Готові списки джерел за темами / Democratic turn

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Democratic turn"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 8 червня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Democratic turn":

Rasmussen, David M. "The Pragmatic Turn in Democratic Theory." Eco-ethica 5 (2016): 185–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/ecoethica2016514.

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Klikauer, Thomas. "Extended Book Review: Honneth’s social-democratic turn?" Capital & Class 41, no. 2 (May 22, 2017): 373–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0309816817703872.

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Power, Thomas P. "Jokowi’s Authoritarian Turn and Indonesia’s Democratic Decline." Bulletin of Indonesian Economic Studies 54, no. 3 (September 2, 2018): 307–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00074918.2018.1549918.

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Talisse, Robert. "New Trouble For Deliberative Democracy." Dossier : Public Participation, Legitimate Political Decisions, and Controversial Technologies 12, no. 1 (December 4, 2017): 107–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/1042280ar.

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In the past two decades, democratic political practice has taken a deliberative turn. That is, contemporary democratic politics has become increasingly focused on facilitating citizen participation in the public exchange of reasons. Although the deliberative turn in democratic practice is in several respects welcome, the technological and communicative advances that have facilitated it also make possible new kinds of deliberative democratic pathology. This essay calls attention to and examines new epistemological troubles for public deliberation enacted under contemporary conditions. Drawing from a lesson offered by Lyn Sanders two decades ago, the paper raises the concern that the deliberative turn in democratic practice has counter-democratic effects.

Erfani, Farhang. "Fixing Marx with Machiavelli: Claude Lefort's Democratic Turn." Journal of the British Society for Phenomenology 39, no. 2 (January 2008): 200–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00071773.2008.11006642.

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Chaskel, Sebastian, and Michael J. Bustamante. "Can Santos's Colombia Turn the Page?" Current History 111, no. 742 (February 1, 2012): 67–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2012.111.742.67.

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Kalney, M. S. "Democratic and Totalitarian Projects: Problems and Contradictions." Economic and Socio-Humanitarian Studies 32, no. 4(32) (December 31, 2021): 50–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.24151/2409-1073-2021-4-50-55.

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A comparative analysis of democratic and totalitarian social projects examines the contradictions associated with democratic and totalitarian regimes. It is argued that the main contradiction of the totalitarian regime — the orientation of society toward the full realization of the social ideal — in practice turns out to be a total suppression of the individual and his freedoms. In turn, the contradiction of the democratic regime is associated with the manipulative nature of governance, which in practice manifests itself in the dissemination of deliberately illusory social projects.

Garner, Robert. "Animal rights and the deliberative turn in democratic theory." European Journal of Political Theory 18, no. 3 (February 25, 2016): 309–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1474885116630937.

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Deliberative democracy has been castigated by those who regard it as exclusive and elitist because of its failure to take into account a range of structural inequalities existing within contemporary liberal democracies. As a result, it is suggested, deliberative arenas will merely reproduce these inequalities, advantaging the already powerful extolling mainstream worldviews excluding the interests of the less powerful and those expounding alternative worldviews. Moreover, the tactics employed by those excluded social movements seeking to right an injustice are typically those – involving various forms of protest and direct action – which are incompatible with the key characteristics of deliberatively democracy. This paper seeks to examine the case against deliberative democracy through the prism of animal rights. It will be argued that the critique of deliberative democracy, at least in the case of animal rights, is largely misplaced because it underestimates the rationalistic basis of animal rights philosophy, misunderstands the aspirational character of deliberative theory and mistakenly attributes problems that are not restricted to deliberation but result from interest group politics in general. It is further argued that this debate about the apparent incompatibility between the ideals of deliberative democracy and non-deliberative activism disguises the potential that deliberative democracy has for advocates of animal rights and, by extension, other social movements too.

Kuyper, Jonathan. "Democratic Deliberation in the Modern World: The Systemic Turn." Critical Review 27, no. 1 (January 2, 2015): 49–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/08913811.2014.993891.

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Jou, Willy, Masahisa Endo, and Yoshihiko Takenaka. "An Appraisal of Japan’s “Right Turn”." Asian Survey 57, no. 5 (September 2017): 910–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2017.57.5.910.

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The conservative Liberal Democratic Party won overwhelming victories in the 2012, 2013, 2014, and 2016 elections in Japan. We discuss whether this reflected a rightward shift in the electorate, by examining how major parties and leaders are identified with particular ideological poles, and citizen–government distance on a range of issues.

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Дисертації з теми "Democratic turn":

Gunn, Paul Michael David. "Multiculturalism and the democratic turn : a classical liberal critique." Thesis, Queen Mary, University of London, 2010. http://qmro.qmul.ac.uk/xmlui/handle/123456789/1298.

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The increasing prominence of multiculturalism and moral diversity over the past few decades has coincided with a theoretical expansion of the democratic project. In particular, so-called „deliberative‟ and „strong‟ theories of democracy have been offered and expanded as solutions to the various moral and political problems that have arisen. However, while democrats disagree in the literature about what form a strongly participative democracy should take, there has been little circumspection about the wisdom of expanding democratic mechanisms. This thesis attempts to fill this lacuna by examining the merits of the various democratic theories on offer. By analysing the dilemmas posed by diversity and multiculturalism, it shows that the efficacy of deliberative democracy rests upon its epistemic virtues. If a stronger democracy is to overcome the problems of pluralism, it needs to greatly improve the flow of information around society. The principal argument offered is that, in practice, strong theories of democracy would not be able to deliver the epistemic outcomes necessary to provide a desirable alternative to modern liberal democracy. Multiculturalists and strong democrats do offer compelling reasons to reject modern liberalism, but the various democratic positions they advance rest upon prima facie controversial assumptions about the good society. By presuming both the means and the end of social life, deliberative democracy would likely close down rather than increase the flow of information between social actors, to the detriment of those already marginalised by the liberal democratic system. As such, it is contended on pragmatic grounds that we would do better to return to a classical, „Austrian‟ form of liberalism to find a theory of multicultural accommodation. Since we cannot know in advance how we should live our lives, our best response to pluralism would be to renounce the political management of society in order to strengthen those social mechanisms which help us learn about and adapt to one another.

Bailey, David James. "Legitimation through integration : explaining the 'new' social democratic turn to Europe." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2005. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/1774/.

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The turn towards European integration by social democratic parties across the European Union has thus far been inadequately explained. Existing explanations are unable to account for the anticipation that traditional social democratic 'market-correcting' policies can be successfully promoted at the EU-level despite the lack of opportunities to do so. This thesis argues that the 'new' social democratic turn to Europe has enabled social democratic parties to retain a degree of ideological continuity despite the necessary retrenchment of social democracy, thereby contributing to the ongoing (yet increasingly problematic) legitimation of social democracy and the continued maintenance of a viable social democratic constituency. The turn to Europe has provided social democratic parties with the possibility of re-regulating 'globalisation' at the supranational level, thereby cohering with the traditional social democratic practice of promoting market-correcting public policy within institutions of representative democracy. However, there exist sizeable institutional obstacles to the implementation of such an agenda which prevent its realisation. Based on a theoretical discussion of the decline of 'traditional' social democracy, the thesis argues that the moderation of 'traditional' social democratic aims was necessary due to the inability to maintain an expansion of redistributive market-correcting regulations within institutions of representative democracy beyond the medium term. The 'new' social democratic turn to Europe enables redistributive market-correcting policies to be promoted, yet not realised, at the EU-level. Moreover, the non-realisation of a social democratic agenda at the European level can be understood in terms of the institutional obstacles to policy implementation at the supranational level, thereby partly obfuscating the failure of 'traditional' social democracy and contributing to its ongoing legitimation. This argument is illustrated through case studies of social democratic parties in the UK, Sweden, France, Spain and Italy, and at the European level.

Gilman, Hollie Russon. "The Participatory Turn: Participatory Budgeting Comes to America." Thesis, Harvard University, 2012. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10746.

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Participatory Budgeting (PB) has expanded to over 1,500 municipalities worldwide since its inception in Porto Alege, Brazil in 1989 by the leftist Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party). While PB has been adopted throughout the world, it has yet to take hold in the United States. This dissertation examines the introduction of PB to the United States with the first project in Chicago in 2009, and proceeds with an in-depth case study of the largest implementation of PB in the United States: Participatory Budgeting in New York City. I assess the outputs of PB in the United States including deliberations, governance, and participation. I argue that PB produces better outcomes than the status quo budget process in New York City, while also transforming how those who participate understand themselves as citizens, constituents, Council members, civil society leaders and community stakeholders. However, there are serious challenges to participation, including high costs of engagement, process exhaustion, and perils of scalability. I devise a framework for assessment called “citizenly politics,” focusing on: 1) designing participation 2) deliberation 3) participation and 4) potential for institutionalization. I argue that while the material results PB produces are relatively modest, including more innovative projects, PB delivers more substantial non-material or existential results. Existential citizenly rewards include: greater civic knowledge, strengthened relationships with elected officials, and greater community inclusion. Overall, PB provides a viable and informative democratic innovation for strengthening civic engagement within the United States that can be streamlined and adopted to scale.
Government

Busk, Larry. "Democracy in Spite of the Demos: Arendt, the Democratic Turn, and Critical Theory." Thesis, University of Oregon, 2019. http://hdl.handle.net/1794/24517.

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This dissertation examines the limits of the figure of democracy as a critical category in contemporary political philosophy. I frame the analysis around a structural tension in the work of several authors who rely on democracy as a theoretical foundation, which I call “the elitist-populist ambivalence.” This theoretical tendency regards democracy as a categorical imperative—a foundational normative principle and an end in itself—but simultaneously delimits the composition of the demos by disqualifying certain political actors from the status of the political, thereby violating the parameters of a categorical imperative by specifying conditions. In other words, the democratic turn appeals to formal concepts but decides the political content in advance. It advocates democracy on its own terms, democracy in spite of the demos. But if democracy has normative purchase only under certain conditions, then our critical political theory must be based on these conditions rather than the figure of democracy. The project focuses on three main bodies of literature: the work of Hannah Arendt, the tradition of radical democracy (exemplified by Jacques Rancière, Chantal Mouffe, and Ernesto Laclau), and early Frankfurt School critical theory (Theodor Adorno and Herbert Marcuse). Though Arendt betrays no particular attachment to the term “democracy,” her work is of interest to this project because it represents a stark expression of the elitist-populist ambivalence: a political ontology based on democratic iconography and a simultaneous delimitation of who should count as the demos. The discussion of Rancière, Mouffe, and Laclau explores the ways in which these figures reproduce not only Arendt’s democratic motifs but also her constitutive exclusion. Albeit with divergent political commitments, they both appeal to democracy in spite of the demos. Finally, Adorno and Marcuse provide an alternative to the categorical imperative of democracy. By critically confronting the social mediations of pervasive popular ignorance and irrationality, the early Frankfurt School displaces the normative force of the figure of democracy by a critique of the actually existing demos. This critique, I argue, allows us to steer a theoretical course between the perils of elitism and the equivocations of populism.

Linder, James Patrick. "Speculation on Space : spatio-social consolidation and democratic community in turn-of-the-twentieth century American thought /." Thesis, Connect to this title online; UW restricted, 2005. http://hdl.handle.net/1773/9323.

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Kuebrich, Benjamin D. "Praxis and Unfinishedness in the Public Turn: Critical Democratic Pedagogy and Civic Engagement in First-Year Composition." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1218587537.

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Schotter, Geoffrey. "A Peculiar Type of Democratic Unity: Carl J. Friedrich's Strange Schmittian Turn 0r How Friedrich Stopped Worrying and Learned to Decide on the Exception." Case Western Reserve University School of Graduate Studies / OhioLINK, 2011. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=case1301688653.

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Blühdorn, Ingolfur. "The dialectic of democracy: modernization, emancipation and the great regression." Routledge, 2019. http://epub.wu.ac.at/7107/1/13510347.2019.pdf.

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In some of the most established and supposedly immutable liberal democracies, diverse social groups are losing con fi dence not only in established democratic institutions, but in the idea of liberal representative democracy itself. Meanwhile, an illiberal and anti-egalitarian transformation of democracy evolves at an apparently unstoppable pace. This democratic fatigue syndrome , the present article suggests, is qualitatively di ff erent from the crises of Democracy which have been debated for some considerable time. Focusing on mature democracies underpinned by the ideational tradition of European Enlightenment, the article theorizes this Syndrome and the striking transformation of democracy in terms of a dialectic process in which the very norm that once gave birth to the democratic project - the modernist idea of the autonomous subject - metamorphoses into its gravedigger, or at least into the driver of its radical reformulation. The article further develops aspects of my existing work on second-order emancipation and simulative democracy . Taking a theoretical rather than empirical approach, it aims to provide a conceptual framework for more empirically oriented analyses of changing forms of political articulation and participation.

Andersson, Birk. "POLICY OF CRIME - AN ANALYSIS OF THE PUNITIVE TURN´S INFLUENCE ON THE GREEN PARTY AND THE SWEDISH DEMOCRATS." Thesis, Malmö högskola, Fakulteten för hälsa och samhälle (HS), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-26755.

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This thesis has analyzed the relationship between the punitive turn and the crime policies of the Green party (Miljöpartiet de Gröna) and the Sweden democrats (Sverigedemokraterna) to answer the research question; what influence the punitive turn has had on the parties policies. The choice of method has fallen on a quantitative content-analysis with a qualitative complementarity and qualitative facilitation. From an account of the punitive turn has a word-list with recording units been created, of those recording units has a computer-search been made of the two parties most recent official documents which accounts for the parties holistic politics; MP´s Partyprogramme from 2013, and SD´s Principleprogramme from 2011. The result of the qualitative complementarity shows; a greater frequency of recording units for MP than for SD. The analysis of the qualitative facilitation-result shows; a lesser direct influence of the punitive turn for MP than for SD. The result and analysis are discussed regarding whether the research question has been answered, and no such conclusion is considered to be made by the researcher, instead are the result and analysis open for interpretation of the reader.

Thiberg, Andreas. "Drömmar om makt och ekologi : Miljöpolitiska debattböcker och konkurrerande sociotekniska föreställningsvärldar under det svenska ekologiska genombrottet 1967–1972." Thesis, Stockholms universitet, Institutionen för kultur och estetik, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:su:diva-196308.

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The Swedish ecological breakthrough of the late 1960’s and the early 1970’s entailed a rapid proliferation of competing perspectives on the environment, on man’s relation to it, and on the possible – dystopian or utopian – futures that lay ahead. By drawing on the theoretical concept of sociotechnical imaginaries as defined by Sheila Jasanoff and Sang-Hyun Kim, this thesis aims to explore the critical role played by these perspectives, and by these visions of the future, during this formative period of the emerging environmental consciousness and of early Swedish environmental politics. With this purpose in mind, the thesis examines the sociotechnical imaginaries mobilized in three Swedish books on environmental politics written by politically concerned scientists, as well as the two first environmental manifests published by the ruling Social Democratic Party in 1968 and 1972. By comparing the imaginaries mobilized in each text, the thesis then argues that the party incorporated certain elements of the critical perspectives into the dominant paradigm, but that they never wavered in their commitment to industrial development. The thesis also shows how these environmental imaginaries were used to legitimize political power, as well as the social democratic hegemony.

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Книги з теми "Democratic turn":

Goodin, Robert E. Innovating democracy: Democratic theory and practice after the deliberative turn. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2008.

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Bayat, Asef. Making Islam democratic: Social movements and the post-Islamist turn. Stanford, Calif: Stanford University Press, 2007.

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Thomas, Ferguson. Right turn: The decline of the democrats and the future of American politics. New York: Hill and Wang, 1986.

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Tomasky, Michael. Hillary's turn: Inside her improbable, victorious Senate campaign. New York: Free Press, 2001.

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Zussini, Alessandro. Franco Invrea: Un "patrizio genovese" nella Torino giolittiana. Alessandria: Edizioni dell'Orso, 2007.

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Classics In The Modern World A Democratic Turn. Oxford University Press, 2013.

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Hardwick, Lorna, and Stephen Harrison. Classics in the Modern World: A Democratic Turn? Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2013.

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Hardwick, Lorna, and Stephen Harrison. Classics in the Modern World: A Democratic Turn? Oxford University Press, 2013.

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Goodin, Robert E. Innovating Democracy: Democratic Theory and Practice after the Deliberative Turn. Oxford University Press, 2012.

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Goodin, Robert E. Innovating Democracy: Democratic Theory and Practice after the Deliberative Turn. Oxford University Press, Incorporated, 2008.

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Частини книг з теми "Democratic turn":

Kasanda, Albert. "African democratic turn." In Contemporary African Social and Political Philosophy, 88–105. New York : Routledge, 2018.: Routledge, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351209922-6.

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Sarkar, Swagato. "Activism, Despotic State, and the Legal Turn." In Democratic Despotism, 109–37. London: Routledge India, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003307860-7.

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Bevir, Mark. "Decentering Governance: A Democratic Turn?" In Democracy and Crisis, 25–43. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137326041_2.

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Jahanbegloo, Ramin. "The Cultural Turn in New Democratic Theory." In Democratic Theorists in Conversation, 56–71. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137322777_5.

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Ralston, Shane J. "The Turn within the Pragmatic Turn: Recovering Bernstein’s Democratic Dewey." In Richard J. Bernstein and the Pragmatist Turn in Contemporary Philosophy, 98–111. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137352705_7.

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D’Arma, Alessandro, Minna Aslama Horowitz, Katja Lehtisaari, and Hannu Nieminen. "Introduction: The Epistemic Turn." In Epistemic Rights in the Era of Digital Disruption, 3–9. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-45976-4_1.

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AbstractIn today’s era of accelerating digital disruption, optimism about democratic dialogues, diversity, inclusion, and other such good things is hard to come by. Digitalisation may empower us to connect and communicate, but it is also increasingly impeding our fundamental rights. Epistemic rights concern people’s capability to understand information and knowledge offered by epistemic institutions (such as the media and the like) and, based on this understanding, their ability to act for their own interests and needs, as well as those of society as a whole. In a democratic society, epistemic rights presume, among others, equality in all aspects relating to the access to and the availability of information and knowledge, symmetric relations in public communication, equality in obtaining critical literacy in information and communication, and equal protection of personal privacy from any form of public intrusion. This book is intended as the first holistic response to an urgent need to address epistemic rights regarding communication as a central public policy issue, an academic analytical concept, and a crucial theme for informed public debates.

Woods, David W. "Democratic Community Participation: Bernstein between Dewey and an Achieved Deeply Democratic Future." In Richard J. Bernstein and the Pragmatist Turn in Contemporary Philosophy, 131–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137352705_9.

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Perroud, Thomas. "The Neoliberal Turn of Contemporary French Administrative Law." In Public Administration and Expertise in Democratic Governments, 125–42. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003416036-7.

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Sarangi, Prakash. "Expansion of Welfare Aspirants in India at the Turn of the Century." In New Welfare Policy and Democratic Politics in India, 44–60. London: Routledge, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003469292-3.

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Aylsworth, Timothy, and Clinton Castro. "The Duty to Promote Digital Minimalism in Group Agents." In Kantian Ethics and the Attention Economy, 209–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-45638-1_7.

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AbstractIn this chapter, we turn our attention to the effects of the attention economy on our ability to act autonomously as a group. We begin by clarifying which sorts of groups we are concerned with, which are structured groups (groups sufficiently organized that it makes sense to attribute agency to the group itself). Drawing on recent work by Purves and Davis (Public Aff Q 36:136–62, 2022), we describe the essential roles of trust (i.e., depending on groups to fulfill their commitments) and trustworthiness (i.e., the property of a group that makes trusting them fitting) in autonomous group action, with particular emphasis on democratic institutions (which we view as group agents) and democratic legitimacy (which depends on trust and trustworthiness). We then explain how engagement maximization promotes polarization, which is detrimental to trust and trustworthiness and, in turn, democratic legitimacy and democratic institutions. We close by considering what groups might do to protect themselves from the threat posed to them by the attention economy.

Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Democratic turn":

Sugiharto, Yudiyoko Ega, Benard Ralphie, and Dzulfadly Johare. "Using Agile Saturation Distribution to Turn the Models into Democratic Knowledge for Faster Clastic Subsurface Characterization." In Abu Dhabi International Petroleum Exhibition & Conference. Society of Petroleum Engineers, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2118/203477-ms.

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Амелина, А. В. "Русские писатели в чешской среде 1920-х гг.: периодика либерально-демократического крыла (журнал «Розправы Авентина»)". У Межкультурное и межъязыковое взаимодействие в пространстве Славии (к 110-летию со дня рождения С. Б. Бернштейна). Институт славяноведения РАН, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/0459-6.38.

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The article examines the perception of Russian literature by the Czech literary criticism of the liberal-democratic political orientation from the magazine Rozpravy avenitna in the 1920s. For this ideological direction, the selection of authors of modern Russian literature was made according to the criteria of closeness to European culture and the continuation of the traditions of Russian classics (I. Erenburg), while writers from the ideologically opposite camp were given a negative assessment or were not noticed at all (V.Mayakovsky). Some writers, in turn, were “torn apart” by the opposing camps, attributing their views to them (S. Yesenin, Y. Zamyatin).

Markopoulos, Evangelos, Alexandro Vera Ramirez, Panagiotis Markopoulos, and Hannu Vanharanta. "Gamification in a Democratic Pro-Environmental Behaviour Model towards achieving effective ESG corporate strategies." In 13th International Conference on Applied Human Factors and Ergonomics (AHFE 2022). AHFE International, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54941/ahfe1001512.

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The climate crisis has received high levels of attention from the public and scholars over the last few decades. While the search for solutions involves strict regulations and innovation in clean energy sources, changing individual behaviours towards sustainability could prevent us from reaching a point of no return. Inarguably, there is a need for strong involvement of the public and private sector organizations, changing individual organizational behaviours towards sustainability might foster a great impact in terms of lowering the effects of the climate crisis. In this context, a democratic pro-environmental behaviour (DPEBs) is introduced to enable green behaviours with individual and voluntary actions within organizations that benefit the preservation and recovery of the environment. Recycling, efficient energy consumption, reduction of meat consumption and sustainable transportation are examples of actionable PEBs that need to be fostered to contribute to the reduction of the human impact on climate change.Nevertheless, the adoption of new behaviours is a complex goal that requires the application of mechanisms to address employee intrinsic and extrinsic democratic motivation. In this vein, gamification, as a process that enhances projects and service with affordances for gameful experiences., might provide a viable alternative. The purpose of this paper is to analyse the extent to which gamification is an effective alternative to promote the adoption of democratic pro-environmental behaviours and contribute to the creation of the relative organization culture. The accepted definition of gamification for this paper is the process of enhancing a service with affordances for gameful experiences in order to support user's overall value creation. This marketing perspective approach, has more focus on the effects obtained as a consequence of activating intrinsic and extrinsic motivation through the use of gamified systems rather than the analysis of the characteristics of the game design elements, and the incentives for its practical and actual adaptation and utilization within organizations.A systematic literature review was conducted in order to exclusively retrieve - after a thorough selection process - case studies that evaluated the psychological and behavioural effects of gamified information technology systems. Psychological outcomes are related to intrinsic motivation; in the case of gamification, positive outcomes are described by gameful experience. These, in turn, are categorized in this work according to the motivational need to which they correspond and their adaptation likeness in a corporate context. On the other hand, behavioural outcomes are related to extrinsic motivation; these are the desired pro-environmental behaviours promoted extrinsically with the use of the gamified application.Fifteen studies were analysed in detail, which overall provided positive results regarding gamification’s capability to engage users by appealing to intrinsic motivation and to effectively promote the adoption of extrinsically motivated PEBs. As a result the paper presents a methodological approach and a process model that integrates democratic organizational culture elements that utilize gamification to achieve employee pro-environmental behaviours that can benefit both the economy and the society. Furthermore the proposed model is linked with the ESG criteria as a further incentive for its organization adaptation from theory to practice. The paper also indicates limitations and areas of further research on the proposed model towards green ocean strategies that can maximize its applications and impact.

Drozenová, Wendy. "Technika, autonomie a etika: ke stému výročí Čapkova dramatu R. U. R." In 100 let R. U. R. Brno: Masaryk University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5817/cz.muni.p210-9688-2020-1.

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Čapek’s drama R. U. R., which is rather a social dystopia than a science fi ction (the principle of functioning of robots is not suggested, the drama is focused on the impact on humanity), shows the double face of technology: Th e dream about the “liberation of work” easily takes a turn for its opposite, and for destruction of humanity in consequence of ruthless utilization of the technological achievement for selfi sh economical and militaristic interests. „Autonomous technology“, which is not controlled by human aims any more, but by the rules of its own development, became an important subject of philosophy and ethics of technology (e.g. in works by J. Ellul, H. Jonas), and has a warning eff ect. Today, Industry 4.0 and the process of robotization bring new promises, but also new problems. Th e legacy of Karel Čapek includes values of humanism and understanding for other people’s views and needs, which is valuable for developing ethics of technology in democratic society.

Kahle, Brewster. "Building Trust When Truth Fractures." In Charleston Library Conference. Purdue Univeristy, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5703/1288284317192.

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In our current era of disinformation, ready access to trustworthy sources is critical. “Fake news,” sophisticated disinformation campaigns, and propaganda distort the common reality, polarize communities, and threaten open democratic systems. What citizens, journalists, and policymakers need is a canonical source of trusted information. For millions, that trusted source resides in the books and journals housed in libraries, curated and vetted by librarians. Yet today, as we turn inevitably to our screens for information, if a book isn’t digital, it is as if it doesn’t exist. To address this gap, the Internet Archive is actively working with the world’s great libraries to digitize their collections and to make them available to users via controlled digital lending, a process whereby libraries can loan digital copies of the print books on their shelves. By bringing millions of missing books and academic literature online, libraries can empower journalists, researchers, and Wikipedia editors to cite the best sources directly in their work, grounding readers in the vetted, published record, and extending the investment that libraries have made in their print collections.

Bogus, Angela. "High-performance public services: influences and prospects for improving living standards." In Conferinta stiintifica internationala "Strategii si politici de management in economia contemporana", editia VII. Academy of Economic Studies of Moldova, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.53486/icspm2022.10.

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The issue of improving people's livelihoods has been a primary concern of democratic governments. People's livelihoods can be analyzed not only from the perspective of income obtained, but also from the perspective of the conditions it has, access to quality services. Although material conditions dictate the ability of people to turn resources into good living conditions and are those that allow us to estimate a person's ability to have a better standard of living, yet only with his own efforts, he could not create a living. decent. In order to develop harmoniously, people still need to benefit from the goods and achievements of civilization, those that governments make available to them: access to quality health services, education and training, technical and scientific progress, services in the field of service, etc., without which the free development of the human personality would not be achieved. In this context, the subject in question is current and of major importance. The purpose of the paper is to analyze the contribution that public services have to raising the living standards of citizens. As research methods in the paper were used: analytical method; synthesis method; comparative method, method of document analysis and statistical data, etc.

YEŞİLBURSA, Behçet Kemal. "THE FORMATION AND DEVELOPMENT OF POLITICAL PARTIES IN TURKEY (1908-1980)." In 9. Uluslararası Atatürk Kongresi. Ankara: Atatürk Araştırma Merkezi Yayınları, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51824/978-975-17-4794-5.08.

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Political parties started to be established in Turkey in the second half of the 19th century with the formation of societies aiming at the reform of the Ottoman Empire. They reaped the fruits of their labour in 1908 when the Young Turk Revolution replaced the Sultan with the Committee of Union and Progress, which disbanded itself on the defeat of the Empire in 1918. Following the proclamation of the Republic in 1923, new parties started to be formed, but experiments with a multi-party system were soon abandoned in favour of a one-party system. From 1930 until the end of the Second World War, the People’s Republican Party (PRP) was the only political party. It was not until after the Second World War that Turkey reverted to a multiparty system. The most significant new parties were the Democrat Party (DP), formed on 7 January 1946, and the Nation Party (NP) formed on 20 July 1948, after a spilt in the DP. However, as a result of the coup of 27 May 1960, the military Government, the Committee of National Union (CNU), declared its intentions of seizing power, restoring rights and privileges infringed by the Democrats, and drawing up a new Constitution, to be brought into being by a free election. In January 1961, the CNU relaxed its initial ban on all political activities, and within a month eleven new parties were formed, in addition to the already established parties. The most important of the new parties were the Justice Party (JP) and New Turkey Party (NTP), which competed with each other for the DP’s electoral support. In the general election of October 1961, the PRP’s failure to win an absolute majority resulted in four coalition Governments, until the elections in October 1965. The General Election of October 1965 returned the JP to power with a clear, overall majority. The poor performance of almost all the minor parties led to the virtual establishment of a two-party system. Neither the JP nor the PRP were, however, completely united. With the General Election of October 1969, the JP was returned to office, although with a reduced share of the vote. The position of the minor parties declined still further. Demirel resigned on 12 March 1971 after receiving a memorandum from the Armed Forces Commanders threatening to take direct control of the country. Thus, an “above-party” Government was formed to restore law and order and carry out reforms in keeping with the policies and ideals of Atatürk. In March 1973, the “above-party” Melen Government resigned, partly because Parliament rejected the military candidate, General Gürler, whom it had supported in the Presidential Elections of March-April 1973. This rejection represented the determination of Parliament not to accept the dictates of the Armed Forces. On 15 April, a new “above party” government was formed by Naim Talu. The fundamental dilemma of Turkish politics was that democracy impeded reform. The democratic process tended to return conservative parties (such as the Democrat and Justice Parties) to power, with the support of the traditional Islamic sectors of Turkish society, which in turn resulted in the frustration of the demands for reform of a powerful minority, including the intellectuals, the Armed Forces and the newly purged PRP. In the last half of the 20th century, this conflict resulted in two periods of military intervention, two direct and one indirect, to secure reform and to quell the disorder resulting from the lack of it. This paper examines the historical development of the Turkish party system, and the factors which have contributed to breakdowns in multiparty democracy.

Vučinić, Dejan. "ZNAČAJ INSTITUCIJE OMBUDSMANA U ZAŠTITI LjUDSKIH PRAVA U REPUBLICI SRBIJI – SA POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA LOKALNOG OMBUDSMANA." In XVIII Majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xviiimajsko.743v.

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The protection of human rights in democratic societies has long been recognized as one of the basic principles on which orderly states and states characterized by the rule of law are based. However, today more than ever we see the potential of global social movements (especially current ones) produced by various factors (pandemics, crises, wars ...) to turn states in the direction of totalitarianism, which increasingly restrict and often endanger human freedoms and rights. In that sense, the strengthened control of the administration and the protection and guarantee of human rights through the institution of the ombudsman or similar institutions, has proven to be successful so far, to a sufficient extent that this institution has a significant number of states today. Accessibility to citizens, the duration of the procedure and, ultimately, the authority of the institution that imposes itself when it comes to acting on ombudsman decisions, are just some of the reasons why more and more citizens seek protection of their rights and legality in the procedure before the ombudsman. ordinary court proceedings. The paper will analyze the legal nature of the ombudsman institution, the issue of its powers and attitudes towards public administration entities, as well as the issue of the local ombudsman, ie the results of his work, especially having in mind the legal "possibility", not the obligation to establish a local ombudsman. local governments - cities and municipalities.

Bednář, Marcel. "Prezident republiky a eroze liberální demokracie – zahraničněpolitické aspekty." In Naděje právní vědy 2022. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.nadeje.2022.9-20.

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The decline of democratic structures and institutions is an extremely important topic these days. It also concerns the head of state, afterall, the President can easily turn from the defender of democracy and constitutionality into a constitutional player who not only does not fulfill his role, but also contributes significantly to the erosion of liberal democracy or is even the cause of decline and crisis. This contribution analysis the exercise of the foreign policy powers of the President of the Czech Republic, Miloš Zeman, in the last year (from hospitalization in October 2021 until today) and aims to offer answers to the question of whether the President contributes to the erosion of liberal democracy in the Czech Republic through his activities in the field of foreign policy. The author concludes that the President did contribute to the erosion of liberal democracy in the Czech Republic, especially by treating unconstitutional procedures, e.g.the case of the (non)appointment of Minister of Foreign Affairs Jan Lipavský or the so-called „guaranteeofimpunity“ which is considered the unconstitutional abolition profuturo. Although it is argued that The President contributed to the erosion of liberal democracy, according to the author it cannot be stated that the President was the cause of the crisis or decline. This is becasue the constitutional errors described lack intensity.

Triboi, Vasile, and Natalia Nastas. "The Fight against Corruption in Sport: International and National Experience." In World Lumen Congress 2021, May 26-30, 2021, Iasi, Romania. LUMEN Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18662/wlc2021/68.

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Corruption is a particularly dangerous scourge, which encompasses the whole of society, all spheres of human activity, and by virtue of this, it also encompasses education, whether we want to recognize it or not. Corruption flourishes in times of great social unrest, in times of crisis that societies are going through, especially in the period of transition from a totalitarian regime to a democratic society. The factor generating corruption is the socio-economic crisis, having as causes: weakening of state authority, degradation of living standards, altered moral judgment, lack of effective control levers, diminished public confidence in institutions and social values, non-adaptation of legislation to economic and social conditions and so on Sport is one of the largest businesses in the world, being influenced and influencing in turn both financial and political interests. Every year, millions of dollars and Euros circulate in this area, most of the transactions and agreements taking place behind closed doors, in order to keep any possible advantage over the competition. This fierce competitiveness, together with the lack of transparency, makes the sports field extremely vulnerable to corruption acts. Summarizing the results of our study, we can conclude: the fight against corruption is an opportunity for beneficiary institutions, which can strengthen and improve their systems for preventing and combating corruption and money laundering and asset recovery, by reference to worldwide first-class practices and standards. Following intense consultations with all beneficiaries in the Republic of Moldova: Minister of Education, Culture and Research, National Olympic and Sports Committee, Paralympics’ Committee, Sports Federations and other structures in the country, in order to ensure effective support in the field of physical culture and sports. The direct relations with the interested actors contribute to the creation of a positive framework, which will favour the general success of the future activities that will take place in obtaining the expected results.

Звіти організацій з теми "Democratic turn":

Bergsen, Pepijn, Leah Downey, Max Krahé, Hans Kundnani, Manuela Moschella, and Quinn Slobodian. The economic basis of democracy in Europe: structural economic change, inequality and the depoliticization of economic policymaking. Royal Institute of International Affairs, September 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55317/9781784135362.

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- To understand contemporary challenges to European democracy, it is crucial to look beyond the surface of politics and consider the deeper relationship between democracy and the economy. Instead of focusing exclusively on the rise of ‘populism’, it is necessary to acknowledge the multiplicity of threats to European democracy, in particular those arising from the structure of European economies and economic policymaking. - Understanding these weaknesses in the functioning of European democracies is crucial to an effective approach to future economic transformations, in particular the green transition, but also for dealing effectively and equitably with challenges such as higher inflation. It is important that the relevant policy changes and responses are democratically legitimate and do not foster the kind of political backlash that previous economic transformations did. - Over the past 40 years, economic inequality – ranging from income inequality to discrepancies in wealth and economic security – has widened throughout developed economies. In turn, these developments have generated increasing political inequality, as economic policymaking has served the interests of the well-off. - Democratic systems have also been made less responsive to electorates through the ‘depoliticization’ of policymaking, in particular economic policy, as a result of its insulation from national-level democratic scrutiny. The expansion of technocratic modes of governance – notably through independent central banks and EU-level institutions – has in many cases entrenched the policy preferences of specific groups in institutions removed from direct democratic control. - As this depoliticization has to a large extent made democratic contestation over economic policy redundant, politics has increasingly been polarized around ‘cultural’ questions. But such a focus on culture is unlikely to address the inequalities behind the dysfunction of democracies in Europe. - Strengthening European democracy requires a ‘repoliticization’ of economic policymaking, including both fiscal and monetary policymaking. In the specific context of the EU, this would mean opening up more policy space for national decision-makers and parliaments – in particular by giving them a more influential role in fiscal policy, and by making monetary policy more democratic.

Schwartz, William Alexander. The Rise of the Far Right and the Domestication of the War on Terror. Goethe-Universität, Institut für Humangeographie, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.21248/gups.62762.

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Today in the United States, the notion that ‘the rise of the far right’ poses the greatest threat to democratic values, and by extension, to the nation itself, has slowly entered into common sense. The antecedent of this development is the object of our study. Explored through the prism of what we refer to as the domestication of the War on Terror, this publication adopts and updates the theoretical approach first forwarded in Policing the Crisis: Mugging, the State, the Law and Order (Hall et al. 1978). Drawing on this seminal work, a sequence of three disparate media events are explored as they unfold in the United States in mid-2015: the rise of the Trump campaign; the release of an op-ed in The New York Times warning of a rise in right-wing extremsim; and a mass shooting at a historic African American church in Charleston, South Carolina. By the end of 2015, as these disparate events converge into what we call the public face of the rise of the far right phenomenon, we subsequently turn our attention to its origins in policing and the law in the wake of the global War on Terror and the Great Recession. It is only from there, that we turn our attention to the poltical class struggle as expressed in the rise of 'populism' on the one hand, and the domestication of the War on Terror on the other, and in doing so, attempt to situate the role of the rise of the far right phenomenon within it.

Halych, Valentyna. SERHII YEFREMOV’S COOPERATION WITH THE WESTERN UKRAINIAN PRESS: MEMORIAL RECEPTION. Ivan Franko National University of Lviv, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.30970/vjo.2021.49.11055.

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The subject of the study is the cooperation of S. Efremov with Western Ukrainian periodicals as a page in the history of Ukrainian journalism which covers the relationship of journalists and scientists of Eastern and Western Ukraine at the turn of the XIX-XX centuries. Research methods (biographical, historical, comparative, axiological, statistical, discursive) develop the comprehensive disclosure of the article. As a result of scientific research, the origins of Ukrainocentrism in the personality of S. Efremov were clarified; his person as a public figure, journalist, publisher, literary critic is multifaceted; taking into account the specifics of the memoir genre and with the involvement of the historical context, the turning points in the destiny of the author of memoirs are interpreted, revealing cooperation with Western Ukrainian magazines and newspapers. The publications ‘Zoria’, ‘Narod’, ‘Pravda’, ‘Bukovyna’, ‘Dzvinok’, are secretly got into sub-Russian Ukraine, became for S. Efremov a spiritual basis in understanding the specifics of the national (Ukrainian) mass media, ideas of education in culture of Ukraine at the end of XIX century, its territorial integrity, and state independence. Memoirs of S. Efremov on cooperation with the iconic Galician journals ‘Notes of the Scientific Society after the name Shevchenko’ and ‘Literary-Scientific Bulletin’, testify to an important stage in the formation of the author’s worldview, the expansion of the genre boundaries of his journalism, active development as a literary critic. S. Yefremov collaborated most fruitfully and for a long time with the Literary-Scientific Bulletin, and he was impressed by the democratic position of this publication. The author’s comments reveal a long-running controversy over the publication of a review of the new edition of Kobzar and thematically related discussions around his other literary criticism, in which the talent of the demanding critic was forged. S. Efremov steadfastly defended the main principles of literary criticism: objectivity and freedom of author’s thought. The names of the allies of the Ukrainian idea L. Skochkovskyi, O. Lototskyi, O. Konyskyi, P. Zhytskyi, M. Hrushevskyi in S. Efremov’s memoirs unfold in multifaceted portrait descriptions and function as historical and cultural facts that document the pages of the author’s biography, record his activities in space and time. The results of the study give grounds to characterize S. Efremov as the first professional Ukrainian-speaking journalist.