper discusses the general drafting process; the bodies involved; procedural shortcomings; and any international influence.
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3

EISENSTADT, TODD A., A. CARL LeVAN, and TOFIGH MABOUDI. "When Talk Trumps Text: The Democratizing Effects of Deliberation during Constitution-Making, 1974–2011." American Political Science Review 109, no. 3 (August 2015): 592–612. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055415000222.

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Under what circumstances do new constitutions promote democracy? Between 1974 and 2011, the level of democracy increased in 62 countries following the adoption of a new constitution, but decreased or stayed the same in 70 others. Using data covering all 138 new constitutions in 118 countries during that period, we explain this divergence through empirical tests showing that overall increased participation during the process of making the constitution positively impacts postpromulgation levels of democracy. Then, after disaggregating constitution-making into three stages (drafting, debating, and ratification) we find compelling evidence through robust statistical tests that the degree of citizen participation in the drafting stage has a much greater impact on the resulting regime. This lends support to some core principles of “deliberative” theories of democracy. We conclude that constitutional reformers should focus more on generating public “buy in” at the front end of the constitution-making process, rather than concentrating on ratification and referendums at the “back end” that are unlikely to correct for an “original sin” of limited citizen deliberation during drafting.
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4

Trlin, Davor. "National Identity in Post-Yugoslav States: Constitutional Relationship Between the Ethnic, Civic and National." Journal of Balkan Studeis 2, no. 1 (January 1, 2022): 83–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.51331/a021.

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This paper treats the issues of identity. It showcases the approaches to the relations among ethnic, civic and national interests in the drafting of constitutions in transitional countries. Tethered to the fundamental principles of good drafting, the paper highlights the balance of constitutional relations in post-Yugoslav countries. Most of these states are heteregenous societies, which makes it harder for the constitution-maker to define the state as civic. The Montenegrin society is established on civic foundations, whereas Macedonian and Bosnian-Herzegovinan constitutions established a constitutional system in which the collective particularities of ethnic groups are manifested largely on the expense of citizens or other collectivities. This paper also deals with the problem of constructing national identity, where ethnic identity is seen as an obstacle.
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VERSTEEG, MILA, and EMILY ZACKIN. "Constitutions Unentrenched: Toward an Alternative Theory of Constitutional Design." American Political Science Review 110, no. 4 (November 2016): 657–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055416000447.

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T his article highlights a gap between a great deal of constitutional theory and a great deal of the practice of democratic constitution-making. Drawing on data from democratic national and state constitutions, we challenge the consensus among constitutional theorists that a central purpose of constitutionalism is the entrenchment (the fortification against future change) of broad principles. The empirical reality is that the majority of democratic constitutions today are subject to frequent revision, and are therefore ill-equipped to facilitate the entrenchment of their contents. To explore the logic of these unentrenched documents, we identify the historical periods in which different geographic regions moved away from highly entrenched constitutions, and we examine the political contexts of these transformations. We find that, in each context, constitution-makers were attempting to limit the discretion of constitutional interpreters and implementers by drafting highly specific texts and by updating them in response to continually changing circumstances.
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Shattib, Mohammed Saleh. "The Egyptian political system (A comparative study between the constitutional 2012-2014)." Tikrit Journal For Political Science, no. 16 (July 2, 2019): 163. http://dx.doi.org/10.25130/poltic.v0i16.145.

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The research have focused on the ramifications of the" 25 January revolution" on the Egyptian constitution and how the masses in which participated in the revolution aimed a rapid democratic transition through the writing of a new constitution in order to be inevitable document leading to their salvation from authoritarianism and false constitutions that had become outmoded. Although the Egyptian constitutional experience, From the wording perspective, have many positive aspects; but the process of drafting is requiring consensus about constitution, basically agree on the basic philosophy in which the Constitution is based on, or the purpose of drafting the Constitution itself, at the same time, the goal is absent from the Egyptian experience. Also, the political factions that carried the banner of change after the" 25 January revolution" was not able to answer the following question: What is the purpose of drafting a new constitution to replacing "the 1971 Constitution"?. This situations led to the intensification of division and conflict among factions, in addition, excluded the most important political faction.
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Ruiz Estévez, María. "Comparison between the Polish-Lithuanian Constitution of 3 May 1791 and the Spanish Constitution of 19 March 1812." Studia Iuridica Lublinensia 30, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 237. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/sil.2021.30.1.237-250.

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<p>The purpose of this article was to make a brief comparative analysis between the Spanish Constitution of 1812 and the Polish-Lithuanian Constitution of 1791. With this intention, the most characteristic features of each constitutional text were set out, and both the historical and social context prior to its promulgation and the circumstances that led to the drafting of both legal acts were analyzed. The similarities and contrasts of the political models established with both constitutions were observed, as well as the rights and freedoms recognized. Reference was also made to the founding fathers of the Constitutions and the ideological context that influenced them. Finally, the author mentioned the fate of both constitutions that were only in force for a short period of time. The article aimed to present these two legal acts that were a milestone in the constitutional and political history of each nation.</p>
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8

Meyer Resende, Madalena. "A Holy Alliance between the Catholic Church and Constitution-Makers? The Diffusion of the Clause of Cooperation in Third Wave Democracies." Politics and Religion 11, no. 1 (May 8, 2017): 55–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048317000311.

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AbstractWhat explains the adoption of the regime of cooperation between church and the state in the democratic constitutions of Spain and Poland, while Portugal maintained a regime of strict separation in the United States and French tradition? The explanation could be that a consensual constitution-making process resulted in a constitutional formula accommodating religion and guaranteeing religious freedoms. Alternatively, the constitutional regime of cooperation could result from the diffusion of international norms to national constitutions, in this case, the cosmopolitan law of the church. The article process-traces the constitution drafting processes and finds that the emergence of a constitutional consensus among secularist and constitutional drafters in Spain and Poland was based on the Vatican Council II doctrine and facilitated by the intervention of the Catholic hierarchies. In Portugal, the violent context of the revolution excluded the church, and the constitutional regime of strict separation between church and state was adopted.
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WARREN, MICHAEL. "A Case Study in Federalism - the United States and Michigan Constitutions: Not Double Vision, Double Constitutions." Michigan Academician 47, no. 2 (January 1, 2021): 202–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.7245/0026-2005-47.2.202.

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ABSTRACT Each citizen in America lives under two Constitutions - the United States, federal Constitution which applies to all citizens, and the constitution of the state in which the citizen lives. Often overlooked and basically unknown, the state constitutions play a vital role in governance and preserving our unalienable rights. Perhaps the best way to understand each constitution is to compare and contrast them. Accordingly, as a case study, this article examines the age, length, predecessors, drafting process, conventions, ratification process, and amendment procedures of the State of Michigan Constitution of 1963 and the U.S. Constitution. Furthermore, this article examines how each of these constitutions addresses the separation of powers, legislature, executive, judiciary, local government, transportation, education, finance, taxation, and the protection of unalienable rights. Armed with this understanding, we will be better informed citizens, and more ably equipped to participate in self-governance and protect the unalienable rights of the citizenry. Note: At times this article quotes constitutional text which refers to “he” or “him.” The grammatical convention at the time was to make masculine all generic gender references. That this article quotes the text does not equate to an endorsement of the convention nor did the drafters intend that only men could serve as public officials.
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Kunesh, Patrice H. "On the Drafting of Tribal Constitutions." Journal of American Ethnic History 27, no. 4 (July 1, 2008): 115–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27501857.

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Дисертації з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

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Proksch, Sven-Oliver. "Drafting constitutions a comparative institutional analysis of constitutional conventions in the European Union and Germany /." Diss., Restricted to subscribing institutions, 2008. http://proquest.umi.com/pqdweb?did=1693063591&sid=1&Fmt=2&clientId=1564&RQT=309&VName=PQD.

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Vidot, Agnès. "La codification constitutionnelle des droits fondamentaux : Recherche sur l'absence de catalogue formel de droits fondamentaux dans la Constitution française du 4 octobre 1958." Electronic Thesis or Diss., La Réunion, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023LARE0031.

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Le rapprochement de la Constitution du 4 octobre 1958 des constitutions étrangères permet de mettre en lumière une particularité de l’ordre constitutionnel français. Notre loi fondamentale n’a jamais été dotée, au terme d’une opération de codification, d’un quelconque catalogue formel de droits fondamentaux comparable à ceux qui ont été introduits dès le début du XXème siècle dans d’autres États. Si elle n’est pas complètement ignorée, l’exception française a été assez peu interrogée. Que la rencontre entre droits fondamentaux et codification n’ait jamais eu lieu en France, volontiers désignée comme « pays des droits de l’homme » et « terre d’élection de la codification », ne peut pourtant manquer de retenir l’attention. La question se pose en particulier de savoir si la singularité de notre texte constitutionnel, saillante et intrigante, s’avère, en outre, irréductible. L’histoire de cette rencontre qui n’a jamais eu lieu est-elle, autrement exprimé, celle de rendez-vous manqués ou d’une liaison impossible ? La recherche se propose d’interroger tant la possibilité de codifier les droits fondamentaux dans la Constitution française du 4 octobre 1958, que l’utilité d’une telle opération
The comparison of the Constitution of October 4, 1958 with the foreign constitutions allows to highlight a specific feature of the French constitutional order. Our fundamental law has never been endowed, after a codification exercise, with any formal catalogue of fundamental rights comparable to those which were introduced from the beginning of the 20th century in other States. While it is not completely ignored, the French exception has been barely discussed. The fact that the meeting between fundamental rights and codification has never taken place in France, willingly referred to as the “country of human rights” and the “chosen land of codification”, cannot however fail to attract attention. In particular, the question arises whether the singularity of our constitutional text, which is both salient and intriguing, is also irreducible. In other words, is the story of this meeting that never took place the story of missed appointments or of an impossible relationship ? The research aims to question both the possibility of codifying fundamental rights in the French Constitution of October 4, 1958, and the usefulness of such an operation
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Gardères, Nicolas. "Les origines et modèles de la Constitution russe de 1993." Thesis, Paris 5, 2013. http://www.theses.fr/2013PA05D003.

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L’objet de cette thèse est de replacer la Constitution de la Fédération de Russie, adoptée par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, dans ses différents contextes de production. En effet, ce texte juridique est à la fois le produit d’une Histoire courte et d’une Histoire longue, d’un conflit intra-élite et d’une somme de représentations héritées des périodes précédentes et reconstruites à la fin des années 80 et au début des années 90. Ainsi, il ne semblait pas suffisamment pertinent de limiter notre étude au processus rédactionnel proprement dit, entamé à l’été 1990. Nous avons pris le parti de tenter de reconstituer ce que pouvait être l’« épistémè », les représentations politico-juridiques, des acteurs ayant joué un rôle décisif dans la discussion de la Constitution. Ce parti nécessitait de retracer les occurrences les plus significatives de l’Histoire du droit et des institutions en Russie tsariste et en Union Soviétique. Cette démarche fait l’objet de la première partie de la Thèse, « La Péréstroïka comme réceptacle, révolution et modèle ». Il ressort de l’analyse que malgré la présence de traditions intellectuelles libérales et d’institutions proto-parlementaires, la tradition dominante, et acceptée comme telle par les rédacteurs de la Constitution russe, est largement antijuridique et autoritaire. C’est dans ce contexte que les acteurs de la Ière République russe ont cherché à puiser dans les modèles étrangers (américain et français en particulier) et les modèles théoriques du Droit constitutionnel (régime parlementaire et régime présidentiel) pour créer le nouvel agencement institutionnel. La seconde partie de la thèse, « Le processus de rédaction de la Constitution de 1993 », porte sur l’Histoire courte, c’est-à-dire sur les années 1990-1993 qui ont vu s’affronter deux camps, tant sur le plan politique que constitutionnel. Le camp du Congrès des députés du peuple emmené par son Président Rouslan Khasboulatov défendait un projet permettant d’assurer la domination du Parlement, alors que le camp du Président de la Fédération, emmené par Boris Eltsine, cherchait à imposer un projet assurant à la présidence une position dominante. De part et d’autre, les modèles empiriques et théoriques du Droit constitutionnel furent instrumentalisés et largement trahis. Entre ces deux camps, la Commission constitutionnelle crée au sein du Congrès des députés du peuple cherchait, à travers ses différents projets, à trouver un agencement équilibré nourri des expériences étrangères et de la science du Droit constitutionnel. Le camp de la présidence réussit finalement à faire prévaloir ses vues, dans le cadre d’une Conférence constitutionnelle organisée en juin 1993, mais surtout par sa victoire politique sur le camp du Congrès suite à la crise d’octobre 1993. Le texte adopté par référendum le 12 décembre 1993, très favorable à la Présidence, peut être considéré comme l’héritier de ce conflit, mais également en partie comme l’héritier des traditions politiques russes et soviétiques
The aim of this dissertation is to analyse the Constitution of the Russian Federation passed by referendum on 12 December 1993, in its various contexts of production. Indeed, this legal text is both the result of a short history and of a long history, of an intra-elite conflict and of an amount of representations, inherited from the past and rebuilt at the end of the 80’s and at the beginning of the 90’s. We chose to attempt to reconstruct what has been the « épistémè », the legal and political representations of the key actors of the constitutional discussions. This choice made it necessary to recount the most significant facts and conceptions of the legal and institutional history of Tsarist Russia and Soviet Union. This approach is found in the first part of this dissertation, « Perestroika as a recipient, a revolution and a model ». It appears that despite the existence of liberal traditions and proto-parliamentary institutions, the dominant tradition, granted as such by the drafters of the Russian Constitution, is basically anti-juridical and authoritarian. It is in this context that the actors of the first Russian Republic tried to use foreign patterns (mostly American and French) and the theoretical patterns of Constitutional law (parliamentary regime and presidential regime) in order to create the new institutional design. The second part of the dissertation, « The redaction process of the Constitution of 1993 », deals with short history, that is years the 1990-1993 during which two sides challenged each other, both on a political and on constitutional grounds. The side of the Congress of People’s Deputies led by its President, Ruslan Khasbulatov, promoted a project of Parliament domination, while the side of the President of the Federation promoted a project of President domination. On both sides, empirical and theoretical patterns of constitutional law were exploited and their true meanings betrayed. Between these two sides, the Constitutional Commission created by the Congress of People’s Deputies, through its several drafts, tried to find a balanced design on the basis of foreign patterns and of the science of constitutional law. Finally, on the side of the President there was success in making its conceptions prevail, within a Constitutional Conference organized in June 1993, but mainly through its political victory of October 1993. The text passed on 12 December 1993, very much in favor of the Presidency, can be considered as the heir of this conflict, but as well partly as the heir of Russian and Soviet political traditions
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4

Tang, Shuk-tak Karen. "An analysis of the Basic Law consultative and drafting process." [Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong], 1990. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk/hkuto/record.jsp?B12816887.

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5

Cazzetta, Claudia. "The national and the international influences on the drafting of the South African Bill of Rights : A study on the South African transitional legal culture." Thesis, Högskolan Dalarna, Afrikanska studier, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:du-34517.

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The South African democratic transition in the 1990s represents one of the clearest cases of practical implementation of constitutional engineering. The process was aimed to the creation of the principle of national unity in the fundamental text first, hoping it would be mirrored consequently by a popular sentiment. Within this context, the Bill of Rights, included in the second chapter of the final text, affirmed itself as the most relevant document that emerged from the country's nation-building process. This thesis aims to compare the influences that the national and international components of the South African transitional legal culture had on the drafting of the Bill of Rights, through the investigation of their historical and political dynamics. The analysis highlights that the liberal component characterizes the majority of the text, while being, however, declined on the neo-liberal international doctrine, while the African customary law is recognized within the cultural rights but remains subjected to the requirement of conformity with the liberal provisions.
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Tang, Shuk-tak Karen, and 鄧淑德. "An analysis of the Basic Law consultative and drafting process." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 1990. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31963845.

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Kaukuata–Tjitunga, Naomy. "An assessment of the drafting of the 2005 Ovambanderu constitution: ‘process and institutional capacity’." Thesis, UWC, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/11394/2870.

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Masters in Public Administration - MPA
This research report sets up a model of policy development at Traditional Authority level in Namibia that is then used in examining the Ovambanderu constitutional case. Reference to the Generic Model, as used by de Coning (2000) and the Moore (1995) Strategic Triangle is not new or original to this thesis. These models have been used elsewhere and were considered as appropriate for this case study due to the complexity of the issues under consideration. This study attempts to demonstrate the importance of applying public policy models and theories to policy making in Namibia. Firstly, the author has applied the generic model to the Ovambanderu case to elicit information pertaining to the process followed in drafting the constitution. Secondly, the Moore Strategic Triangle was used in furthering discussion on the importance of considering phases and stages in the public policy process, which touch on such aspects as political feasibility, substantive value and administrative feasibility (Moore, 1995). The emphasis here was on the importance of dynamism in the policy-making process, not as a once off event but as an ongoing process. This research report shows that public policy/constitution making needs specialised skills in order for it to be a success. Capacity needs to be sourced and used appropriately, while objectives of the policy/constitution are communicated clearly to the stakeholders. Again the fear amongst the community that once a policy/constitution is implemented it becomes binding and difficult to change needs to be addressed by clearly informing people that a policy remains a statement of intent until it is put to use and once it is implemented there is always room for improvement on issues that may create problems for the affected parties. Another important lesson is the fact that public policy making has been and remains a process as it involves bargaining, issue prioritisation, issue filtration, advocacy, reporting and consultation before decisions are made. The Ovambanderu constitutional problem has now set a scene for better policy planning at Traditional Authority level and the government needs to consider this as a serious phenomenon that can lead to major problems if ignored
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Ho, Ka-ki Lawrence. "Implementation of China's Hong Kong policy a study of the drafting of Hong Kong Basic Law, 1985-90 /." Hong Kong : University of Hong Kong, 2000. http://sunzi.lib.hku.hk:8888/cgi-bin/hkuto%5Ftoc%5Fpdf?B22753199.

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Ho, Ka-ki Lawrence, and 何家騏. "Implementation of China's Hong Kong policy: astudy of the drafting of Hong Kong Basic Law, 1985-90." Thesis, The University of Hong Kong (Pokfulam, Hong Kong), 2000. http://hub.hku.hk/bib/B31194485.

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Beck, Luke. "THE FOUNDATIONS OF SECTION 116 OF THE AUSTRALIAN CONSTITUTION: AN HISTORICAL AND CONCEPTUAL ANALYSIS." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/14597.

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This thesis seeks to understand and analyse the foundations of section 116 of the Australian Constitution by situating the provision in its proper historical and conceptual context. The thesis argues that section 116 can be conceptualised as a safeguard against religious intolerance on the part of the Commonwealth. The thesis begins by demonstrating that section 116 cannot be understood as a simply analogue of the religion clauses of the United States Constitution due to the very different constitutional cultures existing at the times the Australian and United States Constitutions were drafted. The thesis examines how the topic of religion came up for consideration in the period in which the Constitution was drafted and explores the motivations and machinations of those who ultimately succeeded in persuading the Australasian Federal Convention (‘Federal Convention’) held between 1897 and 1898 to include religious words in the constitutional preamble. It also explores the motivations and machinations of those who were opposed to that course of action and who persuaded one of the delegates at the Constitutional Convention, Henry Bournes Higgins, to pursue the inclusion of a religious freedom provision that eventually became section 116. The thesis interrogates the argument advanced by Higgins at the Federal Convention in favour of section 116, challenging the standard account of that argument and arguing that Higgins was concerned that the religious words of the preamble might somehow give rise to an implied Commonwealth power to legislate in respect of religion. The thesis investigates why the language of section 116 was chosen and shows that the precise language of section 116 was not the result of careful consideration, suggesting a disconnect between the purpose of the provision and its language. The thesis also shows that the meaning of the precise language of section 116 was not something to which the Convention gave any real consideration, and suggests that the Federal Convention seems to have believed that the limited language of section 116 amounted in some way to a complete denial of power to the Commonwealth to legislate ‘on the subject of’ religion. The thesis also asks how these foundations of section 116 can be conceptualised, concluding that the provision can be conceptualised as a partial safeguard against religious intolerance on the part of the Commonwealth. The thesis also considers official proposals to amend section 116 and considers whether the conceptualisation of section 116 would need to be revised had those proposals for constitutional amendment succeeded.
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Книги з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

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pháp, Vietnam Quốc hội Ủy ban sửa đổi hiến. Dự thảo sửa đổi hiến pháp 1980. [Hanoi]: Quốc hội khoá VIII, Ủy ban sửa đổi hiến pháp, 1991.

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2

(Organization), COPAC. The road to the new constitution. Harare: Constitution Parliamentary Select Committee, 2013.

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3

1939-, Tzang Yawnghwe Chao, and Sakhong Lian H, eds. The fourth initial draft of the future Chinland constitution: A model for state constitutions drafting process in Burma. Chiang Mai, Thailand: United Nationalities League for Democrecy, Thailand, 2003.

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4

E, Benton Wilbourn, and United States, eds. 1787: Drafting the U.S. Constitution. College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 1986.

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Coffey, Donal K. Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3.

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6

Eck, Kristin. Drafting the Constitution: Weighing evidence to draw sound conclusions. New York: Rosen Central, 2006.

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7

Jonge, Alice De. The Constitution of the Marshall Islands: Its drafting and current operation. Kensington NSW, Australia: Centre for South Pacific Studies, University of New South Wales, 1993.

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8

Mollison, Charles S. Drafting a new constitution for Australia: A grass roots approach. Woombye, Qld: Foundation for National Renewal, 2009.

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9

dân, Hanoi (Vietnam) Ủy ban nhân. Tài liệu phục vụ việc tổ chức lấy ý kiến nhân dân thủ đô Hà Nội về dự thảo sửa đổi hiến pháp năm 1992. Hà Nội: Nhà xuất bản Hà Nội, 2013.

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10

Soehino. Hukum tatanegara: Sifat serta tata cara perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945 : hasil penelitian mandiri tentang sifat serta tata cara perubahan Undang-Undang Dasar Negara Republik Indonesia 1945. Yogyakarta: Liberty, 1985.

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Частини книг з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

1

Dinan, John. "The Consequences of Drafting Constitutions for Constituent States in Federal Countries." In Multinational Federalism, 231–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137016744_11.

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Panter-Brick, Keith. "The Constitution Drafting Committee." In Soldiers and Oil, 291–350. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003438151-18.

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Coffey, Donal K. "Constitutional Drafting and Contemporary Debates." In Constitutionalism in Ireland, 1932–1938, 119–62. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76237-1_4.

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Martínez-Lara, Javier. "The Constitution’s Drafting Process, 1987–88." In Building Democracy in Brazil, 91–124. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-24993-0_5.

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Coffey, Donal K. "Constitutional Transitions and Alterations." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 253–79. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_7.

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Coffey, Donal K. "The Drafters of the 1937 Constitution." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 1–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_1.

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Coffey, Donal K. "The Preamble." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 41–54. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_2.

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Coffey, Donal K. "Nation and State." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 55–83. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_3.

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Coffey, Donal K. "The Head of State." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 85–143. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_4.

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10

Coffey, Donal K. "Institutional Structure." In Drafting the Irish Constitution, 1935–1937, 145–86. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76246-3_5.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

1

Alawaq, Abdulhamid. "constitutional inflation." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp1-17.

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One of the methods that the authority uses to empty the constitutional text of its content and prevent it from achieving its goal is its resort to the two phenomena of “constitutional inflation” in sites that the nation does not need, and “constitutional failure” in sites that are expected from the text to protect public rights and freedoms or prevent an authority from overpowering the rest of the authorities. This is how the authority did in the Syrian constitution of 2012. It resorted to both phenomena together to achieve its goal of using the constitution as a tool and not as a control of the authority’s work. If legislative inflation is clear to legal jurisprudence, constitutional inflation is shrouded in ambiguity, so it resorted to a procedural definition of the research paper and considered every constitutional rule that does not bear the status of binding as a type of inflation. then I applied this definition to the general principles contained in the Syrian constitution in 32 articles, unlike democratic constitutions, which are shortened to articles regulating the general principles of the state. It became clear to me that only five articles are binding and the rest are non-binding guiding articles that are not suitable for reliance on judicial review. I have studied the rule (Islamic jurisprudence is a major source of legislation) in Syria and Egypt, and it has become clear to me that the authority intends to put it into place as a kind of distraction from paying attention to the rest of the constitution’s rules regulating public liberties and powers, even though the constitutional doctrine considers them to be non-binding. The struggle between the components of the people is still going on when drafting any constitution on general principles, most of which do not carry legal value.
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2

Elezi, Zemri. "FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES OF DRAFTING THE CONSTITUTION." In 2nd International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conference on Social Sciences and Arts SGEM2015. Stef92 Technology, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2015/b21/s4.018.

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3

Strada-Rozenberga, Kristine, and Janis Rozenbergs. "Clarity of a Criminal Law Provision in the Case Law of the Constitutional Court of the Republic of Latvia." In The 8th International Scientific Conference of the Faculty of Law of the University of Latvia. University of Latvia Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/iscflul.8.2.20.

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The quality criteria for the provisions of criminal law follow from Art. 90 and the second sentence of Art. 92 of the Satversme [Constitution] of the Republic of Latvia. A person may be recognised as being guilty and punished only for such actions that have been recognised as being criminal in accordance with law. A person’s fundamental right to know his or her rights defines the framework for the legislator’s actions because only such a provision that complies with all the quality criteria of a legal provision may be recognised as being a law, i.e., as having been granted legal force. These fundamental rights require the legislator to take special care in drafting legal norms that envisage criminal liability, which is the most severe form of legal liability. The Constitutional Court of the Republic of Latvia has repeatedly engaged in assessing the quality of criminal law provisions. This study provides an insight into the Constitutional Court’s approach to reviewing the clarity of criminal law provisions and summarizes the most important findings made by the Constitutional Court regarding this issue.
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4

Saeed, Nawsherwan. "Is the constitution the problem in front of the democratic transition in Iraq?" In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp171-183.

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Nearly 17 years after the US invasion, Iraq ranks first in the list of the most corrupt and least stable countries in the world. The state of instability and rampant corruption in Iraqi society since 2003 made some critics blame the constitution itself as the main obstacle to the country's democratic transition. For them, the hasty method of drafting the constitution, the absence of Iraqi constitutional expertise, and the lateral representation of Sunni Arabs are among the factors that have contributed to the precarious situation in Iraq over the past years. Likewise, critics argue that the ambiguity and ambiguity in some constitutional articles hindered its application. Amid these readings, the October revolution erupted on October 1, 2019 in Baghdad and the rest of the southern governorates of Iraq in protest against the deteriorating economic conditions of the country, unemployment, and the spread of administrative corruption. The demands of the demonstrators reached to change the constitution and amend the electoral law. Thus, the question posed in this paper is to what extent can the constitution really be an obstacle to the democratization process in Iraq? This paper discusses that the nature of Iraqi society as a deeply divided society, the absence of the previous democratic experience among the citizens, the weakness of the political culture of cooperation and tolerance among the political elites, and external interference are among the main obstacles to the democratic transformation in the country. Finally, the conclusion of the study is that despite all the criticisms and criticisms about the democratic experience in Iraq, the process of democratic transformation is slow in itself, and therefore it can be said that the process is still ongoing and has not failed yet.
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5

Azeez, Sardar. ""Violation of the principle of equality when drafting the punitive text Legislation issued by the Parliament of the Kurdistan Region as a model"." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp85-103.

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Observing the principle of equality when drafting punitive texts is one of the basic components of successful legislative drafting . And that equality before the law is closely related to justice, because justice requires the formulation of the rules of the law in a general and abstract manner in a way that all those who address the law enjoy its protection and are subject to accountability. Since there are international charters and treaties that Iraq has joined or ratified, most of them contain explicit texts about the equality of individuals before the law. Therefore, the legislative drafting of punitive texts in a manner that achieves equality is an implementation of the international obligations resulting from ratification or accession to these international conventions and treaties. In addition, laws that are legislated in contravention of the principle of equality are considered unconstitutional laws because they are in violation of the Constitution, and the provisions of ordinary law may not contradict the principles of the Constitution.
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Panagopoulos, Alexios. "KIPARSKI MODEL ODNOSA CRKVE I DRŽAVE." In MEĐUNARODNI naučni skup Državno-crkveno pravo. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of law, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/dcp23.169p.

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The Cypriot Orthodox Church has been recognized as an independent and autocephalous church since 431, by the decision of the Third Ecumenical Council with the 8th canon. The current 76s. the archbishop bears the title: New Justiniana and all of Cyprus. The Holy Synod is the supreme body of the Church of Cyprus and acts according to the Church Constitution. According to Article 138 of the Church Constitution from 1914, it entered into force on the day of publication. Archbishop Macarius the Third proposed a new revision of the Constitution, but from 1955 to 1961 and 1974, this period was characterized by armed struggles for the liberation of Cyprus, so the final drafting of the new Constitution became a priority from 1980. The new Constitution entered into force in 2010, with the consent and presence of the island's political leadership. According to Article 110, Paragraph 1 of the Cyprus State Constitution, the organization and management of the internal affairs of the church and its property is carried out in accordance with the holy canons and the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus since 1914. Legislative authority is recognized to the Church of Cyprus in Article 111, Paragraph 1 of the State Constitution of Cyprus. The establishment of criminal procedure regulations of church law, which actually refer to the proportional application of state criminal procedure legislation, is evaluated as positive and more modern. For the first time in the history of the Constitution of the Church of Cyprus, issues of criminal church law are regulated. As for family law, for the first time since the Byzantine Empire, it is fully aligned with Article 111 of the Cyprus State Constitution. The Church has reserved its right to grant spiritual dissolution of marriage.
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Fernández, Mileydi Flores, Elmer Llanos Díaz, Alberto Enrique Samillán Ayala, and Wilmer Enrique Vidaurre García. "Didactic Sequence TPCE, for Drafting the Act of Constitution of It Projects for Social Use Framed in the Pmbok Guide, Question of Cognitive Recursion." In 2023 World Engineering Education Forum - Global Engineering Deans Council (WEEF-GEDC). IEEE, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1109/weef-gedc59520.2023.10343585.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Drafting of constitutions"

1

Hanbali, Layth, Elliot Hannon, Susanna Lehtimaki, Christine McNab, and Nina Schwalbe. Independent Monitoring Mechanism for the Pandemic Accord: Accountability for a safer world. United Nations University International Institute of Global Health, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.37941/rr/2022/1.

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To address the challenges in pandemic preparedness and response (PPR), the World Health Assembly (WHA), at a special session in November 2021, established an Intergovernmental Negotiating Body (the INB) and tasked it with drafting a new legal instrument for PPR. During its second meeting in July 2022, the INB decided to develop the accord under Article 19 of the WHO Constitution, which grants the WHO the authority to negotiate a legally-binding Convention or Agreement and requires ratification by countries according to their local laws to enter into force. The aim is to complete negotiations and adopt a new pandemic instrument at the WHA in May 2024. The new legally binding agreement aims to address many of the failures exposed by the COVID-19 pandemic. However, the adoption of such an agreement is not the end of the process but the beginning. The negotiations on the instrument must establish a mechanism to monitor countries' compliance with the accord, particularly on the legally-binding elements. In this paper, we recommend creating such a mechanism as part of the accord: an independent committee of experts that monitors state parties' compliance with the pandemic accord and the timeliness, completeness, and robustness of states’ reports on their obligations. Its primary purpose would be to verify state self-reports by triangulating them with a range of publicly available information, making direct inquiries, and accepting confidential submissions. It would report its findings to a body consisting of or that is directly accountable to heads of state, with a particular focus on elevating instances of non-compliance or inadequate reporting. Its reports would also be available to the public. The proposed design builds on the analysis of strengths and weaknesses of existing monitoring approaches to 11 international treaties and mechanisms within and outside of health, a review of the literature, and interviews and input from more than 40 experts from around the world.
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