Готові списки джерел за темами / Class and politics

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Class and politics"

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Опубліковано: 18 травня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Class and politics"

1

Lem, Winnie. "Class Politics, Cultural Politics." Critique of Anthropology 14, no. 4 (December 1994): 393–417. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0308275x9401400403.

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2

Byrne, David. "Class politics." Soundings 84, no. 84 (October 10, 2023): 189–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.3898/soun.84-85.rev02.2023.

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3

Arnold, Kathleen R. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 639–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002337.

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Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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4

Box-Steffensmeier, Janet M. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 643–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002349.

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Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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5

Carmines, Edward G. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 645–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002350.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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6

Dean, Jodi. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 648–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002362.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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7

McClain, Paula D. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 651–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002374.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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8

Waddell, Brian. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 659–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537592711002441.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson's Winner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Class is both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue of The American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers of Perspectives on Politics will know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels's Unequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.” Winner-Take-All Politics thus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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9

Pontusson, Jonas. "Class Politics, American-Style." Perspectives on Politics 9, no. 3 (September 2011): 654–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s153759271100243x.

Повний текст джерела
Анотація:
Jacob S. Hacker and Paul Pierson'sWinner-Take-All Politics: How Washington Made the Rich Richer—And Turned Its Back on the Middle Classis both a work of political science and a contribution to broad public discussion of distributive politics. Its topic could not be more relevant to a US polity wracked by bitter partisan disagreements about taxes, social spending, financial regulation, social insecurity, and inequality. The political power of “the rich” is a theme of widespread public attention. The headline on the cover of the January–February 2011 issue ofThe American Interest—“Inequality and Democracy: Are Plutocrats Drowning Our Republic?”—is indicative. Francis Fukuyama's lead essay, entitled “Left Out,” clarifies that by “plutocracy,” the journal means “not just rule by the rich, but rule by and for the rich. We mean, in other words, a state of affairs in which the rich influence government in such a way as to protect and expand their own wealth and influence, often at the expense of others.” Fukuyama makes clear that he believes that this state of affairs obtains in the United States today.Readers ofPerspectives on Politicswill know that the topic has garnered increasing attention from political scientists in general and in our journal in particular. In March 2009, we featured a symposium on Larry Bartels'sUnequal Democracy: The Political Economy of the New Gilded Age. And in December 2009, our lead article, by Jeffrey A. Winters and Benjamin I. Page, starkly posed the question “Oligarchy in the United States?” and answered it with an equally stark “yes.”Winner-Take-All Politicsthus engages a broader scholarly discussion within US political science, at the same time that it both draws upon and echoes many “classic themes” of US political science from the work of Charles Beard and E. E. Schattschneider to Ted Lowi and Charles Lindblom.In this symposium, we have brought together a group of important scholars and commentators who offer a range of perspectives on the book and on the broader themes it engages. While most of our discussants are specialists on “American politics,” we have also sought out scholars beyond this subfield. Our charge to the discussants is to evaluate the book's central claims and evidence, with a focus on three related questions: 1) How compelling is its analysis of the “how” and “why” of recent US public policy and its “turn” in favor of “the rich” and against “the middle class”? 2) How compelling is its critique of the subfield of “American politics” for its focus on the voter–politician linkage and on “politics as spectacle” at the expense of an analysis of “politics as organized combat”? 3) And do you agree with its argument that recent changes in US politics necessitate a different, more comparative, and more political economy–centered approach to the study of US politics?—Jeffrey C. Isaac, Editor
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10

Jarness, Vegard, Magne Paalgard Flemmen, and Lennart Rosenlund. "From Class Politics to Classed Politics." Sociology 53, no. 5 (April 9, 2019): 879–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038038519838740.

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Анотація:
Questions of political conflict have always been central to class analysis; changing political fault lines were a key argument in the debates about the ‘death of class’. The ensuing ‘cultural turn’ in class analysis has shown how class continues to shape lives and experience, though often in new ways. In this article, we bring this mode of analysis to the political domain by unpacking how a multidimensional concept of class – based on the ideas of Bourdieu – can help make sense of contemporary political divisions. We demonstrate that there is a homological relation between the social space and the political space: pronounced political divisions between ‘old’ politics related to economic issues and ‘new’ politics related to ‘post-material values’ follow the volume and composition of capital. Importantly, the left/right divide seems more clearly related to the divide between cultural and economic capital than to the class hierarchy itself.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "Class and politics"

1

Charlton, John Douglas. "Working class structure and working class politics in Britain 1950." Thesis, University of Leeds, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303518.

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2

Thapa, Sandhya. "Ethnicity, class and politics in Sikkim." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1268.

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3

McAloon, Jim. "Working class politics in Christchurch, 1905-1914." Thesis, University of Canterbury. Department of History, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/10092/4240.

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The thesis begins by considering the state of organised labour in Christchurch around 1900. Detailed attention is then paid to the role of trade union in 1905, to wage levels and to employment. Conflicts in the workplace over wages and control of the labour process, which were becoming more severe, are analysed in selected industries. The evolution of the Canterbury Trades and Labour Council and its attitude to political and industrial organisation are discussed. The attempts of Christchurch workers to form an independent political party are examined. Finally, there is discussion and analysis of the crisis of 1913 and its effects on the labour movement.
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4

Hilson, Mary. "Working-class politics in Plymouth, c. 1890-1920." Thesis, University of Exeter, 1998. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.244425.

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5

Naidu, Vijay. "State class and politics in the South Pacific." Thesis, University of Sussex, 1988. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.303259.

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6

Boughton, John Frederick. "Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield, 1918-1931." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34790/.

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Анотація:
Working-class politics in Birmingham and Sheffield contrasted sharply in the 1920s - Birmingham was a bastion of working-class Conservatism, Sheffield, a Labour stronghold. In the first half of the thesis, we explored this contrast by an examination of the economic, social and political conditions which underlay it. Sheffield's large-scale industry was found to reinforce working-class values and trades union traditions which facilitated Labour's political rise. Birmingham's diversified, often small-scale, economy impeded the development of working-class consciousness and eased inter-class relations. These differences were reflected in the towns' working-class cormtinities. The forms of Sheffield society consolidated the working-class loyalties of which Labour affiliations became one aspect. Birmingham society was more penetrable and possessed a powerful civic tradition of cross-class cooperation. In local government, Birmingham retained a confident, reforming middle-class leadership fulfilling the heritage of Joseph Chamberlain. Sheffield's middle-class politicians retreated into reactionary oppositionism which hastened Labour's advance. Contemporary events in the national economy and politics strengthened Labour's claim to be the real party of the working class. In the second half, we studied the content of working-class politics; examining, firstly, Labour's principles and practice. Ethical and constitutional values, combined with a corrrnitment to practical reform, were found dominant. A genuine party life of extra-political activities existed but its scope and ambitions were modest. Cooperation shared similar values, allied with an ambiguous attitude towards political action which strained relations with the wider Labour movement. The revolutionary Left was active but its aggressive style and far-reaching demands distanced it from the broader working class. In conclusion, we looked at working-class Conservatism - still influential and with several ideological and structural strains in workingclass culture perpetuating its appeal. We viewed it, particularly among the poorer strata, as one method of getting by in a life deemed fundamentally unalterable.
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7

Goddard, Paul. "Educational afterworlds in neoliberal Britain : class, politics and sexuality." Thesis, University of Manchester, 2011. https://www.research.manchester.ac.uk/portal/en/theses/educational-afterworlds-of-neoliberal-britain-class-politics-and-sexuality(7de87f3b-6bda-49ff-ab02-85246be7d746).html.

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Анотація:
There is a widespread sense that Britain is an unfair society with an unfair education system, and that this ought to change. Yet the prescribed panacea of 'equality of opportunity' is bound up with new extensions of middle-class privilege. In an attempt to historicise the social basis of that paradox, this thesis offers the 'educational afterworld' as a theoretical framework for prising open the determinations formal schooling exerts in adult British society. It is written from a Marxist perspective and treats the Blairite mantra of 'Education, Education, Education' as part of an ideological history in which structural inequality has been reproduced through the three-tier school system that emerged in the late Victorian period. As a point of entry into the educational afterworld, this project explores long-established categories of culture as they were articulated at key moments in this unfolding history. The legacies of three major Kulturkritikers - Matthew Arnold, F.R. Leavis and Richard Hoggart - and their preoccupations - class, politics, race, the city and commodified life - entered the 80s as a repertoire of motifs, patterns and axioms. I am interested in how these cultural co-ordinates were reconfigured by critiques of and collusions with the mercurial socio-political changes of the period on which I focus. Moving through the 80s and 90s, and with periodic glances back to earlier episodes of British life, the chapters map 'high' and 'low' culture onto the hierarchy of educational institutions that continues to produce the gulf between exquisite prose and 'underclass' illiteracy. A focus on sexuality is a notable feature of each chapter, honing discussion of these educational afterworlds through consideration of the ways in which gay male sexuality and an emboldened female sexuality mediate social status and distinction (in Bourdieu's sense). For these reasons, the texts selected are Alan Hollinghurst's The Swimming-Pool Library (1988) and The Line of Beauty (2004), the BBC2 drama serial This Life (1996-97) and, with his BBC sitcom Gimme Gimme Gimme (1999-2001), Jonathan Harvey's 'feel-good' play Beautiful Thing (1993).
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8

Raychaudhury, Nairanjana. "Backward class and politics of reservation in India 1919-1947." Thesis, University of North Bengal, 1994. http://hdl.handle.net/123456789/1208.

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9

Barrett, Elizabeth. "Group struggle or class conflict? : the application of pluralist theory and class theory to English politics." Thesis, Royal Holloway, University of London, 1988. http://repository.royalholloway.ac.uk/items/1ae2a6b9-35e7-4c08-9cc1-1f2c5dccd5b9/1/.

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The growth of single-issue politics, and of the articulation and resolution of political demands through pressure group structures is linked, by group theorists, to the development of the corporate economic State. In an increasingly complex political order, it is argued, the individual must orient herself to political structures through multiple group memberships which cut across traditional socio-economic categories, and which reduce the impact of class identification and political behaviour. Thus the pluralists suggest that group membership is replacing class location as a focus for political identity and a motor of political behaviour. This argument is investigated with reference to the sociopolitical attitudes and behaviours of electors drawn from three English Parliamentary constituencies. The constituencies - Guildford, Richmond and Barnes and Sheffield Attercliffe - exhibit distinctive socio-economic characteristics and electoral trends. The constituency sample units are stratified by group, and electors are drawn from those groups typically organised within the community. Participants are examined by survey questionnaire. In examining the class and group bases of British politics, considerable attention is paid to concept-formulation. 'The group' is operationalised according to dimensions of interest and power, and the nature and role of interest group activity within the three constituencies are investigated. The concept of class is operationalised according to Marxian theory, and is critically examined with reference to stratification theory. Indicators of socio-economic and political variables are investigated during data analysis, and class and group-structured political identifications and behaviours are examined. Although participation in both group and class structures is found to be politically significant among survey-respondents, group-structured political behaviour is found to be strongly related to class location. It is therefore argued that the concept of class possesses explanatory value in political analysis. A class theory of group politics is thus proposed.
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Beltz, Trevor Richard. "The Disappearing Middle Class: Implications for Politics and Public Policy." Scholarship @ Claremont, 2012. http://scholarship.claremont.edu/cmc_theses/412.

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What does it mean to be middle class? The majority of Americans define themselves as members of the middle class, regardless of their wealth. The number of Americans that affiliate with the middle class alludes to the idea that it cannot be defined simply by level of income, number of assets, type of job, etc. The middle class is a lifestyle as much as it is a group of similarly minded people, just as it is a social construct as much as it is an economic construct. Yet as the masses fall away from the elite, and changes continue to reshape the occupational structure of the job market—due to globalization in a technological age; many have begun to question whether or not the middle class—and, by extension, the American way of life—will be able to survive. This thesis analyzes which Americans fall into the category of middle class and why. It observes the possible reasons the middle class is changing from the style portrayed through much of the 19th and 20th centuries. And lastly, this thesis poses possible solutions through public policy initiatives.
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Книги з теми "Class and politics"

1

Neville, Woodhead, ed. Politics and class. Ormskirk: G.W. & A. Hesketh, 1985.

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Hindess, Barry. Politics and class analysis. Oxford: Basil Blackwell, 1987.

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Autonomy: Capitalism, class, and politics. Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2012.

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4

Paul, Boreham, and Dow Geoff, eds. Class, politics, and the economy. London: Routledge & K. Paul, 1986.

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5

Clegg, Stewart. Class, politics and the economy. London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, 1986.

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6

Eric, Arnesen, Greene Julie 1956-, and Laurie Bruce, eds. Labor histories: Class, politics, and the working class experience. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1998.

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7

Geoffrey, Evans, ed. The end of class politics?: Class voting in comparative context. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1999.

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Race and class in Texas politics. Princeton, N.J: Princeton University Press, 1990.

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9

A, Mangan J., ed. Sport in Europe: Politics, class, gender. London: Frank Cass, 1999.

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10

Agency, Asia News. Politics of caste, class, and dalits. New Delhi: Asia News Agency, 2000.

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Частини книг з теми "Class and politics"

1

Stevenson, Nick. "Class Politics." In Class, 66–97. London: Routledge, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003252603-4.

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2

Roberts, Ken. "Politics." In Class in Contemporary Britain, 209–34. London: Macmillan Education UK, 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-0-230-34458-7_9.

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Paton, Calum. "Changing British Politics." In World, Class, Britain, 13–47. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780333981665_2.

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4

Shiman, Lilian Lewis. "Class and Politics." In Women and Leadership in Nineteenth-Century England, 33–42. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 1992. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-22188-2_4.

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5

Rocca, Jean-Louis. "Middle Class Politics." In The Making of the Chinese Middle Class, 171–226. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-39339-5_5.

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6

Keeton, Patricia, and Peter Scheckner. "Class and Politics." In American War Cinema and Media since Vietnam, 105–18. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9781137277893_6.

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Tampke, Jürgen. "Working-class politics." In The Ruhr and Revolution, 19–29. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003248163-3.

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Lawler, Kristin. "The Politics of Austerity and the Ikarian Dream." In Class, 513–18. Chichester, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781119395485.ch34.

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Chomsky, Noam, Charles Derber, Suren Moodliar, and Paul Shannon. "Identity Politics and Class Politics." In Chomsky for Activists, 71–78. New York, NY: Routledge, 2021. | Series: Universalizing resistance: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003105619-8.

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Thomson, Alex. "Social class." In An Introduction to African Politics, 95–119. 5th ed. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003031840-7.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Class and politics"

1

Xuan, Fuying. "Design Teaching Situation Cleverly, Strengthen the Teaching Charm in Politics Class." In 3rd International Conference on Science and Social Research (ICSSR 2014). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icssr-14.2014.65.

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2

Wantong, Cai. "Opportunities and Challenges of Korean Politics With B-class Culture: A Case Study of Pengsoo’s Political News." In The Asian Conference on Cultural Studies 2021. The International Academic Forum(IAFOR), 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.22492/issn.2187-4751.2021.6.

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3

Wang, Zhen. "Research on the Application of Artificial Intelligence in Ideology and Politics Class." In Proceedings of the 4th International Conference on Modern Education and Information Management, ICMEIM 2023, September 8–10, 2023, Wuhan, China. EAI, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.8-9-2023.2340092.

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4

Ma, Lijuan. "Research and Practice on Construction of "First Class Specialty" in Private Colleges and Universities." In Proceedings of the 2018 3rd International Conference on Politics, Economics and Law (ICPEL 2018). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/icpel-18.2018.54.

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Rusnaini, Rusnaini, Erna Yuliandari, and Machmud Al Rasyid. "Strengthening Civic Literacy Using Psycho Pedagogical Development Approach in Politics of Defence Class: Lesson from Indonesia." In The 2nd International Conference on Sociology Education. SCITEPRESS - Science and Technology Publications, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5220/0007107508780882.

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6

Kristyanto, Twin Hosea W., Rikardo P. Sianipar, Andreas E. Nugroho, and Twin Twin Yoshua R. Destyanto. "The Role of Religions on Politics, Economics, and Social Class in the Society: A Phenomenological Study." In 2nd International Conference on Social Science, Humanity and Public Health (ICOSHIP 2021). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220207.003.

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7

Kundu, Ratoola. "The informal syndicate Raj: Emerging urban governance challenges in newly incorporated." In 55th ISOCARP World Planning Congress, Beyond Metropolis, Jakarta-Bogor, Indonesia. ISOCARP, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47472/nnxq9422.

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Peri-urban spaces in the Global South are regarded as sites of radical and often violent of transformation of social and spatial structures, of brutal dispossessions of lives and livelihoods to make way for speculative real estate development and the accumulation of capital through the expropriation and commodification of land. What kinds of politics and governance configurations emerge in the peri-urban areas of mega-cities? A host of state and non-state actors such as developers, aspiring middle-class urban dwellers are reimagining these sites. This paper investigates the complex governance and livelihood transformations following the upgradation of Bidhan Municipality to a Corporation in 2015 through the state driven merger of the existing planned satellite township of Salt Lake with the surrounding unplanned rural and urban areas. The paper argues that a new politics of unsteady alliances characterises the messy, unsettled and restless territories of the newly formed Municipal Corporation. A highly contingent, informalised and powerful configuration of non-state actors – locally known as Syndicates control the development dynamics and political fortunes of the periphery
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Alrasyid, M. Harun, and Ainur Rofieq. "THE VIEW OF THE BEKASI MUSLIM MIDDLE CLASS TOWARD IDENTITY POLITICS REVIEWED FROM ORGANIZATIONAL MEMBERSHIP AND EDUCATIONAL ASPECTS." In Call for Paper ICOGISS 2019 - International Conference on Governance Innovation and Social Sciences. Universitas Muhammadiyah Jember, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.32528/pi.v0i0.2536.

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9

Molnar, Adam. "Teaching a polling and survey seminar." In Teaching Statistics in a Data Rich World. International Association for Statistical Education, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.52041/srap.17703.

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Unlike countries where an honors degree requires additional work after a standard bachelors’ degree, honors degrees in the United States require specialized coursework during the initial degree program. Colleges value honors programs because they attract higher-performing students and donor interest. One way colleges attract students to honors programs is through small seminar-style courses on interesting subjects. Seminar courses are unusual for statistics programs, because seminars are characterized by in-depth readings and verbal discussion, not lecture or laboratory. The author was asked to create a specialized honors seminar course for fall 2016. Since the USA was scheduled for major elections in November 2016, a course was designed to learn about polling, surveys, and political applications of polls. The course had three goals - analyze statistical information about the 2016 US presidential election; plan and conduct a poll of campus students; and introduce a few mathematical tools related to politics and polls. Although all three goals were accomplished, class preparation was not simple. Since the campaign had high levels of discord and nastiness, including newspaper critique of polling organizations, the course had to maintain strict neutrality to prevent statistics from turning into politics. This poster will present verbal and visual highlights of the course, including a summary of recommendations for others considering a similar seminar-based offering.
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Jin, Jing, and Liandong Wang. "On Laozi’s Thought of “Doing Nothing and Governing” and the Application of Thematic Teaching in Senior High School Politics Class." In 2020 International Conference on Modern Education Management, Innovation and Entrepreneurship and Social Science (MEMIESS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.210206.005.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Class and politics"

1

Newell, Peter, and Mohamed Adow. Cutting the Supply of Climate Injustice. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), October 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/1968-2021.129.

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This article considers the role of activism and politics to restrict the supply of fossil fuels as a key means to prevent further climate injustices. We firstly explore the historical production of climate injustice through extractive economies of colonial control, the accumulation of climate debts, and ongoing patterns of uneven exchange. We develop an account which highlights the relationship between the production, exchange, and consumption of fossil fuels and historical and contemporary inequalities around race, class, and gender which need to be addressed if a meaningful account of climate justice is to take root. We then explore the role of resistance to the expansion of fossil-fuel frontiers and campaigns to leave fossil fuels in the ground with which we are involved. We reflect on their potential role in enabling the power shifts necessary to rebalance energy economies and disrupt incumbent actors as a prerequisite to the achievement of climate justice
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Tadros, Mariz, Sofya Shabab, and Amy Quinn-Graham. Violence and Discrimination Against Women of Religious Minority Backgrounds in Iraq. Institute of Development Studies, December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/creid.2022.025.

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This volume is part of the Intersections series which explores how the intertwining of gender, religious marginality, socioeconomic exclusion and other factors shape the realities of women and men in contexts where religious inequalities are acute, and freedom of religion or belief is compromised. This volume looks at these intersections in the context of Iraq. Its aim is to amplify the voices of women (and men) whose experiences of religious otherisation have accentuated the impact of the intersections of gender, class, geography and ethnicity. At time of publication, in December 2022, the country is going through a particularly turbulent phase, prompting some to wonder why now? Isn’t it bad timing to focus on the experiences of minorities, let alone inter- and intra-gender dynamics? Iraq is caught in the middle of geo-strategic struggles of tectonic proportions but this is all the more reason to understand the dynamics of micro-politics through a gender-sensitive lens. Doing so sheds light on the interface between global, regional and local power struggles in tangible and concrete ways.
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Khan, Mahreen. The Role of Clans in Moldova in Politics and Economics. Institute of Development Studies, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.116.

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Moldova’s politics, economy, justice system and media are increasingly dominated by a powerful group of elites, led by oligarchs - a new breed of businessmen-politicians who have emerged in the past decade - controlling strategic sectors of the economy and finance, hijacking the political system, taming the judiciary and acquiring monopolistic control of mass media, to promote and protect their vast business empires. Alongside traditional clan, kinship and patronage networks these elites exert influence through informal politics , shaping Moldova’s politics and economy, often hindering reforms for democratisation, rule of law, meritocracy and transparency. This helpdesk report looks at the nature and role of clans in Moldova in the country’s politics and economy. This literature review utilises academic as well as grey sources, research papers, media and blogs published mainly in the past ten years. The sources reveal a paucity of Moldova centric material, especially on the sub-issue of clans, but much more literature is available on the role of informal politics and state capture by elites, especially oligarchs, in Moldova. The evidence found did not address gender and disability issues.
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4

De Paiva Abreu, Marcelo. Trade Liberalization and the Political Economy of Protection in Brazil since 1987. Inter-American Development Bank, April 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011100.

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The paper analyses aspects of trade liberalization and the political economy of protection in Brazil since 1987. Section I considers the internal and external constraints to the continued adoption of a strategy based on import substitution industrialization. In section II trade liberalization up to 1994 is described including its adjustments related to the creation of Mercosur. It also places trade liberalization in the context of the wider reforms implemented in Brazil in the 1990s. The impacts of trade liberalization on import penetration, productivity and the cost of investment as well as its distributive effects are examined in section III. The relative importance of trade liberalization and inflation acceleration on the cost of investment is also discussed. Section IV deals with the political economy of trade liberalization and the protectionist backlash in the mid-1990s. An analysis is made of long-term factor mobility and the Brazilian case is compared with findings on other economies about the transition from a political economy of protection centered on the clash of "class interests" to one concerned with "special interests".
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Costa, Sérgio. Unequal and Divided The Middle Classes in Contemporary Brazil. Maria Sibylla Merian Centre Conviviality-Inequality in Latin America, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46877/costa.2022.45.

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The middle class, or rather middle classes, to do justice to their heterogeneity, have been and continue to be at the centre of the long political and economic crisis that has been ravaging Brazil since 2014. Available interpretations that try to explain the positions taken by different political authors are biased by structural, ideological, or cultural determinism. To escape these determinisms, I draw on Stuart Hall’s political sociology in order to understand the link between the class situation of the middle classes and their constitution as political subjects of various shades as contingent intersectional articulations. The emphasis on contingency obviously does not imply a belief that political developments are fortuitous and detached from social structures. Nor does it ignore the existence of groups with deeply held ideological or cultural convictions who consistently adopt, over long periods of time, political attitudes compatible with these beliefs. However, taken as a whole, the middle classes have shown a very heterogeneous and changing political trajectory over time. They adhere to discourses - both right-wing or more egalitarian ones - and make political choices based on the power of these narratives to capture, in given circumstances, their anxieties, expectations, claims and aspirations.
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Ronconi, Lucas, Juan Sanguinetti, Maria Victoria Murillo, and Mariano Tommasi. The Economic Effects of Unions in Latin America: Teachers' Unions and Education in Argentina. Inter-American Development Bank, September 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011247.

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This paper considers the effects of trade unions on the education sector in Argentina and the channels of union influence on the performance of this crucial sector. The authors find that those provinces where teacher unionism is fragmented, where union density is higher and where political relations with the governor are more conflictual, have more strikes (fewer class days). Based on estimates of education production functions both in this paper and elsewhere, we expect this to translate into lower student performance. The authors then find a number of weak conclusions related to the impact that unions have on several variables that affect students' performance (i.e., teachers' tenure, job satisfaction, class size, education budget and teachers' salaries). Reviewing these results, we conclude that the impact of unions on students' performance depends on the channel and kind of political market where unions operate, but not on the existence of unions per se.
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Fedasiuk, Ryan, Alan Omar Loera Martinez, and Anna Puglisi. A Competitive Era for China’s Universities. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, March 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/20210007.

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This brief illuminates the scale of Chinese government funding for higher education, science, and technology by exploring budget and expense reports for key government organizations and 34 of China’s most elite “Double First Class” universities. Chinese political leaders view elite universities as key components of the country’s military modernization, economic growth, and soft power; a situation that presents security risks for international partners.
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Panwar, Nalin Singh. Decentralized Political Institution in Madhya Pradesh (India). Fribourg (Switzerland): IFF, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.51363/unifr.diff.2017.23.

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The change through grassroots democratic processes in the Indian political system is the result of a growing conviction that the big government cannot achieve growth and development in a society without people's direct participation and initiative. The decentralized political institutions have been more participatory and inclusive ensuring equality of political opportunity. Social exclusion in India is not a new phenomenon. History bears witness to exclusion of social groups on the bases of caste, class, gender and religion. Most notable is the category of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Women who were denied the access and control over economic and social opportunities as a result they were relegated to the categories of excluded groups. It is true that the problems of the excluded classes were addressed by the state through the enactment of anti-discriminatory laws and policies to foster their social inclusion and empowerment. Despite these provisions, exclusion and discrimination of these excluded groups continued. Therefore, there was a need to address issues of ‘inclusion’ in a more direct manner. Madhya Pradesh has made a big headway in the working for the inclusion of these excluded groups. The leadership role played by the under privileged, poor and the marginalized people of the society at the grassroots level is indeed remarkable because two decade earlier these people were excluded from public life and political participation for them was a distant dream. Against this backdrop, the paper attempts to unfold the changes that have taken place in the rural power structure after 73rd Constitutional Amendment Act. To what extent the decentralized political institutions have been successful in the inclusion of the marginalized section of the society in the state of Madhya Pradesh [India].
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Carter, Becky. Strengthening Gender Equality in Decision-making in Somaliland. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.078.

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This rapid review searched for literature on how and why women continue to struggle in Somaliland to achieve formal political representation and to take on informal decision-making roles on local peace and political matters, from community to national levels. Women’s participation in peacebuilding and political decision-making in Somaliland is very limited. A key barrier is the clan system underpinning Somaliland’s political settlement. Entrenched and politicised, patriarchal clans exclude women (and other minority groups) from formal and customary leadership and decision-making roles. Other contributing factors are conservative religious attitudes and traditional gender norms. Structural inequalities – such as low levels of education, lack of funds, and high levels of violence towards women and girls – impede women’s participation. Some women are more disempowered than others, such as women from minority clans and internally displaced women. However, there is increasing disillusionment with clan politicisation and a growing recognition of women’s value. There are opportunities for framing gender equality in local cultural and religious terms and supporting grassroots activism.
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Haider, Huma. Political Empowerment of Women, Girls and LGBTQ+ People: Post-conflict Opportunities. Institute of Development Studies, June 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.108.

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The instability and upheaval of violent conflict can break down patriarchal structures, challenge traditional gender norms and open up new roles and spaces for collective agency of women, sexual and gender minorities (SGM), and other marginalised groups (Yadav, 2021; Myrittinen & Daigle, 2017). A recent study on the gendered implications of civil war finds that countries recovering from ‘major civil war’ experience substantial improvements in women’s civil liberties and political participation—complementary aspects of political empowerment (Bakken & Bahaug, 2020). This rapid literature review explores the openings that conflict and post-conflict settings can create for the development of political empowerment of women and LGBTQ+ communities—as well as challenges. Drawing primarily on a range of academic, non-governmental organisation (NGO), and practitioner literature, it explores conflict-affected settings from around the world. There was limited literature available on experience from Ukraine (which was of interest for this report); and on specific opportunities at the level of local administrations. In addition, the available literature on empowerment of LGBTQ+ communities was much less than that available for women’s empowerment. The literature also focused on women, with an absence of information on girls. It is important to note that while much of the literature speaks to women in society as a whole, there are various intersectionalities (e.g. class, race, ethnicity, religion, age, disability, rural/urban etc.) that can produce varying treatment and degrees of empowerment of women. Several examples are noted within the report.
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