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Статті в журналах з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Kaplan Arık, Aslıhan. "Anayasa Değiştirme İktidarının Kötüye Kullanılmasını Önlemeye Yönelik Anayasa Değişikliği Usulünün Farklılaştırılması." International Journal of Social Sciences 7, no. 28 (May 9, 2023): 280–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.52096/usbd.7.28.20.
Анотація:
Constitution-making powers impose limitations on their power to amend the constitution in the constitutional texts they prepare. These limits are intended to prevent the differentiation or abolition of the basic philosophy of the constitution and the constitutional order established by the power to make the constitution. These limits, which are brought in order to prevent the constitutional amendment powers from making changes other than their purpose, are realized by further protecting the principles and values that are given special value in the constitutions of some countries and that constitute the basic philosophy of the constitution. In other words, some provisions that constitute the basic principles and values of the constitution are subject to a different amendment procedure compared to other provisions of the constitution. This differentiation procedure includes additional conditions such as a qualified majority, a referendum, or the passage of a certain period of time in the amendment process. In this study, the differentiated constitutional amendment procedure and whether these procedures have an effect on the abuse of constitutional amendment power have been examined. Keywords: Constitutional amendment power, constitutional amendment procedure, differentiated constitutional amendment procedure, abuse of constitutional amendment power.
2
Lee, Hwanghee. "Stability and Changeability: Theoretical Considerations on the Process and the Way of Constitutional Amendment." Korean Constitutional Law Association 30, no. 1 (March 30, 2024): 41–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.35901/kjcl.2024.30.1.41.
Анотація:
Societies are constantly changing, and legal systems are always organized in the context of those changes. Constitutions have a dual nature in the context of social change. On the one hand, it seeks to remain stable in the face of social change (stability). This helps maintain a normative and institutional core that should not be easily altered in response to social changes. On the other hand, it also aims to adapt to social changes (changeability). Constitutions themselves recognize the possibility of amendment and are open to various interpretations and applications. The two may seem contradictory, but both are essential to maintaining the normative power of a constitution.
In some cases, however, these attributes of a constitution may be unjustifiably or unnecessarily overemphasized. For example, an overemphasis on stability during a time when the constitution should be adapting to social change can cause it to fall behind. This can include legitimate amendments or laws that fail to meet the overly stringent requirements of the amendment process or are declared unconstitutional by the constitutional court. However, changeability can become problematic as well when it is unfairly exercised. This can occur when a constitution is misinterpreted or improperly amended.
This article examines these cases and proposes the dualization of the constitutional amendment process, eternal clauses, and the introduction of constitutional review on constitutional amendments as remedies for the problems. Although these measures are not perfect solutions, they will help preserve the rational core of constitutional stability and changeability while curbing the unwarranted exercise of each attribute.
Although there has been considerable debate about the current constitution, the issue of revising the constitutional amendment process has received less attention. However, to improve our constitution in the future, it is essential to pay attention to the amendment process. Revising the process for amending the constitution is a crucial task in constitutional revision.
3
Baranger, Denis. "The Language of Eternity: Judicial Review of the Amending Power in France (or the Absence Thereof)." Israel Law Review 44, no. 3 (2011): 389–428. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0021223700018112.
Анотація:
In several rulings from 1962, 1992, and 2003, the French Constitutional Court (Conseil constitutionnel) has denied jurisdiction over constitutional amendments. This article shows that this solution can only be understood in the light of the doctrinal background that provides its intellectual justification. While refusing to judicially review constitutional amendments, the Constitutional Court is in fact deeply involved in the ongoing process of altering the Constitution. Also, while the quasi-official doctrinal analysis insists on the absence of material limits to the amendment of the Constitution, and on the absence of any “supra-constitutional” rules, an analysis of the language used by the Court in these rulings offers reasons to diverge from this view. While the Court has refused to review constitutional amendments, it has done so in a way that comes very close to the language used by those courts that stated that such amendments were justiciable. Far from adhering to a mere policy of neutrality and self-restraint, the Constitutional Court speaks a “language of eternity” with a rich substantive content.
4
Kim, Jongcheol. "Significance and Limitations of the 1987 Constitution Amendment Movement: Why Do We Need Partial and Sequential Amendments?" Korean Constitutional Law Association 29, no. 3 (September 30, 2023): 411–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.35901/kjcl.2023.29.3.411.
Анотація:
There is a need for a sequential and gradual process of constitutional reform, with targets that reflect the strong need for constitutional reform and the level of consensus at various levels.
It is also necessary to respond to the fact that the flawed political representation system has been an essential problem of the 1987 Constitution. That is, efforts should be made not only to emphasize representation in the constitutional revision process, but also to ensure sufficient participation of the people, who hold the authorship of the constitution, in accordance with the principle of sovereign people, which is the highest principle for the formation of national power structure. As a realistic alternative, it is necessary to actively embrace the civic and deliberative public debate system in the constitutional amendment process rather than the traditional method. This can be achieved to a certain extent through legislative reforms such as the Constitutional Amendment Procedure Act or the Referendum Act, rather than constitutional amendments.
In the end, we believe that sequential partial constitutional amendments, along with the democratic institutionalization of the constitutional amendment process, including the introduction of a deliberative public debate system, is a realistic alternative to inherit the achievements of the 1987 Constitution, improve its shortcomings, and build a new level of democratic republic.
5
Armia, Muhammad Siddiq, Zahlul Pasha Karim, Huwaida Tengku-Armia, Chairul Fahmi, Muhammad Syauqi Bin-Armia, and Armiadi Musa. "Post Amendment of Judicial Review in Indonesia: Has Judicial Power Distributed Fairly?" Journal of Indonesian Legal Studies 7, no. 2 (December 21, 2022): 525–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.15294/jils.v7i2.56335.
Анотація:
Distribution of power in Indonesian constitutional system not only occur amongst state organs but also within Indonesian judicial system. The Supreme Court and Constitutional Court share their power to review several regulations. The 1945 Constitution delivers power to review act against constitution for Constitutional Court and to review regulations below an act for the Supreme Court. However, this distribution of power is vulnerable to contradicting each other, with the possibility of having clash of judgment. There is no guarantee that the Supreme Court will fully obey the Constitutional Court judgment. So, the research question needs to be solved such as judicial Review pre-the Amendment of the 1945 Constitution process, and judicial Review Post the Amendment of the Constitution implement, that will be main points of research purposes. Furthermore, the main problem is the distribution power between Constitutional Court and Supreme Court, whether have distributed fairly or not. Another problem after amendment is about disagreement amongst judges. Before amendment, judges were forbidden to show their disagreement clearly in the verdict, but now allowed. This fact has led to public distrust. They have questioned the legitimacy of the verdict having disagreement, whether should be obeyed or be denied.
6
Dzidzoev, Ruslan Mukharbekovich. "The questions of organization of state power in new revision of the Constitution of the Russian Federation." Право и политика, no. 9 (September 2020): 156–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0706.2020.9.33640.
Анотація:
The subject of this research is the organization of state power in Russia in light of the amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation introduced in 2020 that require systematic scientific assessment. The object of this research is the legal acts that laid groundwork for the constitutional reform in Russia: Presidential Address to the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation of January 15, 2020, Law on Amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation, Opinion of the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation on correspondence of the amendment to the current Constitution of Russia. The author examines the content of the constitutional amendments, their reference with legal logic and requirements for the constitutional progress in Russia. The following conclusions were formulated: the significance and magnitude of the recent constitutional amendments allows speaking of the large-scale constitutional reform that adumbrates the new stage of constitutional evolution in Russia that results in the reform of state superstructure; constitutional amendments noticeably changes the configuration of state power with regards to ratio of the branches of power, checks and balances, objects and redistribution of the institutions of state power, which testifies to transition of the Russian Federation from semi-presidential (presidential-parliamentary) form of government towards presidential, characterized by dominant role of the President within the state system. The novelty of this research lies in analysis of the new constitutional provisions that describe the content of the Russian constitutional reform in the aspect of characteristics of the leading institutions of state power.
7
Bui, Ngoc Son. "Constitutional amendment in Laos." International Journal of Constitutional Law 17, no. 3 (July 2019): 756–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/icon/moz067.
Анотація:
Abstract Laos, a socialist state in Southeast Asia, adopted an amended Constitution in 2015. This article investigates and explains this experience from the perspective of comparative constitutional amendment, supported by a qualitative empirical methodology: extensive formal interviews with several local constitutional amenders and informal conversations with a local lawyer and several legal scholars. It argues that Laos has introduced progressive constitutional amendments—notably, the redefinition of the position, structure, and functions of state institutions, including the imposition of term limits on executive power holders; strengthened commitment to a market economy; new commitments to human rights protection, judicial independence, and adversarial trials; and the creation of new institutions, namely, the local people’s councils, the state audit, and the election committee—to facilitate the improvement of its socialist constitutional system which in turn will promote the improvement of the material well-being of the living conditions of local people.
8
Thiêm, Bùi Hải. "Pluralism Unleashed." Journal of Vietnamese Studies 9, no. 4 (2014): 1–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/vs.2014.9.4.1.
Анотація:
The paper explores contestations playing out in constitutional debates around the 1992 constitutional amendments with a focal point in the exercise of discursive power and struggles for change. The paper discusses the significance of conflict in the constitutional reform process re-initiated in 2011. It demonstrates how the emphasis on stability and harmonious integration in initial constitutional amendment proposals has been compromised and renegotiated in the face of sustained criticisms of the constitution that draw on non-orthodox ideological foundations. The contestations that characterize constitutional reform discourse reveals how conflict is a significant driver of the changes presently underway in Vietnam.
9
Lee, Jae Hee. "Constitutional Amendment in the New Normal Era." European Constitutional Law Association 29 (August 31, 2022): 323–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.21592/eucj.2022.39.323.
Анотація:
Under the health crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic, the role of the state should be expanded. The state should not only guarantee the safety of individuals' lives from the risk of infection, but also help individuals to maintain their own lifestyle. Meanwhile, in order to prevent the spread of infection, the state has no choice but to restrict the freedom of assembly and association of individuals.
If there is a limit to appropriately responding to new social phenomena triggered by COVID-19 through the application of the existing legal system, constitutional amendment needs to be considered as the next step. Looking back on the history of constitutional revision of the Republic of Korea in the past, the constitution has been amended for the purpose of legitimizing power in the context of political change. The constitutional amendment have not been tried for the purpose of adapting to social change. However, it is time to consider the constitutional amendment according to the needs of the people. And in the age of new normal of COVID-19, we need to consider the constitutional amendment to actively accommodate these social changes.
However, it is true that it is practically difficult to amend the constitution through the constitutional amendment procedure stipulated in the current constitution. What made the constitutional amendment process difficult was to prevent the constitutional amendment from being misused by powered people. However, the democracy of the Republic of Korea has now stabilized to some extent, and society has changed significantly under the current constitution. Moreover, in the current crisis situation, constitutional amendment is requested. Therefore, it is necessary to revise the constitutional amendment procedure so that it is possible to amend the constitution if it is necessary to adapt to social change.
10
Nasution, Krisnadi. "INDONESIAN JUDICIAL POWER POST AMENDMENT." Mimbar Keadilan 13, no. 1 (January 24, 2020): 85–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.30996/mk.v13i1.2997.
Анотація:
Post the amendment of the Republic of Indonesia constitution, judicial authority in Indonesia underwent a fundamental change. The amendment was made based on the mandate contained in the 1945 Constitution post the amendment. Through normative juridical studies, an analysis of these changes will be carried out. The method of approach is based on statutory regulations and conceptually, as well as comprehensive. Post the amendment of the Republic of Indonesia Constitution, in the beginning, only the Supreme Court had power in the field of justice. Then developed with the formation of new institutions in the field of justice namely: the Constitutional Court and the Judicial Commission. Through these additions, it is expected that checks and balances will occur in the formation of laws and regulations and the implementation of judicial power.
Дисертації з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Noronha, Lincoln Narcelio Thomaz. "Processo legislativo e emendamento constitucional no Brasil pós-1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/8/8131/tde-13062012-125024/.
Анотація:
Este trabalho avalia o impacto do processo legislativo no emendamento da Constituição brasileira de 1988, até 2010. O objetivo é melhor explicar o contínuo crescimento e detalhamento da Constituição. Para tanto, foram elaboradas hipóteses a partir da literatura sobre a interação entre Executivo e Legislativo no sistema político brasileiro. As duas principais hipóteses testadas são 1) dominância do Executivo no emendamento constitucional, a partir do funcionamento do presidencialismo de coalizão; e 2) influência do poder legislativo no emendamento constitucional, ilustrando os custos do processo decisório e a relação entre a heterogeneidade de uma base política parlamentar e seu impacto na produção legislativa. Para a construção do banco de dados, foi utilizada a Metodologia de Análise Constitucional (MAC). Aplicou-se a metodologia às propostas de emenda constitucional (PECs) que se tornaram emendas à Constituição, assim como a todos os substitutivos aprovados nas fases deliberativas internas ao Congresso Nacional. Dessa maneira, foi possível avaliar cada mudança realizada em cada dispositivo das PECs oferecidas e aprovadas ao longo do processo legislativo, assim como o quanto cada fase contribuiu para a definição do texto final das emendas e para o detalhamento e crescimento do texto constitucional. Os resultados permitiram a comprovação da preponderância da hipótese 2 em detrimento da 1, demonstrando a importância do Poder Legislativo na definição de matéria legislativa constitucional, em detrimento das propostas do Poder Executivo. Além disso, foi possível realizar uma crítica às teorias comparativas que relacionam o impacto da regra de emendamento nas taxas de emendamento das Constituições, demonstrando que, pelo menos no caso brasileiro, a combinação de maiorias qualificadas e heterogeneidade parlamentar levou a um aumento no emendamento da Constituição de 1988.This work evaluates the impact of the legislative process on the brazilian constitution, from 1988 to 2010. Its objective is to better explain the continuous growth and growing specificity of the constitution. In order to do that, hypotheses were elaborated from the literature on the interaction between the Executive and Legislative branches of the brazilian political system. The two main hypotheses tested here are 1) Is the Executive dominant in the constitutional amendment process, through the mechanism of coalitional presidency; and 2) the influence of the Legislative on the constitutional amendment, illustrating the costs of the decision making process and the relation between an heterogeneous parliamentary base, and its impact on the legislation. To test these two hypotheses, a data set was gathered, using the Methodology of Constitutional Analysis (MCA). The MCA was applied to all the constitutional amendment proposals (CAPs) that eventually became constitutional amendments, as well as to all the substitute versions of the CAPs that were approved on the various deliberative forums inside the National Congress. By doing that, it was possible to evaluate each change made to the PECs that eventually became amendments to the constitution, as well as how each moment of the legislative process contributed to the growth of the constitutional text. The results proved the prevalence of the hypothesis 1 over the hypothesis 2, thus demonstrating the importance of the Legislative branch in defining the contents of the constitution. Furthermore, it was possible develop a criticism on the current comparative theories on constitutional amendment that relates formal procedures of amendment and constitutional rigidity to rate of constitutional amendment. At least in the brazilian case, we observed that the combination of qualified majorities and parliamentary heterogeneity further spurred, and didnt restrict, constitutional amendment
2
Urdangarin, Vanessa. "A revisão constitucional periódica." reponame:Biblioteca Digital de Teses e Dissertações da UFRGS, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10183/143361.
Анотація:
O presente trabalho pretende estudar a rev1sao constitucional periódica estabelecida na Constitu ição da República Portuguesa de 1976 como ferramenta de aprimoramento institucional, vislumbrando a sua adequação ao ordenamento constitucional brasileiro. Inicialmente, resgatam-se os conceitos ligados ao poder reformador para depois estabelecer a trad ição histórica da reforma constitucional em Portugal, traçando um paralelo comparativo com o procedimento de alteração constitucional adotado no Brasil. Para tanto, foi necessária a análise do instituto da revisão constitucional portuguesa , explicitando, em especial, a periodicidade revisional, para verificar, através da experiência lus itana, a eficácia do instituto em questão. Por fim, apresenta-se a revisão constitucional periódica como instrumento apto para gerar estabilidade constitucional aliado a sua capacidade de oportunizar periodicamente o aprimoramento das institu ições do Estado.This study aims to investigate the periodic constitutional review established as an institutional improvement tool in the Portuguese Constitution of 1976, setting a sight on its adequacy concerning the Brazilian constitutional order. This research recovers the concepts related to the reforming power in order to establish the historical tradition of the constitutional reform in Portugal, drawing a comparison with the constitutional amendment procedure adopted in Brazil. Therefore, the analysis of the Portugues.e lnstitute of constitutional review was necessary to particularly explain the reviewing periodicity in order to verify the effectiveness of the institute through the Portuguese experience. Finally, this study presents the periodic constitutional review as an effective means to generate constitutional stability together with its facility to periodically provide the opportunity for improvement of the national institutions.
3
Roznai, Yaniv. "Unconstitutional constitutional amendments : a study of the nature and limits of constitutional amendment powers." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2014. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/915/.
Анотація:
This research project stems from a single puzzle: how can constitutional amendments be unconstitutional? Adopting a combination of theoretical and comparative enquiries, this thesis establishes the nature and scope of constitutional amendment powers by focusing on the question of substantive limitations on the amendment power, looking at both their prevalence in practice and the conceptual coherence of the very idea of limitations to amendment powers. The thesis is composed of three parts. The first part is comparative. It examines substantive explicit and implicit limitations on constitutional amendment powers through manifold descriptions of a similar constitutional phenomenon across countries, demonstrating a comprehensive pattern of a constitutional behaviour. This process is theory-driven, and the second part of the thesis constructs a general theory of unamendability, which explains the nature and scope of amendment powers. The third part explains how judicial review of amendments is to be conceived in light of the theory of unamendability, and further assesses the possible objections to the theory of unamendability. The theory of unamendability identifies and develops a middle ground between constituent power and pure constituted power, a middle ground that is suggested by the French literature on ‘derived constituent power’. Undergirding the discussion, therefore, is a simple yet fundamental distinction between primary constituent (constitution-making) power and secondary constituent (constitution-amending) power. This distinction, understood in terms of an act of delegation of powers, enables the construction of a theory of the limited (explicitly or implicitly) scope of secondary constituent powers. This distinction is supplemented by a further one, between various shades of secondary constituent powers along a ‘spectrum’, a theoretical construct that links amendment procedures to limitations on amendment powers. The theory of unamendability explicates the limited nature of amendment powers and the practice of judicial review of amendments, thus clarifying the puzzle of unconstitutional constitutional amendments.
4
Redondo, Fabiano Stefanoni. "A atrofia do poder normativo do legislativo em relação ao executivo brasileiro." Universidade Presbiteriana Mackenzie, 2012. http://tede.mackenzie.br/jspui/handle/tede/1069.
Анотація:
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Previous issue date: 2012-09-20Certain that has received a review Montesquieu adapting it to the aspirations and social dynamism, so that the division of powers can respond with greater agility and speed expectations of the Company, however, emphasize the need to maintain a fair balance between the powers, fundamental point, to ensure that national and perpetuate democracy; However, we are faced with the political scene, whose Democracy was built based on precepts and fears of a totalitarian recent past, whose effects were perpetuated during the Constituent Assembly and, consequently, the Constitution of 1988 which brought in its wake traces of control and concentration of power primarily to the Executive, with emphasis on the legislative process, and especially with the adaptation of the Institute of decree-Law, Constitutional Law, originating in Brazil in 1937, resumed in 1965 and resurfaced in the mold of Italian decree-law in Federal Brazilian Constitution dated 1988, identified an atrophy of the national legislative power in the legislature; Faced with this scenario, confronted the historical development of the country, both in the doctrinal, legal and social, highlighting the importance of the Legislature for Democracy and proposing, in an attempt at least to minimize the effects of the supremacy of the Executive time as can be observed during the study, this trend is over by proving inevitable media aimed at strengthening the Congress.
Certo que a teoria de Montesquieu tem merecido uma reanálise adequando-a aos anseios e ao dinamismo social, para que a divisão dos poderes consiga responder com maior agilidade e presteza as expectativas da sociedade, no entanto, ressalta-se a necessidade de manter um justo equilíbrio entre os poderes, fundamental ponto, para que garanta e perpetue a democracia nacional. Ao nos deparamos com o cenário político brasileiro, cuja democracia foi construída embasada em preceitos e receios de um passado recente totalitário, cujos efeitos se fizeram perpetuar no decorrer da assembleia constituinte e, consequentemente, na constituição de 1988 que trouxe no seu bojo resquícios de controle e concentração de poder primordialmente para o executivo, com ênfase no processo legislativo e, sobretudo, com a adaptação do instituto do decreto-lei, originário no direito constitucional brasileiro em 1937, retomado em 1965 e ressurgido nos moldes do decreto-legge italiano na constituição de 1988, identificamos uma atrofia do poder normativo no legislativo nacional. Diante de tal cenário, confrontou-se a evolução histórica do país, tanto na esfera doutrinária, legal e social, evidenciando a importância do poder legislativo para a democracia e propondo, na tentativa, ao menos, de minimizar os efeitos da supremacia do executivo, vez que conforme pode ser observado no decorrer do estudo, tal tendência acaba-se por provar inevitável, meios que visem o fortalecimento do congresso nacional.
5
Mohamed, Rafsandjani Hassani. "Les révisions constitutionnelles en Afrique et la limitation des mandats présidentiels. : Contribution à l'étude du pouvoir de révision." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Toulon, 2022. http://www.theses.fr/2022TOUL0147.
Анотація:
On constate une inflation des révisions constitutionnelles en Afrique qui touchent essentiellement la clause de limitation du nombre des mandats présidentiels. Les chefs d’État qui en sont à l’initiative cherchent à faciliter leur réélection. Ces velléités réformistes provoquent des crises politiques et sociales importantes. Pour les acteurs politiques, les organisations de la société civile ou encore les mouvements citoyens, la clause de limitation des mandats présidentiels est un élément fondamental des constitutions et ne peut pas, à ce titre, faire l’objet de révision constitutionnelle. Cette thèse entend démontrer que le pouvoir de révision n’est pas souverain. Il est soumis à deux impératifs. Le premier, d’ordre formel, impose de suivre la procédure régulière de révision fixée par la constitution. Le second impératif est finaliste et met à la charge du pouvoir de révision une obligation de consolider le système institutionnel en préservant ses principes fondateurs. Ces derniers forment la structure basique de la constitution. Il apparaît que ces deux impératifs ne sont pas toujours observés par les révisions en Afrique. La présente étude permet également de montrer qu’il existe, tant au niveau national que régional, un ensemble de mécanismes politiques et juridictionnels originaux, mais encore balbutiants, d’encadrement et de contrôle du pouvoir de révisionAfrican countries have been experiencing an increasing number of constitutional amendments, mainly affecting the presidential term limit clause. Leaders, who initiate them, seek to facilitate their re-election. Such reformist inclinations lead to major political and social crises. From the political actors, civil society organisations and citizen movements point of view, the presidential term limit clause is a key feature of constitutions and as such it should not be the subject of constitutional amendments. This thesis aims at demonstrating that constitutional amendment power is not absolute power. It must comply with two requirements. The first is formal. The amendment process provided by constitutions needs to be followed. The second is an objective. The duty of constitutional amendment power is to consolidate the institutional system by preserving its founding principles. These form the basic structure of constitutions. In Africa, it appears that these two requirements are not always observed when amending constitutions. This research also highlights that at both national and regional levels, there is a set of original mechanisms supervising constitutional amendment power, which are political and jurisdictional, but still in their infancy
6
Bachour, Samir Dib. "Poder constituinte derivado de equivalência às emendas constitucionais: os tratados de direitos humanos após a EC nº 45/04." Universidade de São Paulo, 2014. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-11022015-124424/.
Анотація:
A teoria do Poder Constituinte Derivado de Equivalência às Emendas Constitucionais busca abarcar por completo o fenômeno jurídico da aprovação de tratados e convenções internacionais sobre direitos humanos como equivalentes às emendas constitucionais, nos termos do §3º do art. 5º da Constituição, inserido pela Emenda Constitucional nº 45/04. Após a descrição crítica do panorama constitucional, doutrinário e jurisprudencial em que foi engendrado este novo dispositivo do art. 5º e o procedimento pelo qual foi aprovada a incorporação da Convenção sobre os Direitos das Pessoas com Deficiência e de seu Protocolo Facultativo como equivalentes às Emendas, seguem as três partes essenciais e imprescindíveis que compõem a abordagem do tema. A primeira está voltada à caracterização da presença de uma nova manifestação de Poder Constituinte, com o objetivo de oferecer soluções coerentes e consistentemente respaldadas em um arcabouço teórico comum para toda a problemática envolvida, que será especificamente examinada a partir das questões enfrentadas na Parte II. Já a terceira parte está mais atrelada às questões materiais, ao se preocupar com o objeto da equivalência constitucional: se esta inclui todo o diploma internacional; exclusivamente os direitos humanos nele previstos; ou também normas de outra natureza, abstraindo e projetando conclusões a partir da experiência concreta da Convenção. A mais intensa contribuição para o pensamento jurídico encontra-se evidentemente na identificação de uma nova modalidade do Poder Constituinte Derivado; mas também, na conceituação das normas equivalentes às emendas constitucionais; ao se apontar o exato objeto do §3º do art. 5º, desvelando-se a complexidade dos fenômenos envolvidos na introdução da Convenção e de seu Protocolo Facultativo; na delimitação do espectro normativo das normas equivalentes às emendas constitucionais; e na obtenção de uma maior conformidade teórica com os fundamentos dos sistemas jurídicos constitucional e internacional, a partir do entrelaçamento entre as teorias do direito e do Estado; e as disciplinas do direito constitucional; internacional; e dos direitos humanos.The theory of Constitutional Amendments Equivalence of Derived Constitutional Power seeking to embrace fully the phenomenon of legal approval of international treaties and conventions on human rights as equivalent to constitutional amendments, pursuant to §3º of art. 5º of the Constitution, inserted by Constitutional Amendment nº 45/04. After critically describing the constitutional, jurisprudential and doctrinaire panorama in that was engendered in this new device of art. 5º and the procedure by which the incorporation of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and its Optional Protocol was approved as equivalent to the Amendments, follow three essential parts that make up the approach to the subject. The first is directed to describe the presence of a new manifestation of constituent power, with the goal of providing solutions coherent and consistently backed into a theoretical framework common to all the problems involved, which will be examined specifically from the issues faced in Part II. The third part is more tied to material issues, to worry about the object of constitutional equivalence: if this includes the entire international diploma; exclusively human rights therein, or also rules otherwise, abstracting and projecting findings from the concrete experience of the Convention. The most intense contribution to legal thought is evidently in the identification of a new type of constitutional derived power; but also in the conceptualization of equivalence to constitutional amendments norms; when pointing the exact object of §3º of art. 5º; revealing the complexity of the phenomena involved in the introduction of the Convention and its Optional Protocol; the delimitation of the spectrum of equivalent to constitutional amendments norms; and in obtaining greater theoretical conformity with the fundamentals of the constitutional and international legal systems, from entanglement between the theories of law and the State; and the disciplines of constitutional law; international law; and human rights
7
Maiolino, Eurico Zecchin. "Limitações ao poder de reforma constitucional na Constituição Federal de 1988." Universidade de São Paulo, 2011. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-03092012-093012/.
Анотація:
A Constituição é produto do Poder Constituinte. Após a elaboração e edição da Constituição, o Poder Constituinte continua a existir em estado de latência. Contudo, a Constituição, como norma jurídica que é, necessita ser adaptada à realidade social cambiante, caso contrário não será apta a reger a vida da sociedade e do Estado e terá de ser substituída pela ação revolucionária do Poder Constituinte. Assim, o Poder Constituinte incumbe um órgão ou um complexo de órgãos da reforma da Constituição, o qual, contudo, com ele não se confunde. Como o Poder de Reforma Constitucional é um poder instituído, sujeita-se às regras impostas pelo Poder Constituinte, que o cria, e, entre estas regras, encontram-se as limitações à reforma da Constituição. Certa doutrina rejeita as limitações à reforma da Constituição, pela impossibilidade de uma geração vincular as gerações futuras; outra parte defende a superação das limitações por um processo de dupla revisão; finalmente, uma terceira corrente defende as limitações alicerçando-as em três argumentos principais: o precompromentimento constitucional, o dualismo democrático e a defesa da democracia e dos direitos humanos. A Constituição Federal de 1988 prevê quatro espécies de limitações à reforma da Constituição: material, formal, circunstancial e temporal. Os maiores questionamentos, contudo, apresentam-se em relação às limitações materiais, que formam o núcleo intangível da Constituição. Para a garantia de existência de limitações, a reforma da Constituição sujeita-se ao controle de constitucionalidade por parte do Supremo Tribunal Federal.The Constitution is a product of Constituent Power. After elaborating the Constitution, the Constituent power remains asleep. Nevertheless, the Constitution, as a law, necessits to be adjusted to the social reality or will not be able to rule the live of the State and the society and will be replaced by the Constituent Power revoluctionary action. Therefore, the Constituent Power imputes to an Assembly the function of amending the Constitution; however, both of them are not the same phenomenon. The power of amending the Constitution is created by the Constituent Power and consequently is submited to the limitations established. Some authors refuse the limitations of amending process, because the generation can not bind the future generations; others support the possibility to overcome the limitations by a double amending process; finaly, there is a tendency to defend the limitations presenting three mainly arguments: constitutional precommitment, dualist democracy and the defense of the democracy and the human rights. The Brazilian Constitution ordains four sorts of limitations: substantial, formal, circunstantial and temporal. The deepest disagreement refer to the substantial limitations that obstruct the reform of the Constitution nucleus. To guarantee the existence of the limitations, the amending process submits to the control by the Supreme Court.
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Pachon, Buitrago Monica. "Cross-avenue politics the case of Colombia and Brazil /." Diss., Connect to a 24 p. preview or request complete full text in PDF format. Access restricted to UC campuses, 2008. http://wwwlib.umi.com/cr/ucsd/fullcit?p3320554.
Анотація:
Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 2008.Title from first page of PDF file (viewed September 23, 2008). Available via ProQuest Digital Dissertations. Vita. Includes bibliographical references (p. 166-174).
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Gonçalves, Junior Jerson Carneiro. "O cidadão legislador: iniciativa popular de emenda constitucional no Estado Democrático de Direito." Pontifícia Universidade Católica de São Paulo, 2012. https://tede2.pucsp.br/handle/handle/5959.
Анотація:
Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1
Jerson Carneiro Goncalves Junior.pdf: 3777696 bytes, checksum: 548728b94562caf95a271891f5fe2ce7 (MD5)
Previous issue date: 2012-10-09Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior
The objectives of this paper are to reflect upon the exercise of the political fundamental right of citizen s initiative. In order to fulfill this constitutional aspiration under the scope of citizenship and the democratic rule of law, it is essential to consider the concept of citizenship and the analysis of citizen s initiative in the federal, state, district. The legal system points out to the fundamental principle of citizenship and the democratic rule of Law, communicating constitutional laws implied in the process of the exercise of citizenship, disseminating them throughout the legal system. Based on the idea of principle, this paper analyzes citizen s initiative expressed in the federal, state and municipal realms in order to sustain the feasibility of the right to exercise this fundamental political right in the lawmaking process for constitutional amendments. In order to do that, in the light of constitutional law, there is the need to recognize the innate citizen as the only one entitled to propose and initiate amendments to the Constitution. In this sense, constitutional law is an open inter-text and the study of history is fundamental, because without it human beings would never have found conditions to evolve. For this reason, the path to understand citizen s initiative should consider the Brazilian constitutional history, especially the review of the Assembly s annals of the 1987 National Constitution Assembly in order to evaluate and challenge the writing of the constitutional and infra-constitutional laws related to citizen s initiative in order to demonstrate, by the interpretation of constitutional laws, that innate citizens have the possibility of exercising their political fundamental right in relation to the lawmaking process and constitutional amendments
O objetivo deste trabalho centraliza-se na reflexão do exercício do direito político fundamental de iniciativa popular das leis prevista na Constituição brasileira de 1988. Para alcançar o significado desiderato constitucional, sob o prisma da cidadania, torna-se mister a perseguição do conceito de cidadão e a análise da iniciativa popular nas esfera federal, estadual, distrital, municipal e, caso haja no futuro, no território federal. O sistema jurídico aponta a observância dos princípios fundamentais da soberania popular, do Estado Democrático de Direito e da cidadania, informando as normas constitucionais implicadas em processo do exercício da cidadania e disseminando por todo ordenamento jurídico. Partindo da ideia de sistema, analisa-se a iniciativa popular de lei no âmbito federal, estadual e municipal para sustentar a viabilidade do exercício desse direito político fundamental no processo legislativo de Emenda à Constituição. Para esse enfrentamento à luz do Direito Constitucional brasileiro, há necessidade de reconhecimento do cidadão nato, como único legitimado a propor e a iniciar o processo legislativo de Emenda à Constituição. O Direito Constitucional é intertexto aberto e, nesse sentido, o estudo da história é fundamental, pois sem ela o cidadão jamais teria encontrado condições para evoluir. Por isso, o caminho a ser trilhado é o entendimento da iniciativa popular de lei passa pela história constitucional brasileira, em especial pela análise dos Anais da Assembleia Nacional Constituinte de 1987
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Neto, José Duarte. "Rigidez e estabilidade constitucional: estudo da organização constitucional brasileira." Universidade de São Paulo, 2009. http://www.teses.usp.br/teses/disponiveis/2/2134/tde-06102010-154809/.
Анотація:
A Constituição de 1988 classifica-se como Rígida, porque seu procedimento de transformação é mais solene do que o das demais leis e normas. A despeito dos limites à sua transformação, experimentou amplas e reiteradas emendas, o que a faz instável. Logo, a Estabilidade constitucional é um dos fins perseguidos pela rigidez constitucional, mas com ela não se confunde. Por Estabilidade entende-se a capacidade de uma Constituição ou de uma organização constitucional de persistir e transformar-se no tempo, preservando suas principais características. A Estabilidade, enquanto categoria foi compreendida de maneira diferente na Antiguidade, na Idade Média e a partir das revoluções liberais. Deve-se a James Bryce a classificação das Constituições em Rígidas e Flexíveis. Nas primeiras, centros decisórios distintos produzem normas constitucionais e infraconstitucionais; nas segundas, uma única fonte. O autor também cotejou essas Constituições com a concepção de Estabilidade. O passar dos anos obscureceu essa implicação, a recomendar a revisitação de sua obra. As Constituições Rígidas são dotadas de uma imutabilidade relativa e de uma supremacia formal. Garantidas por um modelo de controle de constitucionalidade e de institutos de superação de crises. A competência reformadora é obstaculizada por limites normativos, o que faz da Mutação Constitucional, em princípio, a expressão de sua atualização. A história constitucional brasileira é caracterizada por uma sucessão de Constituições, o que denota uma instabilidade, provocada pelos mais diferentes motivos. A Constituição de 1988 dispõe de adequados limites à alteração formal e de um complexo modelo de controle de constitucionalidade. De outro lado, não lhe impediu diversas emendas. Todavia, ainda não lhe desestruturou a identidade das normas materialmente constitucionais, sendo uma instabilidade de superfície ou aparente. O perigo é que a banalização das reformas produza uma instabilidade de fundo, que comprometa regras materialmente constitucionais. A advertência recomenda que se investigue uma solução.The Constitution of 1988 is classified as rigid because its procedure for transformation is more solemn than that of other laws and rules. Despite the limits to its transformation, it has repeatedly undergone ample amendment, which makes it unstable. Hence, constitutional stability is one of the ends sought by constitutional rigidity, but must not be confused with it. Stability is understood as the ability of a Constitution or constitutional organization to endure and transform itself in time, while preserving its primary characteristics. Stability as a category has been understood in different ways in Antiquity, in the Middle Ages, and with the coming of liberal revolutions. Classifying Constitutions as rigid and flexible is something we owe to James Bryce. In the former, distinct decision-making centers produce constitutional and sub-constitutional rules; in the latter, a single source does. That author has also compared such Constitutions to the conception of stability. The course of time has cast a shadow on that implication, so revisiting his works might be commendable. Rigid Constitutions are endowed with a relative immutability and a formal supremacy, and assured by a framework for controlling constitutionality, and by doctrines for overcoming crises. Reformative jurisdiction has the hurdles of regulatory limits, making Constitutional Mutation, in principle, the expression of their updating. Brazilian constitutional history is characterized by a succession of Constitutions, belying an instability caused by a wide variety of reasons. The Constitution of 1988 is provided with suitable limits to formal change, and with a complex framework for controlling constitutionality. This, on the other hand, has not prevented its various amendments. However, it has not yet taken apart the identify of materially constitutional rules, as such instability is only superficial or apparent. The danger lies in the triteness of reforms leading to an in-depth stability that compromises materially constitutional rules. This warning commends looking into a solution.
Книги з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Hamid, Khan. Eighth amendment: Constitutional & political crisis in Pakistan. Lahore, Pakistan: Wajidalis, 1994.
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Pakistan, Freedom Gate. From the liberal spectacle: Pakistan after the 18th Amendment. Islamabad: Freedom Gate Pakistan, 2010.
3
Jones, Archie P. The gateway to liberty: The constitutional power of the Tenth Amendment. Powder Springs, GA: American Vision Press, 2010.
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Edrisinha, Rohan, and Aruni Jayakody. The eighteenth amendment to the constitution: Substance and process. Colombo: Centre for Policy Alternatives, 2011.
5
Berger, Raoul. Government by judiciary: The transformation of the fourteenth amendment. 2nd ed. Indianapolis: Liberty Fund, 1997.
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LaFave, Wayne R. Search and seizure: A treatise on the Fourth Amendment. 3rd ed. St. Paul, Minn: West Pub. Co., 1996.
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LaFave, Wayne R. Search and seizure: A treatise on the Fourth Amendment. 2nd ed. St. Paul, Minn: West Pub. Co., 1987.
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LaFave, Wayne R. Search and seizure: A treatise on the Fourth Amendment. 4th ed. [St. Paul, Minn.]: Thomson/West, 2004.
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Orth, John V. The judicial power of the United States: The Eleventh Amendment in American history. New York: Oxford University Press, 1987.
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Constitution, United States Congress House Committee on the Judiciary Subcommittee on the. Item veto constitutional amendment: Hearing before the Subcommittee on the Constitution of the Committee on the Judiciary, House of Representatives, One Hundred Sixth Congress, second session, on H.J. Res. 9, March 23, 2000. Washington: U.S. G.P.O., 2000.
Частини книг з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Babeck, Wolfgang. "Amendment Power." In Writing Constitutions, 585–610. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-94602-9_18.
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Malagodi, Mara. "Limiting constituent power?" In The Law and Politics of Unconstitutional Constitutional Amendments in Asia, 133–50. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003097099-10.
3
Thomas, K. T. "Judicial Review and Parliamentary Power." In Appointment of Judges to the Supreme Court of India, 73–83. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199485079.003.0006.
Анотація:
This essay discusses the lack of any discernible attempt by the bench in the NJAC Case to read down the provisions of the 99th Amendment to the Constitution of India. This essay argues that neither the overwhelming majority with which the Amendment was passed in Parliament, nor the Court’s own precedent, where it has inclined towards reading down amendments came to the aid of the 99th Amendment. This essay also argues how the mere apprehension of abuse of power by the eminent persons or the Law Minister ought not to have been deemed sufficient to invalidate a constitutional amendment. In parting, the author provides some thoughts and recommendations, to both legislators and courts on how to ensure that future constitutional amendments do not meet the fate of the 99th Amendment, and receive the respect they deserve.
4
Adkison, Danny M., and Lisa McNair Palmer. "Constitutional Amendments." In The Oklahoma State Constitution, 329–32. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197514818.003.0032.
Анотація:
This chapter studies Article XXIV of the Oklahoma constitution, which concerns constitutional amendments. Section 1 gives the legislature power to submit constitutional amendments to a vote of the citizens of Oklahoma and sets forth legislative direction in the first paragraph. Subject to the requirements that a legislative joint resolution proposing an amendment to the constitution set forth the test of the amendment and a ballot title for the election ballot, the precise form and content of the resolution is a matter for the legislature to decide. Under Section 2, which is routinely ignored, a law providing for a constitutional convention must be submitted to the people for their approval, passed by the legislature, and approved by the governor, and it must contain the makeup and procedure of the convention. Section 3 deals with the power of the initiative amendment.
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Burris, Scott, Micah L. Berman, Matthew Penn, and Tara Ramanathan Holiday. "Constitutional Limitations." In The New Public Health Law, 171—C13.P42. 2nd ed. Oxford University PressNew York, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197615973.003.0014.
Анотація:
Abstract This chapter reviews the impact of the First and Second Amendments to the U.S. Constitution on the exercise of the police power for public health. The chapter reviews how the courts have applied the First Amendment’s Free Speech Clause to health measures touching commercial speech and describes the standards courts use to assess whether public health laws unconstitutionally burden religious practice. Finally, the chapter explains the limitations imposed on gun control measures by the Second Amendment and the interplay of law and politics in the regulation of firearms.
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"8. The Possibilities and Limits of Provincial Constitution-Making Power: The Case of Quebec." In Constitutional Amendment in Canada, 164–84. University of Toronto Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442619005-010.
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"13. “The Most Radical Amendment of All”: The Power to Secede and the Secession Reference." In Constitutional Amendment in Canada, 271–89. University of Toronto Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442619005-015.
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Sweet, Alec Stone, and Jud Mathews. "Constitutions, Rights, and Judicial Power." In Proportionality Balancing and Constitutional Governance, 1–29. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198841395.003.0001.
Анотація:
This chapter provides an overview of contemporary, rights-based constitutionalism, and develops an approach to comparative research on systems of constitutional justice. The vast majority of modern constitutions establish such systems, which comprise an entrenched charter of rights, and a constitutional or supreme court whose mission is to defend the supremacy of the constitution more generally. Rights provisions comprise criteria of legal validity: any act of public authority that does not conform to the charter is unconstitutional. The central role of the court is to ensure that public officials do not violate the charter of rights, most importantly, through the enforcement of the proportionality principle. The judges are, in effect, “trustees” of the values placed in trust by those who have enacted the constitution: the sovereign People. Part I defines basic concepts—including that of “the constitution,” “constitutionalism,” and “governance”—and examines the process through which the rights-based constitution became the global standard. Part II addresses two crucial questions: why would the founders of new constitutions choose (i) to enshrine constitutional rights as “higher law,” and (ii) to delegate broad enforcement powers to a trustee court, whose important rulings on rights are difficult or virtually impossible to overturn? It then defines the concept of systemic effectiveness, and considers the conditions that are necessary for a charter of rights to become effective as an instrument of governance. Part III explores three pathways to transformative constitutional change—adjudication, constitutional amendment, and legislation—and discusses the importance of trusteeship to each.
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Colón-Ríos, Joel. "Introduction." In Constituent Power and the Law, 1–28. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198785989.003.0001.
Анотація:
This chapter introduces the topic of the book. It provides some initial examples of the roles constituent power has played in justifying or limiting political action. It also examines the two main ways in which constituent power has been understood by constitutional theorists: as an extra-legal constitution-making force that always escapes constitutionalization (i.e. original constituent power), and as a substantively unlimited constitution-making authority (i.e. derived constituent power) that can be expressed through a constitution’s amendment rule. It then summarizes the content of each of the subsequent chapters.
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Vinx, Lars. "Are There Inherent Limits to Constitutional Amendment? An Analysis of Carl Schmitt’s Argument." In Constituent Power, 61–76. Edinburgh University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/edinburgh/9781474454971.003.0005.
Анотація:
This chapter discusses Carl Schmitt’s argument for inherent limitations of the power of amendment under the Weimar Constitution - an argument that Schmitt thought was applicable to any constitution based on the principle of popular sovereignty. Most authors who claim that there are inherent limits to amendment base those limits on an appeal to rights or values that are perceived to put external limits on the permissible outcomes of the democratic process of legislation. In such a view, inherent limits to amendment are not interestingly or specifically democratic. Schmitt’s argument, by contrast, purports to derive limits to amendment from the idea of democracy itself, and not from a liberal concern with individual rights or human dignity that political constitutionalists are likely to perceive as extraneous to democracy. If successful, Schmitt’s case provides a more direct reply to democratic worries over the democratic legitimacy of strong constitutionalism than is provided by constitutionalist authors whose argumentative strategy consists in redefining democracy in liberal terms.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Barreto, Ana Cristina Alves by Paula. "Social security reform: An analysis of Constitutional Amendment No. 103/2019 from the perspective of its constitutionality." In V Seven International Multidisciplinary Congress. Seven Congress, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.56238/sevenvmulti2024-164.
Анотація:
Social security is a social insurance system that guarantees financial support to workers when they can no longer work, known as retirement. However, the 1988 Constitution established rights to social security without defining the means of financing, creating a gap. Over the years, due to this gap and other factors such as increased life expectancy, constitutional reforms through Constitutional Amendments were necessary. The process of approving a Constitutional Amendment is restricted and complex, requiring 3/5 of favorable votes in two rounds in each legislative house. Despite formal approval, an Amendment can be considered unconstitutional in the material aspect, as the power of constitutional reform is not absolute and must respect the principles and rules established by the original constituent legislator so as not to violate the Democratic Rule of Law established since 1988.
2
Qaui, Bouhania, and Latrish Ismaiel. "Political Governance in the Light of the Constitutional Amendment in Algeria and the Mechanisms of Political Reform (Organizing Powers as a Model)." In REFORM AND POLITICAL CHANGE. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdiconfrpc.pp13-25.
Анотація:
Since the transformation of the Algerian political system in 1989, the principle of separation of powers has emerged strongly in political life, as an inevitable alternative to what prevailed in the past from the consolidation of power under the one-party system, and with the fading of manifestations of enshrining the principle in the 1996 Constitution and the subsequent amendments that contributed to Strengthening presidential dominance of power, which resulted in a clear imbalance between powers, which called for the intervention of the Algerian constitutional founder in order to introduce new reforms in line with the urgent popular demands aimed at sending promising political reforms that guarantee good political governance, especially with regard to orga…
3
Grechenkova, Oksana. "President of the Russian Federation in the national security system." In East – West: Practical Approaches to Countering Terrorism and Preventing Violent Extremism. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcshss.zofb2749.
Анотація:
The article examines the role of the President of the Russian Federation in the national security system. The author analyzed the current legislation, determined the system for ensuring national security; analyzed the powers of the President in the field of ensuring national security; to propose ways of solving possible problems of national security. It is concluded that an effective system of “checks and balances” in the constitutional model of the separation of powers largely determines the internal stability in the state. Attention is drawn to the fact that the proposed amendments to the Constitution of the Russian Federation may lead to an increase in presidential power in the country and a shift in the levers in the system of checks and balances towards the head of state, when, at the moment, his influence on the branches of state power is great.
4
Hoda, Dominik. "Přechod pravomocí prezidenta republiky aneb je třeba obnovit funkci náměstka prezidenta?" In Naděje právní vědy 2022. University of West Bohemia, Czech Republic, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.24132/zcu.nadeje.2022.122-136.
Анотація:
The article deals with the transfer of the powers of the President of the Republic to the Prime Minister, the Speaker of the Chamber of Deputies and the President of the Senate in the event that the Chamber of Deputies is dissolved. It deals with the conditions and situations in which the powers of the President of the Republic are transferred. The article also points out the incompleteness of the concept of compelling reasons, which provides a wide margin of discretion as to whether there are indeed compelling reasons why the President of the Republic cannot exercise his office. It further discusses the proceedings before the Constitutional Court, which not only provides protection to the President of the Republic against the arbitrariness of the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate, but also protection of the fundamental rights and freedoms of the person of the President of the Republic. It then examines the situation in which the President of the Republic would be unable to exercise his office for a prolonged period of time, in the order of months or years, and develops a reflection on whether it would be relevant to restore the office of Deputy President, which was regulated by the Czechoslovak constitutions of 1920 and 1948, in order to avoid overwhelming the constitutional officials. However, this institution seems somewhat impractical and would ultimately require an amendment to the Constitution. A more feasible solution would be to adopt legislation that would clarify the uncertainties in the issue and thus ensure stronger protection of the democratic rule of law.
5
Rusanovs, Egons. "Procesuālā disfunkcija Latvijas kriminālprocesā kā konstitucionālo paradigmu nobīde." In Latvijas Universitātes 81. starptautiskā zinātniskā konference. LU Akadēmiskais apgāds, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.22364/juzk.81.02.
Анотація:
The doctrine of the continental European criminal procedure has established that development of procedural settlement of criminal legal relations is affined with the state’s constitutional system and should be evaluated through the prism of changes in the nation’s political, social, and moral conditions. It is an integral part within the doctrinal and normative development of modern criminal procedural archetypes, as conceptual implementation of the principle of separation of powers occurred in parallel with normative establishment of procedural functions in criminal proceedings. The separation of these functions is the basis for the constitutionally appropriate adoption of regulatory amendments and the practical course of criminal proceedings, protecting the defendant’s guarantees of justice.
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Виталий, Ковин. "LOCAL ELITES INTERRELATIONS IN TRANSFORMED MUNICIPALITIES: DOES THE ENLARGEMENT OF TERRITORIES LEAD TO ELITE CONSOLIDATION? (ON THE EXAMPLE OF MUNICIPALITIES IN PERM REGION)." In MODERN CITY: POWER, GOVERNANCE, ECONOMICS. Publishing House of Perm National Research Polytechnic University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.15593/65.049-66/2020.27.
Анотація:
The article examines the levels of political loyalty of Permskii Krai citizens through the analysis of their participation in Russian General Voting on amendments to the Constitution and Permskii Krai Governor Elections held in 2020. Based on the analysis of electoral statistics, the article makes a conclusion that the electoral base of the current political regime is moving away from the population of large cities. The response from “urban” voters on presidential initiatives turned out to be much weaker than that of “rural” voters and their electoral support is much lower than their share of the general population of the region.
7
Saeed, Kurdistan, and Chawan Salah. "Electoral systems applied to the Iraqi parliament elections after 2003 (comparative analytical study)." In INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE OF DEFICIENCIES AND INFLATION ASPECTS IN LEGISLATION. University of Human Development, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.21928/uhdicdial.pp277-289.
Анотація:
This study deals with the electoral systems applied in Iraq after 2003 for the Iraqi Parliament elections. The issue's importance lies in the fact that elections are the legitimate means adopted by modern political systems based on the separation of powers. Therefore, after changing the political system in Iraq in 2003 from a one-party system to a democratic parliamentary system, the permanent constitution of 2005 granted the right to political participation for citizens. Including the right to participate in elections through nomination or candidacy for the Iraqi Council of Representatives, this study examines the electoral systems applied after 2003 and the reasons for the instability of the Iraqi parliament elections on a specific law. The study dealt with the types of electoral systems by focusing on the concept and emergence of elections and the most critical electoral systems adopted by political systems. Furthermore, the electoral systems applied after 2003 in the Iraqi parliament elections by focusing on the electoral laws or their amendments that preceded each electoral cycle since 2003 until now. The study concluded that the electoral system in Iraq was not legally stable; several amendments have been made to the laws regulating the elections for the House of Representatives. So the two elections did not repeat under one law because of political parties' criticism leveled at it. Moreover, the attempt by the large parliamentary blocs, through their control of the Iraqi Council of Representatives, to legislate laws that limit the victory of the blocs and small parties.
Звіти організацій з теми "Constitutional amendment power":
1
Mueller, Bernardo, Carlos Pereira, Lee J. Alston, and Marcus André Melo. Political Institutions, Policymaking Processes and Policy Outcomes in Brazil. Inter-American Development Bank, March 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011295.
Анотація:
This paper analyses the dynamics of policy-making among the various political institutions in Brazil. The authors find that the driving force behind policies in Brazil is the strong set of powers given to the President, though several institutions constrain and check this power, in particular the legislature, the judiciary, the public prosecutors, the auditing office, state governors and the Constitution itself. The electorate of Brazil holds the President accountable for economic growth, inflation and unemployment. At least for the past ten years, and particularly during the Lula administration, executive power has been aimed at pushing policy towards macro orthodoxy. Achieving stable macro policies required constitutional amendments as well as considerable legislation. To attain their goals, the past administrations used their property rights over pork to trade for policy changes. The rationale for members of Congress to exchange votes on policy for pork is that the electorates reward or punish members of Congress based on the degree to which pork lands in their district.
2
Panwar, Nalin Singh. Decentralized Political Institution in Madhya Pradesh (India). Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2017.23.
Анотація:
The change through grassroots democratic processes in the Indian political system is the result of a growing conviction that the big government cannot achieve growth and development in a society without people's direct participation and initiative. The decentralized political institutions have been more participatory and inclusive ensuring equality of political opportunity. Social exclusion in India is not a new phenomenon. History bears witness to exclusion of social groups on the bases of caste, class, gender and religion. Most notable is the category of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women who were denied the access and control over economic and social opportunities as a result they were relegated to the categories of excluded groups. It is true that the problems of the excluded classes were addressed by the state through the enactment of anti-discriminatory laws and policies to foster their social inclusion and empowerment. Despite these provisions, exclusion and discrimination of these excluded groups continued. Therefore, there was a need to address issues of ‘inclusion’ in a more direct manner. Madhya Pradesh has made a big headway in the working for the inclusion of these excluded groups. The leadership role played by the under privileged, poor and the marginalized people of the society at the grassroots level is indeed remarkable because two decade earlier these people were excluded from public life and political participation for them was a distant dream. Against this backdrop, the paper attempts to unfold the changes that have taken place in the rural power structure after 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. To what extent the decentralized political institutions have been successful in the inclusion of the marginalized section of the society in the state of Madhya Pradesh [India].
3
Ashley, Caitlyn, Elizabeth Spencer Berthiaume, Philip Berzin, Rikki Blassingame, Stephanie Bradley Fryer, John Cox, E. Samuel Crecelius, et al. Law and Policy Resource Guide: A Survey of Eminent Domain Law in Texas and the Nation. Edited by Gabriel Eckstein. Texas A&M University School of Law Program in Natural Resources Systems, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.37419/eenrs.eminentdomainguide.
Анотація:
Eminent Domain is the power of the government or quasi-government entities to take private or public property interests through condemnation. Eminent Domain has been a significant issue since 1879 when, in the case of Boom Company v. Patterson, the Supreme Court first acknowledged that the power of eminent domain may be delegated by state legislatures to agencies and non-governmental entities. Thus, the era of legal takings began. Though an important legal dispute then, more recently eminent domain has blossomed into an enduring contentious social and political problem throughout the United States. The Fifth Amendment to the United States Constitution states, “nor shall private property be taken for public use, without just compensation.” Thus, in the wake of the now infamous decision in Kelo v. City of New London, where the Court upheld the taking of private property for purely economic benefit as a “public use,” the requirement of “just compensation” stands as the primary defender of constitutionally protected liberty under the federal constitution. In response to Kelo, many state legislatures passed a variety of eminent domain reforms specifically tailoring what qualifies as a public use and how just compensation should be calculated. Texas landowners recognize that the state’s population is growing at a rapid pace. There is an increasing need for more land and resources such as energy and transportation. But, private property rights are equally important, especially in Texas, and must be protected as well. Eminent domain and the condemnation process is not a willing buyer and willing seller transition; it is a legally forced sale. Therefore, it is necessary to consider further improvements to the laws that govern the use of eminent domain so Texas landowners can have more assurance that this process is fair and respectful of their private property rights when they are forced to relinquish their land. This report compiles statutes and information from the other forty-nine states to illustrate how they address key eminent domain issues. Further, this report endeavors to provide a neutral third voice in Texas to strike a more appropriate balance between individual’s property rights and the need for increased economic development. This report breaks down eminent domain into seven major topics that, in addition to Texas, seemed to be similar in many of the other states. These categories are: (1) Awarding of Attorneys’ Fee; (2) Compensation and Valuation; (3) Procedure Prior to Suit; (4) Condemnation Procedure; (5) What Cannot be Condemned; (6) Public Use & Authority to Condemn; and (7) Abandonment. In analyzing these seven categories, this report does not seek to advance a particular interest but only to provide information on how Texas law differs from other states. This report lays out trends seen across other states that are either similar or dissimilar to Texas, and additionally, discusses interesting and unique laws employed by other states that may be of interest to Texas policy makers. Our research found three dominant categories which tend to be major issues across the country: (1) the awarding of attorneys’ fees; (2) the valuation and measurement of just compensation; and (3) procedure prior to suit.