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Статті в журналах з теми "Commonwealth (Organization) History"

1

Stepanova, N. A. "Great Britain in the Commonwealth of Nations." MGIMO Review of International Relations, no. 4(37) (August 28, 2014): 214–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.24833/2071-8160-2014-4-37-214-221.

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The article is devoted to an analysis of the role of the Commonwealth of Nations in British history and politics. Having emerged at the end of the XIX c. as an informal association of Britain and dominions within the British Empire it has developed into an independent institute that includes almost all former British territories. Even though nowadays the Commonwealth is a free association of countries and manifests democratic values, this distinctive representation of imperialists stood at its origins, and at times the term itself signified the empire, though in a more progressive, democratic and human form. The author argues that for many decades the main reason for this evolution was British politicians'desire to deter regions from breaking away from within the British sphere of influence. Indeed, the Commonwealth countries belonged to one of the three most important and traditional circles of British political and economic interests, as formulated by W. Churchill, while its importance has been constantly emphasized in numerous election manifestos and government statements. However, with the weakening of Britain and growing independence within the organization, as well as because of contradictions between British national interests and the Commonwealth's founding ideals and principles, Britain has become less and less capable of impacting the organization, and its significance has declined, while some British leaders have even openly sabotaged it. Nevertheless, voices that appeal to reanimate the institution, as well as Britain's role in it, are still heard in the British political arena.
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2

Duxbury, Alison. "Rejuvenating the Commonwealth—The Human Rights Remedy." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 46, no. 2 (April 1997): 344–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300060462.

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Lord Casey's sad testament to an organisation which was perceived as “on the way to becoming not much more than a paper connection” is hardly encouraging to someone intent on studying the institution. It would appear that the Commonwealth of Nations as a contemporary discussion point is even less fashionable today than it was 30 years ago. It has recently been written that in our generation those few individuals with an opinion about the Commonwealth view it as an “anachronistic organization whose retirement to the pages of history is long overdue”. The situation of an Australian attempting to write about the Commonwealth is confused by the need to distinguish it from the “Commonwealth of Australia” by such adjectives as the “British” Commonwealth or the “Commonwealth of Nations”.
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3

Malyshev, D. "The Commonwealth of Independent States: Thirty Years Together." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 1 (2021): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2021-1-9-22.

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The article analyzes the main key events in the development of the thirty-year history of the Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) as the main structure operating in the post-Soviet space. The main stages of the formation of the CIS as a full-fledged international organization are shown; the characteristics of its structure and statutory bodies are given. Special attention is paid to the essential aspects of the development of the CIS in 2020–2021, as well as the current state of this organization, the direction of its activities in the context of overcoming the negative consequences of the coronavirus pandemic. The possible alternatives for the development of the Commonwealth in the near future have been predicted.
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4

Williams, Alan Lee. "‘People have a Part to Play‘ The English-Speaking Union." English Today 1, no. 1 (January 1985): 20–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400013067.

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For its first interview, English Today talks to Alan Lee Williams, Director-General, the English-Speaking Union of the Commonwealth, about his association's aims, history, organization, membership, projects and approach to the English language.
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5

Alieva, Rafoat R., and Rafoat R. Alieva. "MILITARY-TECHNICAL COOPERATION OF THE REPUBLIC OF TAJIKISTAN AND THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION IN ENSURING THE REGIONAL SECURITY OF CENTRAL ASIAN STATES." Society and Security Insights 3, no. 2 (April 8, 2020): 75–87. http://dx.doi.org/10.14258/ssi(2020)2-05.

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The article examines the issues of expanding and strengthening the military-political cooperation of the Republic of Tajikistan with the Russian Federation to ensure the security of the states of the Central Asian region. It is noted that a broad legal and organizational-structural base has been created that enshrines the directions of military-political cooperation between the two states. The international activities of states in the field of security in the framework of the Commonwealth of Independent States hereinafter (CIS), the Collective Security Treaty Organization (hereinafter CSTO) and Shanghai Cooperation Organization (hereinafter SCO). The history of the formation of security cooperation aimed at countering modern challenges is disclosed. The basic principles and features of the development of military — technical cooperation between the two states in the framework of the CSTO are determined. The importance of military-technical cooperation in order to ensure the security of Central Asian states is substantiated.
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6

Minderhout, David, and Jessica Dowsett. "Our Stories, Our Future: The Eastern Delaware Nations Oral History Project." Practicing Anthropology 32, no. 1 (December 25, 2009): 32–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17730/praa.32.1.r158n23v4j7jvg38.

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The Commonwealth of Pennsylvania takes the stance that there are no Native Americans within the borders of the state, but as in the rest of the United States there has been over the last three decades a rising consciousness among Pennsylvanians with some native ancestry of their cultural heritage. These people contend that they are descended from intermarriages between colonial Europeans and the indigenous Lenape or Susquehannock peoples, and that their ancestors did not leave Pennsylvania in the 18th century, as history books assert, but rather stayed behind, assimilated, and hid their native background for fear of reprisals. Today these individuals are proud of their background and have formed a number of organizations to promote greater awareness of their existence. In recent years, a number of challenges have arisen to the authenticity of these claims, charging that people calling themselves Native Americans in Pennsylvania are frauds. The authors have partnered with the largest native organization in the state, the Eastern Delaware Nations, on an oral history project to identify and where possible authenticate claims of native ancestry. The paper discusses the many obstacles to be encountered in this effort.
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7

Browder, Laura. "Sheep Hill Memories, Carver Dreams: Creating a Living Newspaper Today." Public Historian 26, no. 2 (2004): 73–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/tph.2004.26.2.73.

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In November 2000, the living newspaper drama Sheep Hill Memories, Carver Dreams premiered to packed houses at Virginia Commonwealth University (VCU) in Richmond. This documentary play concerns the history and survival of Carver, a historically African- American working-class community bordering VCU which was being threatened by the university’s planned expansion. Performed by a Carver-based theater group with a twenty-seven-year history, in collaboration with TheatreVCU, Sheep Hill Memories, Carver Dreams was the outcome of a two-year collaboration between a grass-roots community organization and the university. As playwright and co-director of the two-year Carver Living Newspaper Project, I present the development of the project, its outcomes, and the challenges we faced along the way in creating the play.
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8

Verhoef, Grietjie. "From Friendly Society to Compulsory Medical Aid Association." Social Science History 30, no. 4 (2006): 601–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0145553200013602.

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The compulsory medical benefit scheme for white public servants in South Africa grew out of a friendly society founded in 1905. This development diverged from the experience of other members of the British Commonwealth, where universal health insurance schemes developed following the British example. The Civil Servants’ Medical Benefit Association (CSMBA) addressed the needs of white public servants, leaving the non-white communities without any form of government-sponsored medical support, apart from health care provided at government hospitals. The CSMBA was a well-managed medical benefit association, but when it was appointed the compulsory medical benefit association for white public servants, government intervention affected the financial viability of the organization, despite the payment of a state subsidy.
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9

ARKUSHA, Olena. "«Do you require our responsibility to gentry times?». Ukrainian intellectuals’ of the 19th – the beginning of the 20th century opinions about the role of the heritage of the polish-lithuanian commonwealth in the creation of modern ukrainian nation." Ukraine-Poland: Historical Heritage and Public Consciousness 11 (2018): 27–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/up.2018-11-27-55.

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European historiography changed considerably during the nineteenth century. Formation of historical source study as a separate science, on the one hand, and awareness of the connection between the historical narrative of the past with political interests, on the other hand, gave impetus to the writing of historical works on national history, the so-called grand narratives. They relied on historical sources, but chose what served the actual political interests, and ignored or interpreted otherwise what they did not fit. The territorial organization of living space has become a priority task of national development in the nineteenth century, and the recognition of land, borders, and people as own should have been historically grounded. The difficulty for Ukrainians was that the traces of Ukrainian-Russ statehood were lost in ancient times, while the neighbors, primarily Russians and Poles, tried to draw both the territory and the past of Ukraine into their own concepts of the creation of modern nation. The creation of the Ukrainian grand narrative was influenced by external factors: the division of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and the collapse of its once unified political, cultural and intellectual space, and the policy of the Russian authorities, aimed to separate «Little Rus’» from western civilization. Russian censorship successfully removed memory of Polish-Ukrainian ties from historical works and replaced it with the image of the invading Poles. The traumatic, post-war experience, idealization of images of Cossack soldiers was the favorable ground for this. As a result, in Ukrainian historical grand narrative the «Polish-Lithuanian» period was interpreted as an external occupation, a break in the «correct» history of Ukraine. The whole complex of everyday life, cultural and political influences of Ukrainians in the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth remained beyond history. Its main content was recognized by the Polish-Ukrainian conflicts. The views on the legacy of the Commonwealth in the Ukrainian society of the nineteenth century can also be analyzed from the perspective of the intellectual biographies of their creators and take into account the experience of relations with the Poles, the private image and repression of the Russian government. An unbiased rethinking by professional historians of the past of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth from the point of view of the interactions of various cultural spaces in the nineteenth century was not a matter of time. Keywords Ukrainian-Polish relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian-Russian relations in the nineteenth century, Ukrainian historiography of the nineteenth century, intellectual biography, cultural and intellectual heritage of the Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth.
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10

Kurjanska, Malgorzata. "Disgruntled Elites and Imperial States: The Making of Late Nineteenth- and Early Twentieth-Century Civil Society in Congress Poland and Western Galicia." Comparative Studies in Society and History 61, no. 3 (June 28, 2019): 563–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s001041751900015x.

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AbstractWhy does civil society in some cases become a tool of elite organization and domination of non-elites, and in others a sphere for non-elite self-organization and self-determination? To answer this question, this article compares the late nineteenth- and early twentieth-century divergent developments of civil society in two regions of the former Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth: Russian-ruled Congress Poland, with a focus on the Warsaw Governorate (1815–1915), and Austrian-ruled western-Galicia, concentrating on the Grand Duchy of Krakow (1846–1914). This analysis of variation in elite domination of civil society shifts the focus of civil society debates away from the market and the state and toward elites. It argues that while imperial policies of regional integration and socioeconomic changes spurred by the transition from feudalism shaped the potential paths of civil society's development in both regions, their effects on civil society's relative autonomy in each were mediated, and thus steered, by the interests and conflicts of local elites.
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Книги з теми "Commonwealth (Organization) History"

1

The Parliamentarians: The history of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, 1911-1985. Brookfield, VT: Gower, 1986.

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2

Grey, Ian. The parliamentarians: The history of the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association, 1911-1985. Aldershot, Hants, England: Gower, 1986.

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3

Krylova, Ninelʹ Sergeevna. Sodruzhestvo nat͡s︡iĭ: Politiko-pravovye problemy. Moskva: "Nauka", 1991.

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4

Chan, Stephen. Twelve years of Commonwealth diplomatic history: Commonwealth summit meetings, 1979-1991. Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1992.

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5

Adamson, David. The last empire: Britain and the Commonwealth. London: I.B. Tauris, 1989.

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6

Peter, Tiffin, ed. The Queen and the Commonwealth. London: Thames, 1986.

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7

Tarling, Nicholas. The sun never sets: An historical essay on Britain and its place in the world. New Delhi: Sterling Publishers, 1986.

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8

Polus, Andrzej. Commonwealth na arenie międzynarodowej. Wrocław: Wydawn. Uniwersytetu Wrocławskiego, 2000.

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9

Crowe, Virginia. The Commonwealth in a changing world: New relationships and new directions? London: Stationary Office, 1997.

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10

McCabe, Ian. A diplomatic history of Ireland, 1948-49: The republic, the commonwealth and NATO. Dublin: Irish Academic Press, 1991.

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Частини книг з теми "Commonwealth (Organization) History"

1

"Book Reviews." In Polin: Studies in Polish Jewry Volume 10, edited by Israel Bartal, Rachel Elior, and Chone Shmeruk, 344–414. Liverpool University Press, 1997. http://dx.doi.org/10.3828/liverpool/9781874774310.003.0014.

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Анотація:
This chapter looks at 29 book reviews. The first set of books discusses hasidism in Poland; the history of the Jewish population in lower Silesia after the Second World War; the Jewish communities in eastern Poland and the USSR; Jewish emancipation in Poland; and the memoirs of Holocaust survivors. The second set of books examine the Holocaust experience and its consequences; the ethical challenge of Auschwitz and Hiroshima; the history of the Jews of the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth in the eleventh to eighteenth centuries; and Russia's first modern Jews. The third set of books assesses the Kishinev pogrom of 1903; the history of feldshers in general and Jewish feldshers in particular; the diplomacy of Lucien Wolf; the Berlin Jewish community; the aspects of Jewish art; magic, mysticism, and hasidism; and the Jewish presence in Polish literature. The fourth set of books explores the depictions of Jews by Polish artists, both Christian and Jewish; the history of co-operation between the Polish government and the New Zionist Organization; and the origins of Zionism.
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2

Brint, Steven, and Jerome Karabel. "Designs for Comprehensive Community Colleges: 1958-1970." In The Diverted Dream. Oxford University Press, 1989. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195048155.003.0010.

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No analysis of the history of the community college movement in Massachusetts can begin without a discussion of some of the peculiar features of higher education in that state. Indeed, the development of all public colleges in Massachusetts was, for many years, inhibited by the strength of the state’s private institutions (Lustberg 1979, Murphy 1974, Stafford 1980). The Protestant establishment had strong traditional ties to elite colleges—such as Harvard, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Williams, and Amherst—and the Catholic middle class felt equally strong bonds to the two Jesuit institutions in the state: Boston College and Holy Cross (Jencks and Riesman 1968, p. 263). If they had gone to college at all, most of Massachusetts’s state legislators had done so in the private system. Private college loyalties were not the only reasons for opposition to public higher education. Increased state spending for any purpose was often an anathema to many Republican legislators, and even most urban “machine” Democrats were unwilling to spend state dollars where the private sector appeared to work well enough (Stafford and Lustberg 1978). As late as 1950, the commonwealth’s public higher education sector served fewer than ten thousand students, just over 10 percent of total state enrollments in higher education. In 1960, public enrollment had grown to only 16 percent of the total, at a time when 59 percent of college students nationwide were enrolled in public institutions (Stafford and Lustberg 1978, p. 12). Indeed, the public sector did not reach parity with the private sector until the 1980s. Of the 15,945 students enrolled in Massachusetts public higher education in 1960, well over 95 percent were in-state students. The private schools, by contrast, cast a broader net: of the nearly 83,000 students enrolled in the private schools, more than 40 percent were from out of state (Organization for Social and Technical Innovation 1973). The opposition to public higher education began to recede in the late 1950s. Already by mid-decade, a large number of urban liberals had become members of the state legislature, and a new governor, Foster Furcolo, had been elected in 1956 on an activist platform.
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