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Статті в журналах з теми "Democratic socialization"
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DiRenzo, Gordon J. "Socialization for the democratic personality in modern society." Journal of Adult Development 2, no. 4 (October 1995): 275–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf02251042.
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Print, Murray. "Political socialization in a failed democracy: Civic education in Thailand." PCS – Politics, Culture and Socialization 8, no. 1+2-2017 (July 29, 2020): 81–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3224/pcs.v8i1-2.04.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1932 Thailand became a constitutional democracy with a traditional monarchy. Since then the country has experienced twelve ‘successful’ military coups d’ etat to make it one of the most coup prone nations in the world and an unstable democracy. This paper analyses an opportunity for schools in Thailand to contribute significantly to the political socialization of young Thais as a means to address the persistent failure of the country’s democratic procedures. Non-school factors, such as authoritarian family characteristics, may negate school attempts to instill democratic behavior. Although civic education in Thai schools appears to have largely failed, the Democratic Citizenship Education Curriculum Project, developed by, with and for Thais, provides schools and teachers with the opportunity to develop democratic citizens through the school socialization process.
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VAN HOOK, JAMES C. "FROM SOCIALIZATION TO CO-DETERMINATION: THE US, BRITAIN, GERMANY, AND PUBLIC OWNERSHIP IN THE RUHR, 1945–1951." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 153–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002187.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The failure of the socialization of heavy industry in West Germany following the Second World War has often been ascribed to American reluctance to allow meaningful social reform in the face of an intensifying Cold War. But a closer look at the socialization issue during the latter half of the 1940s demonstrates the enormous complexity of transforming Germany's heavy industry. First, the British, who originally advocated socialization, i.e. the public ownership of heavy industry, had done so on security grounds. But when trying to reach out to ‘democratic’ Germans, such as social democrats and left wing members of the Christian democratic union, the British realized the difficulty of cultivating a meaningful consensus within western Germany concerning the fate of heavy industry. In the end, they therefore acceded to American arguments that socialization of such important industries should wait until the creation of a central German government. But once a central German government existed from 1949, socialization did not take place. The chief reason for this was that West German social democrats had already concluded in 1947 that American ‘domination’ of western Germany meant the stifling of social reform. They therefore ceded leadership over German affairs to a Christian democratic union decidedly more favourable to free enterprise. Instead, the social democrats and their trade union allies concentrated their efforts at social reform in the introduction and institutionalization of management–labour co-determination.
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Rasool, Abed Khalid. "Political Socialization Pathways in Kurdistan Region: Between Mobilizing Partisan and Democratic Upbringing." Journal of University of Human Development 2, no. 3 (August 31, 2016): 94. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/juhd.v2n3y2016.pp94-126.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research tries to provide a scientific understanding of the political socialization processes in Kurdistan Region, because this processes considered as one of the basic functions, which affect all aspects of political life and interaction between political structures in different political systems. The research argued that the political socialization process in Kurdistan Region split on two pathways, the first pathway, which is the dominant path, works on the mobilizing partisan, in order to ensure the sustainability of the influence of the dominance parties on the political life in this region; the second pathway, which is the weakness path, work on the democratic upbringing of citizens. In this context, the dominant parties in this region has made intensive efforts in order to control the agencies that play role of the function of political socialization, such as; civic organizations and media institutions.
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Checkel, Jeffrey T. "Socialization and violence." Journal of Peace Research 54, no. 5 (September 2017): 592–605. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022343317721813.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article sets the stage for a special issue exploring group-level dynamics and their role in producing violence. My analytic focus is socialization, or the process through which actors adopt the norms and rules of a given community. I argue that it is key to understanding violence in many settings, including civil war, national militaries, post-conflict societies and urban gangs. While socialization theory has a long history in the social sciences, I do not simply pull it off the shelf, but instead rethink core features of it. Operating in a theory-building mode and drawing upon insights from other disciplines, I highlight its layered and multiple nature, the role of instrumental calculation in it and several relevant mechanisms – from persuasion, to organized rituals, to sexual violence, to violent display. Equally important, I theorize instances where socialization is resisted, as well as the (varying) staying power of norms and practices in an individual who leaves the group. Empirically, the special issue explores the link between socialization and violence in paramilitary patrols in Guatemala; vigilantes in the Bosnian civil war; gangs in post-conflict Nicaragua; rebel groups in the Democratic Republic of Congo, El Salvador, Sierra Leone and Uganda; post-conflict peacekeepers; and the US and Israeli military. By documenting this link, we contribute to an emerging research program on group dynamics and conflict.
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Stoycheff, Elizabeth. "Relatively Democratic: How Perceived Internet Interference Shapes Attitudes about Democracy." International Journal of Press/Politics 25, no. 3 (March 6, 2020): 390–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1940161220909741.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Individuals’ political internet use has been identified as a determinant of democratic attitudes. But awareness of online government surveillance and content restrictions may prohibit citizens from freely using the internet for democratic socialization. Using a comparative survey in the United States and Russia, this study explores how perceived internet freedom influences support for democracy by relatively constraining or expanding citizens’ worldviews. Implications for global democratic backsliding are discussed.
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Bagno-Moldavski, Olena. "The Effect of Religiosity on Political Attitudes in Israel." Politics and Religion 8, no. 3 (September 2015): 514–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755048315000516.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article studies the influence of religion on political attitudes in Israel by testing two propositions: “religion-friendly” democratization and “greedy” socialization. The former implies that accommodation of religious demands stimulates democratization, the latter argues that domineering religious socialization does not motivate democratic attitudes. Analysis of data from representative surveys conducted in 2006–2013, supports “greedy” socialization over the “religion friendly” hypothesis. I show that in most instances, socialization in religion-friendly environments does not moderate the political attitudes of religiously conservative groups. The results suggest that unbounded accommodation of religious needs in non-religious institutions may strengthen undemocratic political attitudes.
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CHANG, WEN-CHUN. "Media Use, Democratic Values, and Political Participation: Empirical Evidence from Taiwan." Japanese Journal of Political Science 18, no. 3 (August 4, 2017): 385–406. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109917000081.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis paper extends understanding of the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values. We employ the two-step estimation approach to examine the relationship between media use and attitudes toward democratic values as well as consequential association with political participation. The empirical results show that media use to obtain news information is positively related to attitudes toward democratic values. The findings also note that attitudes toward democratic values are positively associated with engagement in politics. The results support the argument that media use is significant for shaping citizens’ attitudes toward democratic values by providing information about public affairs and expanding citizens’ understanding about democratic politics. As such, media use facilitates democratic socialization and leads to more involvement in political behaviors.
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CHOI, EUNJUNG, and JONGSEOK WOO. "The Origins of the Park Jung-hee Syndrome in South Korea." Issues & Studies 55, no. 01 (March 2019): 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500036.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the past few decades, post-democratization politics in South Korea have witnessed an upsurge in authoritarian nostalgia, called the “Park Jung-hee syndrome.” This paper examines the origins of public nostalgia for the authoritarian dictator by putting two theoretical arguments, i.e., the socialization thesis and the system output thesis, to an empirical test. This paper utilizes the 2010 Korea Democracy Barometer from the Korea Barometer and the 2010 and the 2015 Korean National Identity Survey from the East Asia Institute. The empirical analysis of the South Korean case strongly supports the political socialization argument, suggesting that citizens’ yearning for Park Jung-hee is not merely an outcome of the negative evaluations of the democratic governments’ performances. Rather, their authoritarian nostalgia is in large part an outcome of their political socialization during the Park dictatorship. The analysis implies that, although a resurgence of the Park Jung-hee syndrome in post-democratization South Korea is not expected to derail the country’s route to democratic deepening, it may continue to be a main source of political division in partisan and electoral politics in the future.
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Look, Emily. "How Do Post-Soviet Citizens View Democracy? Democratic Knowledge and Support in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus." Russian Politics 5, no. 4 (November 20, 2020): 401–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/24518921-00504002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Recent concerns around the declining support for democracy worldwide add urgency to the question of why ordinary citizens desire a democratic system. An emerging theory is democratic knowledge, which argues that knowing more about the rights and liberties provided by a democratic system leads citizens to want democracy as a result. This paper tests this theory in Russia, Ukraine and Belarus, where conventional wisdom suggests that citizens will be less familiar with the features of a democratic system. Using the World Values Survey, it finds that democratic knowledge is a stronger predictor of democratic support than modernization, political learning or political socialization. Moreover, this effect is strongest amongst Ukrainians who grew up in the post-Soviet period, indicating that democratic knowledge is a powerful antidote to the disillusionment that flawed or limited democratization may bring.
Дисертації з теми "Democratic socialization"
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Ekman, Joakim. "Schools, Democratic Socialization and Political Participation: Political Activity and Passivity among Swedish Youths." Södertörns högskola, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:kau:diva-27399.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The present text is based on a key note lecture (‘Civic Education, Democracy and Political Participation’) delivered at the symposium Globalization of School Subjects – Challenges for Civics, History, Geography and Religious Education, Karlstad University, 13–14 December, 2012. Drawing on recent developments in research on political participation and civic engagement, the text starts out with a discussion about different ways of understanding political passivity. Subsequently, the text turns to a brief analysis of ways in which schools may provide young people with political skills and competencies needed in a democratic society. Three dimensions of political citizenship are highlighted: political efficacy, political literacy, and political participation; and the analysis focuses on the impact of a number of different school-related factors on these three ‘citizenship competencies’.
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Weinstein, Megan. "The power of civic education in democratic socialization: an investigation of Cape Town high schools." Master's thesis, University of Cape Town, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/11427/6825.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the past 20 years, South Africa has utilized education as a means of promoting democracy and civic engagement in young learners. Previous research has shown that this socialization project has been ineffective at influencing South African youth towards civic responsibility, yet there is a lack of constructive evaluation on the means and methods by which schooling can better build active democratic citizens. This minor dissertation seeks to fill this gap by investigating whether teacher training and specific pedagogies can more effectively promote characteristics of civic responsibility in South African youth. The main purpose of the research is to determine whether the pedagogies used by Shikaya's Facing the Past - Transforming our Future teacher training program are effective at creating civically responsible learners and how these compare to the average classroom. Furthermore it seeks to clarify our understanding of the connections between civic knowledge, skills, and values;; their effect on civic efficacy, and the effect of all of these components on civic responsibility. To answer these questions, this research utilizes a quasi-experimental study to compare and contrast the impact of different pedagogies used in classrooms in the Western Cape. It employs a quantitative closed-question survey and comparisons with contrast groups to examine the impact of specialized pedagogies on the civic responsibility of 134 Grade 11 learners in three dissimilar Cape Town area high schools. The survey utilizes measures and scales obtained from previous research by Dennis Barr and Robert Mattes, Richard Niemi, and David Denemark, including the well-known California Civic Index created by Joseph Kahne. Empirical analysis was run utilizing multi-linear regressions and factor analysis to determine both independent and combined effects of variables.The results show that Facing the Past ? Transforming our Future teaching training and pedagogies are not significantly correlated to civic action nor many of the characteristics of civic responsibility. Significantly, this training does positively contribute to an open classroom environment which was correlated with stronger civic values and deliberative skills in learners. Of further importance is the finding that civic learning opportunities in the classroom hold a positive relationship with increased learner efficacy and civic action. These relationships are particularly strong in the low-resource school in the sample. Finally, the results indicate important independent roles of learner deliberative skills and self-efficacy on levels of active civic participation.
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Blomkvist, Pontus. "Political Resocialization : Immigrants from Authoritarianism and Adaptation to Democratic Political Life." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-95576.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
To what extent do immigrants who spent their formative years under authoritarianism adapt to the socio-political environment of their new democratic host country? The purpose of this thesis is to illuminate the political socialization of immigrants and provide governments with information for evidence-based policy regarding the assimilation of these immigrants. This is achieved by statistical analysis, measuring the effects of exposure to host country and age on political interest, political participation and political values. The evidence shows that immigrants from authoritarianism are able to adapt their political attitudes after exposure to new democratic socio-political environments, but that the exposure gained from living in a democratic country might not be sufficient to increase political participation by itself. These results speak in favor of governments attempts to inform a potentially vulnerable minority group of their political rights and the importance of political participation so as their voices might be heard. As well as immigrant’s ability to adapt to democratic political life.
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Thunberg, Zelda. "Youth Democratic Disengagement in Tunisia : A quantitative research." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-100169.
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This study aims to investigate why young people in Tunisia participate less in formal and informal politics than older people. First, I compare the participatory pattern of young people in six forms of political participation (voting, party membership, organization membership, campaign activity, protesting and attending meetings/signing petitions) to older Tunisians, with merged data from the Arab Barometers five waves (2012-2019). The data shows that young people indeed participate less than the older. To find out why, I rely on socio-economic, political-psychological and socialization theories. I examine the research problem through a logistic regression model with data from the Arab Barometers fourth wave (2016-2017), which considers key explanatory variables from the socioeconomic, political-psychological and socialization theories. The results show that the biggest obstacle for young people to participate in politics is their lack of socioeconomic resources. Furthermore, access to information through education, political news and social media seem to be the most substantial variables to stimulate political participation among young people in Tunisia.
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Westling, Isabelle. "Deutscher, Ex-DDR-Bürger oder Ossi? : Identifikation und Selbstbild der Ostdeutschen -30 Jahre nach der Wiedervereinigung." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för språk (SPR), 2019. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-80707.
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In 1990, Germany once again became a reunited country after the collapse of the socialistic German Democratic Republic [GDR]. Although most of the East Germans were positive about the reunification, the consequences of their transformation into the West German system came as a shock to many. The current study examines what successful and unsuccessful socialization processes look like, how identities are constructed, and why work, family, and free-time activities are important. More specifically, the study focuses on what these elements looked like in the GDR. Research shows that many East Germans had troubles adjusting to the new type of society after the reunification. Together, the results of this study demonstrate that there are still significant differences on several factors between East and West Germans today. Discrepancies continue to exist in integration and work, with the unemployment rate in the East of Germany still being higher than in the West. In terms of identity construction, even after 20 years since the reunification (in 2009) over 50% of the East Germans still identified themselves as “East Germans” rather than “Germans”. Values also differ, with East Germans tending to value social security more than West Germans and maintaining higher expectations for the involvement of the government. These differences can be traced back to socialistic socialization processes in East Germans and shows how the GDR continues to affect the identities and integration of East Germans.
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Moretti, Laure. "Enseignement des sciences, interdisciplinarité, territoire apprenant : Quelles articulations ? Quelles modalités ? Quels résultats ?" Thesis, Corte, 2021. http://www.theses.fr/2021CORT0015.
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Cette étude se fonde sur une recherche-action visant la modélisation, la mise en œuvre et l’évaluation d’une stratégie éducative basée sur la construction d’un territoire apprenant, initié depuis l'École. L’approche socio-historique du contexte insulaire corse met en avant une îléité singulière, caractérisée par des liens patrimoniaux forts, corrélés à des comportements écocitoyens engagés. En parallèle, l'analyse du système éducatif souligne une forme scolaire où persistent une vision de l’éducation scolaro-centrée et une distance au territoire. De plus, l’École ne développant pas un mode de socialisation démocratique, le chercheur considère cette dernière peu efficiente pour une formation écocitoyenne. Le chercheur, également enseignant, a mis à l’épreuve l’incidence des liens patrimoniaux sur le profil écocitoyen et a émis l’hypothèse que le patrimoine pourrait constituer le levier d’une stratégie éducative innovante, s’articulant à la forme scolaire, visant une école intégrée dans son territoire et une conversion vers un mode de socialisation démocratique. L’utilisation de la démarche d’intelligence territoriale a permis de définir les modalités du territoire apprenant, construit sur trois piliers : l’enseignement des sciences, l’interdisciplinarité et la territorialisation éducative. Une organisation apprenante a progressivement été co-construite par les acteurs locaux : élèves, professionnels de l’éducation, citoyens et institutions hors-École. Cette dernière s’est étendue sur le territoire, évoluant en territoire apprenant. L’évaluation des impacts porte sur les liens patrimoniaux des élèves et sur le profil d’écocitoyenneté. La méthodologie repose sur une démarche d’enquête lot test/lot témoins et y associe diverses stratégies d’optimisation des validités interne et externe de l’étude. Les résultats montrent une valorisation des liens patrimoniaux et des profils d'écocitoyenneté de certains lots d’élèves. La stratégie éducative menée, construite sous la perspective de l’éco-ontogenèse dans le cadre d’une éducation relative à l’environnement proche, engage certains élèves dans le processus d’encapacitation, ouvrant la voie à leur autonomisation voire à leur empowerment1, porte de l’émancipationThis study is based on an action research aimed at modelling, implementing and evaluating an educational strategy based on the construction of a learning territory, initiated from the school. The socio-historical approach of the Corsican island context highlights a singular islandity, characterised by strong heritage links, correlated with committed eco-citizen behaviour. At the same time, the analysis of the educational system underlines a school form where a school-centred vision of education and a distance to the territory persist. Moreover, as schools do not develop a democratic socialization mode, the researcher considers that they are not very efficient for eco-citizen training. The researcher, who is also a teacher, has put to the test the impact of heritage links on the eco-citizen profile and has put forward the hypothesis that heritage could be the lever of an innovative educational strategy, linked to the school form, aiming at a school integrated in its territory and a conversion towards a democratic mode of socialization. The use of the territorial intelligence approach made it possible to define the modalities of the learning territory, built on three pillars: science teaching, interdisciplinarity and educational territorialisation. A learning organization was gradually co-constructed by local actors: students, education professionals, citizens and institutions outside the school. The latter has spread over the territory, evolving into a learning territory. The impact assessment focuses on students' heritage connections and environmental citizenship profile. The methodology is based on a test-lot/control-lot survey approach and combines various strategies to optimize the internal and external validity of the study. The results show an enhancement of the heritage links and eco-citizenship profiles of some batches of pupils. The educational strategy carried out, built from the perspective of eco-ontogenesis within the framework of education on the nearby environment, engages certain pupils in the process of encapacitation, opening the way to their autonomy or even empowerment, the door to emancipation
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Hartshorne, Eric. "Immigrant members of the Swedish Democrats : A qualitative study regarding the process in which immigrants become politically active within the Swedish Democrats." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för samhällsstudier (SS), 2015. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-39352.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study focuses on the process that individuals who have migrated to Sweden go through when joining the Swedish Democrats (SD), a nationalistic and anti-immigration party. SDs history is filled with Racism and violence, since the parties remodelling in 1988, where the party removed its more extremist and violent grouping, SD have become the third largest political party in Sweden. Through the classic outsider theories of Elias (1999) and Becker (2006) this study is driven to explore a new theoretical view on the process of role and organizational change. By looking at what pushes the individuals away from their former organizational belonging and what pulls them towards SD, this study will try and understand the thought process and decision making of the group, immigrants in SD, around the time before and during their organizational change. As a secondary point to this paper the respondent’s sense of identity and belonging to SD will be studied. How has their change to SD affected their identity as a group and how do other groups affect them when they (SD) are trying to establish their identity. The research behind this paper is based on interviews with individuals that have migrated to Sweden and are public members of the Swedish Democrats.
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Souto, Luís Adriano Salles. "Escola e laço fraterno : reflexões sobre a proposição do educar para a sociabilidade democrática no Brasil atual." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/183229.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
La présente thèse vise à réfléchir sur les actions éducatives qui ont pour but de promouvoir la « sociabilité démocratique » - l’une des directives actuelles de la scolarisation au Brésil - à partir de l’investigation sur les impasses relatives au lien fraternel et de l’affirmation selon laquelle l’école peut être comprise en tant que d ispositif sociétal impliqué dans ce que nous appelons « socialisation du narcissisme ». Pour ce faire, trois lignes de travail sont développées. La première, consacrée aux vicissitudes des fratries, part du débat établi entre Einstein et Freud en 1932 sur les « puissantes forces psychologiques » qui agissent dans le sens d’entraver le rêve d’une vie commune moins marquée par la haine et par la ségrégation. L’objectif ici est de reprendre ce débat et de reconstituer le mythe freudien de l’origine de la culture pour soutenir que l’approfondissement d’une éthique fraternelle exige que nous prenions en compte l’antagonisme insurmontable sur lequel la relation entre semblables est basée La deuxième ligne de travail cherche à récupérer dans les théories de Claude Lefort et Cornelius Castoriadis certaines notions qui nous aident à comprendre ce qu´ implique, pour l'expérience politique de l´Occident, l'invention démocratique. La troisième ligne de travail, enfin, cherche à mettre en évidence le caractère nécessaire de la participation du semblable dans le processus de subjectivation de l’être humain. Si dans un premier moment Freud nous a aidé à constituer un cadre de références pour l’interprétation des ambivalences et de la fragilité du lien fraternel, l’objectif maintenant est de montrer comment le conflit du sujet avec son semblable peut être compris à travers l’analyse des processus identificatoires requis dans ce processus de subjectivation. Pour cela, nous faisons recours à l’essai Le stade du miroir, de Lacan, et à quelques écrits de l’écrivaine brésilienne Clarice Lispector.Esta tese busca refletir sobre as ações educativas que têm como fim a promoção da “sociabilidade democrática” – uma das diretrizes da escolarização no Brasil. Parte-se, para isso, de uma reflexão sobre os impasses relativos ao laço fraterno e da afirmação de que a escola pode ser compreendida como um dispositivo societário implicado com o que denominamos, na companhia da psicanalista Maria Rita Kehl, de “socialização do narcisismo”. Três linhas de trabalho são, para isso, requeridas. A primeira, dedicada à investigação dos impasses do laço fraterno e às vicissitudes das fratrias, tem como ponto de partida o debate estabelecido entre Einstein e Freud, em 1932, sobre os “fatores psicológicos de peso” que atuam no sentido de dificultar – ou até mesmo de inviabilizar – o sonho de uma vida em comum menos marcada pelo ódio, pelos preconceitos e pela segregação. O objetivo, aqui, é recuperar esse debate e reconstituir o mito freudiano da origem da cultura para dele extrair uma diferença que aparece em filigranas no pensamento de Freud: se a horda primitiva nos remete a uma massa de indivíduos indiferenciados entre si porque subjugados à violência e ao autoritarismo do pai primevo, a comunidade fraterna, por outro lado, remete-nos a relações sociais mediadas pela autoridade da Lei simbólica e, por isso, marcadas pela rivalidade e pela agressividade entre semelhantes Como pensar, então, o aprofundamento de uma ética fraterna quando afirmamos que as relações numa fratria são atravessadas por um antagonismo constitutivo e, por isso, intransponível? A segunda linha de trabalho busca resgatar das teorias de Claude Lefort e de Cornelius Castoriadis algumas noções que nos ajudam a compreender o que implica, para a experiência política do Ocidente, a invenção da democracia. Na terceira linha de trabalho, finalmente, destaca-se o caráter necessário da participação do semelhante no processo de subjetivação do rebento humano. Se num primeiro momento o estudo das obras socioantropológicas de Freud ajudou-nos a constituir um quadro de referências para a interpretação das ambivalências e da fragilidade do laço fraterno, o objetivo agora é mostrar como a conflitiva do sujeito com o semelhante pode ser compreendida por meio da análise dos processos identificatórios requeridos nesse processo de subjetivação. Para isso, realizo um mergulho simultâneo no ensaio O estádio do espelho como formador da função do eu, de Lacan, e na obra A paixão segundo G.H., da escritora Clarice Lispector.
The aim of this thesis is to reflect upon educational actions whose purpose is to promote “democratic sociability” – one of the directives of schooling in Brazil – from the investigation on the impasses related to fraternal bond and the assertion that school can be understood as a societal system associated with what we call the "socialization of narcissism". For this, two lines of work are being developed. The first one, dedicated to the investigation on the impasses of fraternal bond and the vicissitudes of phratries, starts from the debate between Einstein and Freud in 1932 on "psychological factors of weight" that act in the sense of hindering the dream of a life in common less marked by hatred and segregation. The aim here is to recover this debate and reconstitute the Freudian myth of the origin of culture to support that the further development of a fraternal ethic requires that we take into account the insurmountable antagonism on which the relation among fellow creatures is based The second line of work seeks to rescue from the theories of Claude Lefort and Cornelius Castoriadis some notions that help us to understand what the democratic invention implies for the political experience of the West. As to the third line of work, what is sought is to highlight the necessary character of the participation of the fellow creature in the process of subjectivation of the human being. If, at the beginning, the study of Freud's socio- anthropological works helped to provide a framework of references for the interpretation of ambivalences and the fragility of the fraternal bond, the objective is now to show how the conflict of the subject with the fellow creature can be understood through the analysis of the identifying processes required in this process of subjectivation. In order to achieve this, the essay Le stade du miroir by Lacan and some writings by Clarice Lispector are used.
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Silva, Francielli Pirolli da. "A socialização política dos jovens estudantes do ensino médio no município de Toledo/Paraná." Universidade Estadual do Oeste do Paraná, 2017. http://tede.unioeste.br/handle/tede/3270.
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The theme of this dissertation is the political socialization, in the municipality of Toledo/Paraná. The research object is the young people, aged 16 to 19 years, who are high school students in the public and private schools. The goal is to analyze and identify how they conduct political socialization and what issues, actions, and activities related to politics they participate in. To carry out the proposal of this work, the bibliographic research approached topics such as political culture, political socialization and youth. In the empirical research, 420 questionnaires – quantitative ones, composed of socioeconomic and political questions – were applied to the young people, with the abovementioned ages, distributed among 12 public and 03 private schools. It was found that the means and ways in which young people construct political socialization are established according to the social environment they are inserted and to the socializing agencies they take part in.
Essa dissertação tem como tema a socialização política, no município de Toledo/Paraná. O objeto de pesquisa são os jovens com idade entre 16 e 19 anos, estudantes do ensino médio nas escolas públicas e privadas do município. O objetivo é analisar e identificar como eles realizam a socialização política e quais as questões, ações e atividades relacionadas à política de que eles participam. Para a realização da proposta deste trabalho, a pesquisa de caráter bibliográfico abordou temas como cultura política, socialização política e juventude. Na pesquisa empírica, 420 questionários – de cunho quantitativo, compostos por questões socioeconômicas e sobre assuntos políticos – foram aplicados aos jovens, com as idades acima mencionadas, distribuídos entre 12 colégios públicos e 03 colégios privados. Constatou-se que os meios e as formas pelas quais os jovens constroem a socialização política são estabelecidos conforme o meio social que estão inseridos e as agências socializadoras de que participam.
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Bernardi, Ana Julia Bonzanini. "Competência cívica em uma democracia desigual : analisando o impacto dos investimentos educacionais na cultura política juvenil porto-alegrense entre 2002 e 2015." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/156997.
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Esta dissertação apresenta um estudo comparativo da socialização política nas escolas de ensino médio em Porto Alegre/RS, entre os anos de 2002 e 2015. Utilizando o conceito de competência cívica, buscou-se avaliar as dimensões afetivas e cognitivas que impulsionam os jovens à cidadania ativa. O objetivo principal foi verificar se o aumento de investimentos em políticas educacionais neste período gerou uma maior competência cívica nos jovens. A hipótese central é de que estas políticas não foram capazes de alterar os níveis de capital social, cultura e sofisticação política dos jovens, indicando a continuidade de uma cultura política híbrida e pouco participativa. Para isso, utilizam-se os dados de pesquisa survey realizada no âmbito do Núcleo de Pesquisa sobre América Latina (NUPESAL) da Universidade Federal do Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS), bem como dos investimentos realizados pelo Governo Federal nos anos de 2002 e de 2015 Os resultados obtidos comprovam a hipótese enunciada de que as políticas sociais e educacionais não foram suficientes para modificar o padrão de cultura política híbrida nos jovens. As escolas públicas não somente diminuíram seu índice de competência cívica em relação a 2002, como também ampliaram a distância dos seus indicadores em relação às escolas privadas em 2015. A conclusão da dissertação é de que as políticas implementadas entre 2002 e 2015 possibilitaram uma ampliação e universalização do acesso à educação sem expandir a qualidade de ensino, sobretudo quando em comparação à rede privada. Os índices encontrados demonstram que a desigualdade educacional no país, principalmente no âmbito da inclusão cidadã, ainda está longe de ser solucionada.This dissertation presents a comparative study of political socialization in secondary schools in Porto Alegre/RS, in the years of 2002 and 2015. Using the concept of civic competence, we sought to evaluate the affective and cognitive dimensions that impel young people to become active citizens. The main objective was to verify if the increase of investments in social policies in this period generated a greater civic competence among the youth. The central hypothesis is that these policies were not able to change the levels of social capital, culture and political sophistication of young people, indicating the continuity of a hybrid political culture. To do so, we used the survey data of the Research Centre on Latin America (NUPESAL) of the Federal University of Rio Grande do Sul (UFRGS) in the years of 2002 and 2015, as well as the investments made by the Federal Government through this period. The results obtained prove the hypothesis that social and educational policies were not sufficient to change the pattern of hybrid political culture in the public school system. Public schools not only reduced their civic competence index in relation to 2002, but also stretched the distance of their indicators from private schools in 2015. The conclusion of this dissertation is that the policies implemented between 2002 and 2015 allowed an expansion and universalization of the access without increasing the quality of education, especially when compared to the private schools. The index found in this study, indicate that educational inequality in the country, especially in the context of citizen inclusion, is still far from being solved.
Книги з теми "Democratic socialization"
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M, Oxley Zoe, ed. Public opinion: Democratic ideals, democratic practice. 2nd ed. Washington, DC: CQ Press, 2012.
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Hellinger, Daniel. The democratic facade. Pacific Grove, Calif: Brooks/Cole Pub. Co., 1991.
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Hellinger, Daniel. The democratic facade. 2nd ed. Belmont, Calif: Wadsworth Pub. Co., 1994.
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Clawson, Rosalee A. Public opinion: Democratic ideals, democratic practice. Washington, D.C: CQ Press, 2008.
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Verma, Jag Mohan Singh. Democratic ethos and developmental process in India. New Delhi: Uppal Pub. House, 1991.
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Post-apartheid education: Towards non-racial, unitary, and democratic socialization in the new South Africa. Lanham: University Press of America, 1993.
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Sīsantisuk, Somsak. Khrōngkān wičhai rư̄ang kānplūkfang bukkhalikkaphāp prachāthippatai nai khrō̜pkhrūa Čhangwat Khō̜n Kǣn: Socialization of democratic personality in families, Changwat Khon Kaen. [Khon Kaen?: s.n., 2005.
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Lupia, Arthur. The democratic dilemma: Can citizens learn what they need to know? Cambridge, U.K: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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Barker, David C. Political representation in red and blue America: How cultural differences shape democratic expectations and outcomes. New York: Oxford University Press, 2012.
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Corrupting youth: Political education, democratic culture, and political theory. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1997.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Democratic socialization"
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Conway, Margaret, Sandra Bowman Damico, and Alfonso J. Damico. "Democratic Socialization in the Schools." In Democracy, Socialization and Conflicting Loyalties in East and West, 421–40. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14059-6_21.
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Flockhart, Trine. "Complex Socialization and the Transfer of Democratic Norms." In Socializing Democratic Norms, 43–62. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523067_3.
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Flockhart, Trine. "Socialization and Democratization: a Tenuous but Intriguing Link." In Socializing Democratic Norms, 1–20. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523067_1.
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Dekker, Henk. "Democratic Citizen Competence." In Democracy, Socialization and Conflicting Loyalties in East and West, 386–410. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1996. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-14059-6_19.
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Harrison, Ewan, and Sara McLaughlin Mitchell. "The Arab Spring and Democratic Socialization: Transnational Influences." In The Triumph of Democracy and the Eclipse of the West, 27–51. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346865_2.
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Harrison, Ewan, and Sara McLaughlin Mitchell. "The Arab Spring and Democratic Socialization: International Influences." In The Triumph of Democracy and the Eclipse of the West, 53–72. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137346865_3.
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Skak, Mette. "The Socialization of Democratic Norms in Russia: Is the Glass Half-empty or Half-full?" In Socializing Democratic Norms, 190–208. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2005. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230523067_10.
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Gilberg, Trond. "Romanians and Democratic Values: Socialization After Communism." In Romania After Tyranny, 83–94. Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429304941-6.
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Waiter, Patrick, and Ivana Marková. "Trust as a Psychosocial Feeling: Socialization and Totalitarianism." In Trust and Democratic Transition in Post-Communist Europe. British Academy, 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.5871/bacad/9780197263136.003.0002.
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Georg Simmel, who is well known for his study of the emerging social conditions of sociality and its forms, developed the analysis of psychosocial feelings and emotional categories in order to grasp the phenomenology of socialization. His ideas on trust, more than those of any other scholar, are pertinent to the study and understanding of trust/fear in totalitarian and post-Communist societies. More specifically, Simmel's concept of trust is based on the self/other dialogical interdependence and psychosocial feelings; multifaceted meanings of trust/distrust in their cultural, historical, and political historical conditions; secrets as reciprocal relations and secret societies; and inductive knowledge gained through different forms of socialization. Totalitarian and semi-totalitarian political regimes thrive on distrust and promote a socialization that displays itself in psychosocial feelings of fear and suspicion. This chapter discusses social relations rather than economic relations, trust and language, socialization of distrust, socialization and totalitarianism, and secrecy in the Soviet bloc.
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Kapadia, Shagufa. "Socialization and Parenting." In Psychology: Volume 2, 53–124. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199498857.003.0002.
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This chapter offers a theoretical and empirical perspective on socialization and parenting in the Indian cultural context. It critically examines the role of gender role expectations, micro ecology of family, and maternal employment in child development. The mediating effects of availability of resources, inconsistency in experiences of care, and availability of other nurturing caregivers and participation of fathers are also examined. It is observed that the parent–adolescent relationship is becoming more democratic, with parents participating actively in adolescents’ lives. Overall, research on socialization reflects positive trends such as the steady growth of culturally sensitive perspectives and attempts to engage with social change influences. However, the focus on middle-class contexts has precluded understanding of cultural diversity. It is concluded that further studies on the interplay of tradition and modernity, shifting power balance in parent–child relationship, and parenting across life span are warranted.