Добірка наукової літератури з теми "City planning Standards Australia"

Over recent decades, more and more cities worldwide have created semantic 3D city models of their built environments based on standards across multiple domains. 3D city models, which are often employed for a large range of tasks, go far beyond pure visualization. Due to different spatial scale requirements for planning and managing various built environments, integration of Geographic Information Systems (GIS) and Building Information Modeling (BIM) has emerged in recent years. Focus is now shifting to Precinct Information Modeling (PIM) which is in a more general sense to built-environment modeling. As scales change so do options to perform information modeling for different applications. How to implement data interoperability across these digital representations, therefore, becomes an emerging challenge. Moreover, with the growth of multi-source heterogeneous data consisting of semantic and varying 2D/3D spatial representations, data management becomes feasible for facilitating the development and deployment of PIM applications. How to use heterogeneous data in an integrating manner to further express PIM is an open and comprehensive topic. In this paper, we develop a semantic PIM based on multi-source heterogeneous data. Then, we tackle spatial data management problems in a Spatial Database Management System (SDBMS) solution for our defined unified model. Case studies on the University of New South Wales (UNSW) campus demonstrate the efficiency of our solution.

In the history of aviation there has never been a period when so much effort has been demonstrated to improve the safety standards of international and national airports. This has come about through the knowledge that aircraft crashes in recent years at some airports have been mismanaged because of bad or non-existent planning for such a disaster, and by poor emergency medical response.We share today a faith in the safety of the aircraft. We share, too, the awareness that more people have survived aircraft crashes than have perished, and that if there are survivors on board, in most cases there will be more survivors than dead (1).The encouragement to improve airport safety and crash management has come largely from the International Civil Aviation Organization (ICAO); from the Club of Mainz Association, who in 1979 set up a consultant committee to investigate and improve international airports; from the Flight Safety Foundation and from the US Airline Pilots Association. All these organizations have rightly questioned the quality of existing emergency medical response to an aircraft crash, and have offered expert advice to improve disaster preparedness and management. This article will report our response to this challenge, particularly in New Zealand, but will also concern our neighboring continent of Australia.New Zealand, set in the Pacific Ocean with its two long islands, has international flight contacts through its three major airports with North America, South East Asia, Japan and the South West Pacific. It has its own national aviation hazards of mountain chains, difficult landing approaches from the sea, made more hazardous with strong winds which are a feature of our capital city airport. Despite this, the safety record of New Zealand airports is extremely high.

The Millwood Water Treatment Plant in Westchester County, about 60 kilometres (35 miles) north of New York City, was commissioned in August 1993. This plant is the first dissolved air flotation (DAF) plant in the United States which uses the DAF technology and concepts that have become the industry standards in Europe and Australia. The $19-million plant was built to treat a previously unfiltered supply, to meet the requirements of the new federal Surface Water Treatment Rule. This paper describes the project in its entirety: starting from the planning, pilot testing, and process selection; proceeding to the means of overcoming resistance to a “new” process and obtaining regulatory body approvals; and outlining the design, process criteria, construction, and start-up of the plant. Operating results are also presented. The plant treats soft, slightly colored, generally low turbidity water which experiences occasional turbidity spikes of 100 NTU or more. The treatment process comprises two-stage mixing, three-stage flocculation, dissolved air flotation, ozonation for primary disinfection, dual-media filtration, and post-treatment with chlorine, sodium hydroxide, orthophosphate and fluoride. Flotation sludge is dewatered in on-site freeze/thaw lagoons for off-site disposal in a landfill.

Daylighting improves users’ experience in visual comfort, aesthetics, behaviour and perception of space and plays an important part in enhancing the health and wellbeing of occupants inside a dwelling. However, daylighting design is challenging for high rise living since configuration of multiple apartments together often results in deep plans and wrongly oriented apartments with poor daylighting. Melbourne considered as the most liveable city in the world has witnessed a boom in high rise apartments in recent years, where bedrooms were designed without windows or with one small opening. Previous studies indicated that one out of two apartments in Melbourne’s central business district (CBD) failed to provide daylighting in the bedrooms. This has led to amendments in planning policy with the aim of providing access to daylight in all habitable rooms. This paper investigates the daylighting conditions in apartment buildings using field measurement and daylight simulations. Daylight levels in 12 apartment units in Melbourne CBD were measured. Additionally, daylight simulations were conducted to identify ways for optimizing light levels in standard layouts. The field measurements showed that daylighting levels were insufficient in one third the apartments due to the presence of deep floor plates and external obstructions. The results from the daylight simulations showed that window to floor area ratio (WFR) of approximately 30% is required for achieving acceptable daylighting levels in bedrooms that have south orientation.

Australia has long had a deeply speculative housing property market. Arguably this has been accentuated in recent years as successive governments have privileged private-sector investment in housing property as the key mechanism for delivering housing and a concurrent winding back of direct government support for housing. This has occurred through a period in which urban renewal and flexible planning regulation have become the key focus of urban planning policy to deliver on compact city ambitions in the name of sustainability. There has been a tendency to read many of the higher density housing outcomes as a relatively homogenous component of the housing market. There has been a comparative lack of critical engagement with differentiated spatial, physical and socio-economic outcomes within the higher density housing market. This paper will explore the interactions between flexible design-based planning policies, the local property market and physical outcomes. Different parts of the property development industry produced distinctive social and physical outcomes within the same regulatory space. Each response was infused with similar politics of exclusion and privilege in which capacity to pay regulated both access and standard of housing accessible, opening new socio-economic divisions within Australia’s housing landscape.

About 600 surface samples and key horizons of 240 soil profiles from a 90 x 20 km study area extending from the metropolitan area of Adelaide, South Australia, to its rural hinterland, were analysed for lead. Atmospheric fallout was collected monthly at 19 locations for 2 years, and up to 3 years at fewer sites in the same area. Lead in atmospheric fallout showed little year-to-year variation and tended to be seasonally controlled with highest values in winter. Collection of lead in fallout was unaffected by the filtering action of vegetation. The lead content of surface soils and atmospheric fallout showed that part of petrol-lead emitted within Adelaide from automotive exhausts has measurably contaminated the rural landscape to about 50 km downwind of the city. The variation in lead content of surface soils in the agricultural region near Adelaide can be largely explained in terms of accessions of aerosol-lead of automotive origin. This research complements previous investigations which showed that the lead isotopic compositions of selected soils were close to the composition of the lead tetraethyl used in South Australia. An environmental budget showed that only 3% of the lead in petrol burned in Adelaide has been dispersed via the atmosphere beyond the immediate highway zone, and deposited on the land surface within 50 km of the city centre. On the assumption that no more than 35% of the lead is retained within the vehicle, and that about half of the total burned lead is deposited near the roadway, the 30% of the total lead which cannot be accounted for (about 200 t at the time of this study) has probably dispersed beyond the study region and should be viewed as a contribution to continental and global pollution. Lead levels measured in rainfall, air and soils were low in relation to the accepted standards and experience. Although the lead levels were low, this investigation indicates the likely dispersal pattern of other pollutants with similar atmospheric residence times, and thus provides guidance to planning decisions concerning placement of polluting industries, and in relation to possible industrial accidents which cause pollution.

The authors consider the problem of urban planning regulation of public open spaces from the perspective of their dominant role in the formation of a holistic socio-cultural structure of a city. Relevance of the study is determined by the modern demand for comfortable urban environment of the public open spaces, which has become the global urban planning trend in recent decades. The modern approach, promoted in the UN Charter and in federal and regional strategic development programs is aimed at increasing the emotional attachment of people to a place of living and fostering a sense of community. The improvement of public spaces should be based on the historical and cultural context, natural features, and the identity of a place. The implementation of numerous projects all over the country has revealed the flaws of urban planning regulations. This fact stimulated the emergence of targeted contests of applied research aimed at the development of new national and local regulations, standard architectural solutions which would provide high-quality development of the urban environment. Analysis of the approaches to public open space development reveals current trends in their planning regulation, which are considered in separate sections of the article. The first section explores the mechanisms which regulate the improvement of urban historical and cultural sites. It touches upon the problems of preservation of cultural heritage and the identification of landmark places. It also considers examples of the urban planning regulations for the areas of “historical urban regeneration” (Dresden, Ivanovo, Arkhangelsk, Voronezh, Belgorod) and the examples of completed projects in Siberian cities (Yeniseisk, Krasnoyarsk, Tomsk, Irkutsk). The second section is devoted to the identification and preservation of unique natural elements and images of a place through the urban landscape zoning. Different approaches to solving issues of improvement and humanization of the living environment are considered using examples of Berlin, Paris, London, Moscow, Krasnoyarsk. The third section presents a comparative analysis of existing Russian and foreign regulatory documents aimed at creating an environment of public open spaces in urbanized areas of a city. Of particular interest here are the methods of regulation that take into account functional content, development morphology, remoteness from city center, natural and socio-cultural characteristics, as well as those aimed at protecting the wildlife (Seattle, New York, Toronto, London, Victoria Australia). The socio-cultural phenomenon of public open spaces highlights the fundamental relationship between the quality of spatial environment and human consciousness, behavior, way of life. Therefore, a tailored approach to the creation of architectural and landscape planning regulations will allow to treat each public space substantively, preserving and maintaining the identity of the historical and cultural environment of a place.

A significant change to the building bylaws by the Wellington City Council in the early 1920s allowed for the design and erection of much taller buildings in the central city than had previously been permitted. Coupled with the use of steel frames and concrete floors, buildings started to reach eight or nine storeys; not tall by American standards, but regarded as skyscrapers in a city where three- and four-storey buildings were still the norm. The fact that several of the most prominent of these new buildings were designed mainly by Australian architects, both in the 1920s and the early 1930s, does not seem to be widely known, or has been partially concealed by quoting the local supervising architects as the prime movers in the planning. Some of the buildings were erected to house branches or Wellington head offices of Australian firms but others were solely for New Zealand clients. The firm of A & K Henderson of Melbourne led the way with their 1926 design of the T & G Building (now Harcourts) on Lambton Quay, in association with Atkins and Mitchell. Australian born and trained Llewellyn Williams had already designed the tall, but narrow, Druids Chambers further to the north and went on to oversee more tall structures in the next few years. Hennessy & Hennessy, also Australian, pioneered Wellington Art Deco designs in the early 1930s. Both the building techniques and the architectural styles employed showed strong American influences, particularly the tripartite form developed in Chicago. At first the massing of Inter-War Stripped Classical was employed, later followed by the more flowing lines of Art Deco. Local architects were not slow to accept the new challenges required in the construction of taller, more massive buildings. The firm of Atkins and Mitchell was responsible for the DIC Building (now Harbour City Centre) in 1928 whereas JM Dawson had planned the Hope Gibbons Building, a rather more traditional structure, in Dixon Street in 1925. He was also responsible for Wakefield Chambers on the corner of Wakefield Street and Taranaki Street in 1928. The huge new commercial buildings of the 1920s took advantage of the increasing availability and affordability of electric power for lighting, heating, lifts and the pumping of water. Telephones could be fitted in every office; central heating started to be installed, and there was better fire-fighting equipment. Steel-framed buildings were less susceptible to earthquake shocks. Many of the buildings we describe here are still standing, although often modified for other uses. They have become iconic structures reflecting the marked advances of the 1920s era.

"September, 1984".
Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Centre for Environmental and Urban Studies, 1985.
Includes bibliography : leaves 405-418, and index.
Introduction -- The peaceful path to real reform -- The garden city movement -- An international phenomenon -- Australia: setting the scene -- Importing the garden city -- Overview of theory and practice -- An environmental ideal -- Garden city principles -- Garden towns -- Garden villages -- Garden suburbs -- The metropolitan scale -- Conclusion.
The garden city tradition in estate and metropolitan design derived its name from the garden cities advocated by Ebenezer Howard in To-Morrow (1898). A major force in the history of British planning, its influence was felt around the world. This thesis is the first overview of Australian theory and practice, focusing on the period between 1910 and 1930. Five basic tasks are attempted: an outline of the original garden city idea; an examination of the general ideology and organization of the garden city movement; clarification of the international context; specification of the general character and distinctiveness of garden city advocacy in Australia; and a systematic record of actual projects. -- The discussion indicates that the nature of the Australian response reflected the interaction of imported ideas with local circumstances. As in other countries, Howard's 'peaceful path' to 'a better a brighter civilization' was not fully followed. Instead, the garden city assumed three main guises. First, it functioned as an inspirational environmental ideal. Second, it brought together concrete principles for improved lay out that were advocated for and implemented in three different settings: special purpose 'garden towns'; 'tied' housing estates for industrial employees; and residential suburbs and subdivisions. These 'garden suburbs' dominated the local scene but, as with the other developments, translation of the ideal into reality was imperfect, being deleteriously affected by financial, political, and administrative factors in particular. Third, and at a larger scale, the garden city helped to introduce certain tentative ideas regarding the desirable size, shape and structure of the metropolis. -- The approach adopted is basically empirical, with the most important source material being the contemporary Australian planning literature. The structure is best described as 'stratified chronology'. The analytical framework combines three main approaches to planning historiography: the societal (setting planning events and developments in their broadest economic, political, cultural, and institutional context), the biographical (emphasizing the important role of individuals in the importation, diffusion and implementation of garden city thought), and the morphological (a spatial emphasis involving an inventory of landscape impacts). The major theme permeating the thesis is that of the 'diluted legacy': the drift in the garden city tradition away from Howard's holistic, radical manifesto through liberal environmental reforms to actual schemes which compromised or even totally contradicted the original idea in physical, economic and social terms. The extension and conceptualization of this idea provides one of several important areas for future research highlighted by the thesis.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xi, 424 leaves ill

The built environment has evolved through a layering process of both human needs and aspirations. We as a society 'Worship' the remnants of these richly varied and complex environments. In the previous 100 years, however, our environment has become a battleground for survival on many levels: environmental health, societal boundaries and quality of life. The so-called haphazard mode of environmental development was proceeding so quickly that 'MAN', through organization and control, sought to harness rampant growth by providing a mechanism to, in essence, protect us from ourselves. This mechanism was development standardization. Zoning and subdivision standards initially had a very positive effect on residential districts. They achieved the desired objective of improving the health, safety and welfare of local citizens. To remain a successful regulatory mechanism, however, requires frequent review. (Generally government regulations are continually reviewed because of a need to respond to current reality - a typical example is tax reform laws). This is especially true for development regulation, which necessarily must respond to the rapidly changing and dynamic evolution of the North American city and its peoples. In the case of residential development standards, however, there has been a lack of policy review resulting in a back-water of no change to the standard. Development standards, that were a direct response to mass housing development in the early nineteen hundreds, in many instances are still in place in municipalities in the Greater Vancouver area and likely throughout many other North American cities as well. It is apparent that the very standards that were invoked to ensure residential quality are now preventing development from creating that quality. At the core of the issue of planning and design standards is the lack of understanding of these two disciplines - by each other and by the public. As a result, in many instances both planners and the public equate design with a simple problem solving process according to explicit rules - the standards. Herein lies the core of the problem. This misrepresentation of design and what it stands for in terms of environmental quality. This misunderstanding has greatly influenced the world we live in and this influence as of late is not of the positive nature. The thrust of this thesis is an exploration of the issue of design in the context of residential development standards. What are the standards which influence/impact residential development? What were the objectives for which these standards were originally implemented? How do the standards currently support the implementation of recognized design principles which lead to high quality environments? What kind of residential world is created by adherence to the standards and what opportunities are lost? It is evident from this study that while the mechanism and often the mathematical formula of development standardization have remained relatively constant during the past half century, the city and the city dweller have not. Most new neighbourhoods in today's North American city lack identity, character and quality environment due to a set of zoning and subdivision standards that are antiquated and often based on arbitrary numbers. The case study examples of Village Homes in California and Ashcroft subdivision in Richmond, illustrate that conventional development standards prevent adherence to established residential design principles and that the nature of development standards is such that they are unable to contend with important and often basic design issues that are not amenable to simple arithmetic formula and measurement. It is also clear that standards not only adversely effect the physical condition of the residential environment, but also the people involved in the process of designing, constructing and regulating residential development. The designer is disillusioned, the developer confused, and the planner misfocused. The result is poor design, poor development, and poor planning. The failure to adopt and implement consistent and up-to-date policies and objectives for residential development standards has lead to the creation of stale, un-inviting, un-interesting and characterless living environments. The lesson to be learned here is that planners must first become more in tune with the issues and principles of design and second they must not be afraid to question established planning mechanisms. We therefore must ensure that a) the best mechanism is being employed and b) that it is based on appropriate and current policies and objectives that are leading to a better residential environment.
Applied Science, Faculty of
Community and Regional Planning (SCARP), School of
Graduate

This study examines the LEED-ND pilot rating program created by the United States Green Building Council (USGBC), the Congress for New Urbanism, and the Natural Resources Defense Council (NRDC) in 2007. The rating system is evaluated based on its application as a broad set of national standards meant to encourage green neighborhood development. The main case study is a master planned community in semi-rural Paso Robles, California. Among other things, the study discovers problems related to the application of the rating system in semi-rural and rural regions of the Western United States. Both the standards used by the rating system and the certification process itself were considered through a case study methodology.

AbstractThe Ethiopian hybrid planning system applies both top-down and bottom-up planning approaches simultaneously. This causes vague quality measurement indices of the urban plan and is a major obstacle for both the planning team and other stakeholders to measure quality. The chapter examines and dialectically discusses the contradictory measurement indices regarding the quality by taking Bahir Dar City Structural Plan Project as a case study. Both primary and secondary data were collected from the planning team and stakeholders for the study. This chapter argues that challenge arises from the system that uses two, often conflicting, yardsticks to measure quality, i.e. meeting the pre-defined standards and fulfilling the participants’ interest. Therefore, it suggests that the quality of an urban plan should be primarily measured in terms of the local planning standard, which is the “public acceptance”. Public acceptance here is described, measured and defined as the stakeholder’s perception that the plan is of good enough quality for implementation.

AbstractSemantic 3D city modeling and building information modeling (BIM) are methods for modeling, creating, and analyzing three-dimensional representations of physical objects of the environment. Digital modeling of the built environment has been approached from at least four different domains: computer graphics and gaming, planning and construction, urban simulation, and geomatics. This chapter introduces the similarities and differences of 3D models from these disciplines with regard to aspects like scale, level of detail, representation of spatial and semantic characteristics, and appearance. Exemplified by the international standards CityGML and Industry Foundation Classes (IFC), information models from semantic 3D city modeling and BIM and their corresponding modeling approaches are explored, and the relationships between them are discussed. Based on use cases from infrastructure planning, approaches for integrating information from semantic 3D city modeling and BIM, such as semantic transformation between CityGML and IFC, are described. Furthermore, the role of semantic 3D city modeling and BIM for recent developments in urban informatics, such as smart cities and digital twins, is investigated and illustrated by real-world examples.

AbstractThe chapter is focused on collaborative processes through which the functions and spatial hierarchies of public or public use areas are redefined. The field of action is: on the one hand the urban metabolism, interpreted as a study of the life cycle of the city, including wastescapes; on the other, collaborative processes, aimed at defining the uses of tailored, place-based, and collective services. In this sense, the research moves from the analysis of places born for public use, but abandoned over time or never actually completed; disused places waiting to reenter the urban metabolism. Among those, there are also Italian “planning standards,” publicly designed in compliance with the quantities defined by law, and often partially used or not properly managed. The proposal of new uses and services for these contexts is based on criteria of flexibility, not fixed once and for all, not predetermined in time, but in progress in order to overcome the limits of the implementation of policies and programs of the past. These integrated processes can activate a dialogue between public institutions, privates, local associations and citizens’ groups. The research also intends to cross-reference the issue of spatial inequalities in access to spaces and services, with the evolution of the public actor from provider to service enabler, in a wider redefinition of welfare and welfare spaces concept, as an effect of global economic and financial crisis. The question needs non-sectoral responses, which take into account environmental, social, spatial issues. Welfare can no longer be provided as a self-sufficiency device: contextual services, for everyone, can be realized by recapitalizing wastescapes, co-creating “planning standards” through the recovery of degraded local contexts, collectively investing in the use and care of public, and open services. The paper will focus on: (a) the case of the former NATO area in Naples (in Bagnoli neighborhood) which is the subject of a Plan for urban renewal, adopted by the Municipality of Naples in 2020. The area, owned by a public company whose purpose is the assistance of children in the disadvantaged segment (Fondazione Campania Welfare), has been redesigned as a public facility on a metropolitan scale, within a public consultation process between the ownership, the Municipality of Naples and several local stakeholders (third sector organizations, citizens, cultural associations, etc.). As an effect of this collaborative process, the reuse of the area started before the adoption of the Plan; (b) the case of Horizon2020 research REPAiR in which the issue of circular economy applied to the recovery of wastescapes for public purposes has been investigated in living labs, working on waste perception and awareness as key factors for regenerating wastelands. The co-creation process partly resumed a strategy foreseen in 2013 by the Campania Region in the Plan of waste prevention, for the implementation of Integrated Centres for the reuse of durable goods, originally excluded by the Regional Waste Law.

Climate change will have a strong impact on urban settings, which will also represent one of the major challenges (world’s urban population is expected to double by 2050, EU buildings consume 40% final energy and generate 36% CO2 emissions). A plethora of initiatives address this challenge by stressing the underlying necessity of thinking globally but acting locally. This entails the inclusion of a varied set of decision-makers acting at different scales and needing robust, comprehensive and comparable information that can support them in their energy planning process. To this end, this paper presents the GIS4ENER tool to support energy planners at different scales by proposing a bottom-up approach towards the calculation of energy demand and consumption at local scale that can be aggregated to support other decision-making scales. It is based on three main pillars: the exploitation of publicly available data (such as Open Street Maps, Building Stock Observatory or TABULA), the implementation of standardised methods to calculate energy (in particular the ISO52000 family) and the use of Geographic Information Systems to represent and facilitate the understanding of results, and their aggregation. The paper presents the context, main differences with other approaches and results of the tool in Osimo (IT).

<p>A study of recent work undertaken on the Caulfield to Dandenong Level Crossing Removal Project and West Gate Tunnel Project in Melbourne Australia. The viaducts on these projects were precast segmental box girders erected span-by-span with match cast dry joints which present several key advantages in brownfield construction of linear infrastructure.</p><p>These case studies consider the application of Australian and International design standards to the design of Australian Infrastructure. It is acknowledged that international design standards such as AASHTO have moved away from the use of match cast dry joints however in the Australian context they are still relevant, and it has been necessary to interrogate current standards to establish a suitable design basis. This approach is imperative when assessing existing infrastructure like recent work on the West Gate Tunnel Project which involved the assessment of the existing precast segmental City Link Viaducts. This study seeks to present recommendations on how AS5100.5 may be modified to provide a more practical and efficient solution for the design of new and the assessment of existing infrastructure.</p>

Abstract: While there is an abundance of commentary and criticism on Le Corbusier’s effect upon architecture and planning globally – in Europe, Northern Africa, the Americas and the Indian sub-continent – there is very little dealing with other contexts such as Australia. The paper will offer a first appraisal of Le Corbusier’s relationship with Australia, providing example of the significant international reach of his ideas to places he was never to set foot. It draws attention to Le Corbusier's contacts with architects who practiced in Australia and little known instances of his connections - his drawing of the City of Adelaide plan (1950) and his commission for art at Jorn Utzon's Sydney Opera House (1958). The paper also considers the ways that Le Corbusier’s work underwent translation into Australian architecture and urbanism in the mid to late 20th century through the influence his work exerted on others, identifying further possibilities for research on the topic. Keywords: Le Corbusier; post-war architecture; international modernism; Australian architecture, 20th century architecture. DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/LC2015.2015.752

After the revolutions of the so-called Arab Spring which begin in Egypt at January 25, 2011, many disasters occurred in many Egyptian cities, and also significant changes in cities led to the emergence of severe shocks suffered by the community, including other subversive threats as Corona pandemic, long-term social pressures like unemployment and poor access Barriers to education, crime or homelessness, as well as deliberate sabotage of urban structures and infrastructure, directly or indirectly, have led to the deterioration of cities and the change of human behavior for the worse. The research aims to identify the concepts and methodology of resilience planning, and apply them to Egyptian cities to increase its ability to recover and adapt positively to un expected changing circumstances or challenges, including Revolutions, Corona pandemic, disasters and climate change, to maintain quality of life and healthy growth, and to achieve permanent systems that can preserving resources for present and future generations. It will also aim to create a tool as (Cities resilience assessment form) for assessment and evaluating the Egyptian Cities for its resilience. That will help to make a community resilience plan includes policies, programs and other actions that can be taken in many sectors to improve a society's ability to cope with risks or change circumstances. Resilience planning can thus reduce future disaster response and recovery costs and improve recovery time after natural or human hazards events. The research will include the definition of resilience planning concepts, implications and objectives that aim to update flexible land-use codes, zoning, development criteria, incentive programs, and other plans or policies to better prepare for potential shocks and pressures, and also help to develop standards that allow action against unexpected events

This study defined morphological importance of cultural heritage assets and formation of Egba-Ake town. Cultural heritages include man’s physical imaginative products which can be touched and seen include buildings, crafts, tools, ivory, cowries, paintings, textiles, pestles, mortars, food, wooden objects, tombs & grave goods, temples, dresses, pottery & potsherd pavements, monuments, books and artifacts. Morphology are factors that influence city/community formation which are determined by synthetic and natural determinants. Cultural heritage assets are whatever is valued by people today that was also cherished by former generations. This research explored the importance of cultural heritage assets in relation to urban fabrics formation of Egba-Ake. Qualitative method was adopted in this study, in-depth interviews and personal observation was used for data collection while Nvivo words tree and satellite imagery was used to analyze collected data. Ake’s palace and Itoku market is located at the center around which the Egba-Ake evolved. Ake’s Palace (political and cultural hub of the town) and Itoku market (the economic heritage of the town) was used to preserve various aspects of Egba-Ake cultural heritage. Ela festival (new yam festival) is annually celebrated cultural activity in Egba-Ake. This finding is relevant to policy makers as it allows the support of potential common structures for heritage administration in Egba-Ake. Effect of heritage in EgbaAke morphology is the new palace of Alake (the cultural ruler) of Egba-Ake were renovated and new once built a few years ago with modern architectural designs, furniture and fittings. This has made the Alake’s Palace to meet ‘international standards’. Social amenities and infrastructures like electricity supply, water systems, hospitals, good roads, administrative offices, schools; communication networks, etc. are now a major feature in Egba-Ake town. Further studies will enhance the implementation issues which may arise from the creation of a framework for cultural heritage management, with emphasis on risk management and risk reduction of cultural heritage.

With the society and economy of China entering the transition period, people's requirements for urban life show a trend of diversification and high standards. Urban design is no longer limited to physical space but starts to carry out multi-angle and multi-level comprehensive consideration on the social and spatial problems of symbiosis. In this context, the innovative social governance and the quality improvement of urban public space that highlights the role of the public have become hot topics. As the main body of city users, ordinary people entering into the deep and substantial participation from the superficial and symbolic is the only way for urban design to transform from the expert-led "optimal scheme" to the "reasonable scheme" recognized by pluralistic bodies. In the process of western democratic politics, the participation theory that focuses on the construction of micro democracy is prevalent, and the public participation based on pluralism has become the theoretical basis for the planning participation. Besides, the concept of communicative planning and collaborative planning, which emphasize cooperation and consultation, also enriches the connotation of multiple participation. Due to different systems and awareness, it is difficult to promote public participation under China's national conditions. Community building, the interdisciplinary product of urban design and social governance under communities, is regarded as the experimental field for participating in the reform. Therefore, under the current administrative system and regulations, this paper tries to make use of the grass-roots management mode with Chinese characteristics to establish an inclusive multi-participation mechanism. It allows residents of different ages can go deep into the process of community building by taking the family unit. Meanwhile, some suggestions and strategies are raised for effective participation. We hope the bottom-up process of urban design in microscale can be an effective instrument to reflect the public's will and repair social relations at the same time, while explore and solve urban problems in diverse cooperation.

Over the past decade, one can observe a steady growth in the use of terms such as Place Branding, Nation Branding, Destination Branding and City Branding. Both in academic research and in the practical applications in large cities management and urban spaces, this new paradigm takes shape and, along with it, the need for definitions and concepts, methods and methodologies and the establishment of technical and theoretical standards. This approach was born in the Marketing field, specifically in what was called Place Marketing. In this context the Branding stood out as a development tool solutions to the need for differentiation, generation of solid images and the establishment of symbols and identity signs, in order to leverage economic benefits for countries, cities and regions. In a way, fulfilling, in the first instance, a similar role to the branding of products and services. But it was specifically in Branding corporations that were found the biggest matches to adapt this knowledge to management positions. Ashworth &amp; Kavaratzis (2010) highlight the fact that both present multidisciplinary roots, a multiple number of strategic actors (stakeholders), high degree of intangibility and complexity of social responsibility, the multiplicity of identities and the long-term development needs are strong examples their similarities. The development and management of corporate identities, here expanded to the Branding corporations, it is a prolific field of Design. It great names of the area said their careers and built great legacy. The time of greater proficiency in the area were the 50s and 60s, dominated by modernist thought, and, coincidentally or not, exactly the time that focused efforts to assert the identity of the designer as a professional (STOLARSKI, 2006) . Nationally stand out names like Alexandre Wollner, Ruben Martins, the duo Carlos Cauduro and Ludovico Martino and Aloisio Magalhaes. In contrast, in the literature produced in the marketing field, often the role of design in this context is reduced to merely promotional measures, such as creating logos or advertising campaigns. In other words, defined as a work of low complexity and low social prägnanz. This approach comes at odds with contemporary theories of design, such as MetaDesign, Design Thinking and Design Collaborative, in which are presented motodológicos models of high relevance for the identification, analysis and solution of complex problems involving multiple elements and agents. The proposed article aims to survey the state of the art City Branding / Place Branding focused on publications produced in the disciplinary field of design. The literature review will grant that, before the above presented context, is analyzed as designers and researchers design face the contributions that the field can offer to the practice and theory of Branding places. Finally, Article yearns assess whether the pre-established hypothesis that there are possible and fruitful connections between contemporary theories of design and the City Branding, is being addressed in articles and publications area.DOI: http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/IFDP.2016.3288

On the basis of a green neighborhood development project in Changsha, this paper, studies the disparities between compact development and green (vegetated) open space issues in LEED-ND and the following Chinese national and local urban planning standards: • Changsha City Technical Regulations on Urban Planning (CSCTRUP); • China Code of Urban Residential Areas Planning and Design (CURAPD); • Evaluation Standard for Green Building (ESGB). The author found LEED-ND scoring method in compact development and green open space suitable for Chinese urban redevelopment, however, the point’s scale in Neighborhood Pattern and Design (NPD) Credit 2: Compact Development and NPD Credit 9: Access to Civic and Public Space, cannot reflect Chinese urban reality. A set of alternative scoring approaches have been proposed to improve LEED-ND’s adaptability in China. Similarly, the green (vegetated) open space requirements are studied and technical suggestions are provided to adapt LEED-ND in China.

Declaring in the late 1950s that Sydney City was in much need of a car free civic square, Professor Denis Winston, Australia’s first chair in town and country planning at the University of Sydney, was echoing a commonly held view on how to reconfigure the city for a modern-day citizen. Queen’s Square, at the intersection of Macquarie Street and Hyde Park, first conceived in 1810 by Governor Lachlan Macquarie, remained incomplete until 1978 when it was developed as a pedestrian only plaza by the NSW Government Architect under a different set of urban intentions. By relocating the traffic bound statue of Queen Victoria (1888) onto the plaza and demolishing the old Supreme Court complex (1827), so that nearby St James’ Church (1824) could becoming freestanding alongside a new multi-storey Commonwealth Supreme Court building (1975), by the Sydney-based practise of McConnel Smith and Johnson, the civic and social ambition of this pedestrian space was assured. Now somewhat overlooked in the history of Sydney’s modern civic spaces, the adjustment in the design of this square during the 1960s translated the reformed urban design agenda communicated in CIAM 8, the heart of the city (1952), a post-war treatise developed and promoted by the international architect and polemicist, Josep Lluis Sert. This paper examines the completion of Queen’s Square in 1978. Along with the symbolic role of the project, that is, to provide a plaza as a social instrument in humanising the modern-day city, this project also acknowledged the city’s colonial settlement monuments beside a new law court complex; and in a curious twist in fate, involving curtailing the extent of the proposed plaza so that the colonial Supreme Court was retained, the completion of Queen’s Square became ultra – civic.

This report is an outcome of close collaboration between the Australia-Brazil Smart City Research and Practice Network's member institutions. The report focuses on understanding the smartness levels of the Brazilian capital cities through the lens of a smart city performance assessment framework. This report focuses on Brazilian cities to develop an evaluation model for smart cities and bring metrics that contribute to public managers seeking balance and smartness in the life of their cities. The smart city concept in this report concerns of smart economy, smart society, smart environment, smart governance, and smart technology domains that seek community-enabled technology and policy to deliver productivity, innovation, livability, well-being, sustainability, accessibility, and good governance and planning.

Background Lung cancer is the number one cause of cancer death worldwide.(1) It is the fifth most commonly diagnosed cancer in Australia (12,741 cases diagnosed in 2018) and the leading cause of cancer death.(2) The number of years of potential life lost to lung cancer in Australia is estimated to be 58,450, similar to that of colorectal and breast cancer combined.(3) While tobacco control strategies are most effective for disease prevention in the general population, early detection via low dose computed tomography (LDCT) screening in high-risk populations is a viable option for detecting asymptomatic disease in current (13%) and former (24%) Australian smokers.(4) The purpose of this Evidence Check review is to identify and analyse existing and emerging evidence for LDCT lung cancer screening in high-risk individuals to guide future program and policy planning. Evidence Check questions This review aimed to address the following questions: 1. What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 2. What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? 3. What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? 4. What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Summary of methods The authors searched the peer-reviewed literature across three databases (MEDLINE, PsycINFO and Embase) for existing systematic reviews and original studies published between 1 January 2009 and 8 August 2019. Fifteen systematic reviews (of which 8 were contemporary) and 64 original publications met the inclusion criteria set across the four questions. Key findings Question 1: What is the evidence for the effectiveness of lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? There is sufficient evidence from systematic reviews and meta-analyses of combined (pooled) data from screening trials (of high-risk individuals) to indicate that LDCT examination is clinically effective in reducing lung cancer mortality. In 2011, the landmark National Lung Cancer Screening Trial (NLST, a large-scale randomised controlled trial [RCT] conducted in the US) reported a 20% (95% CI 6.8% – 26.7%; P=0.004) relative reduction in mortality among long-term heavy smokers over three rounds of annual screening. High-risk eligibility criteria was defined as people aged 55–74 years with a smoking history of ≥30 pack-years (years in which a smoker has consumed 20-plus cigarettes each day) and, for former smokers, ≥30 pack-years and have quit within the past 15 years.(5) All-cause mortality was reduced by 6.7% (95% CI, 1.2% – 13.6%; P=0.02). Initial data from the second landmark RCT, the NEderlands-Leuvens Longkanker Screenings ONderzoek (known as the NELSON trial), have found an even greater reduction of 26% (95% CI, 9% – 41%) in lung cancer mortality, with full trial results yet to be published.(6, 7) Pooled analyses, including several smaller-scale European LDCT screening trials insufficiently powered in their own right, collectively demonstrate a statistically significant reduction in lung cancer mortality (RR 0.82, 95% CI 0.73–0.91).(8) Despite the reduction in all-cause mortality found in the NLST, pooled analyses of seven trials found no statistically significant difference in all-cause mortality (RR 0.95, 95% CI 0.90–1.00).(8) However, cancer-specific mortality is currently the most relevant outcome in cancer screening trials. These seven trials demonstrated a significantly greater proportion of early stage cancers in LDCT groups compared with controls (RR 2.08, 95% CI 1.43–3.03). Thus, when considering results across mortality outcomes and early stage cancers diagnosed, LDCT screening is considered to be clinically effective. Question 2: What is the evidence of potential harms from lung cancer screening for higher-risk individuals? The harms of LDCT lung cancer screening include false positive tests and the consequences of unnecessary invasive follow-up procedures for conditions that are eventually diagnosed as benign. While LDCT screening leads to an increased frequency of invasive procedures, it does not result in greater mortality soon after an invasive procedure (in trial settings when compared with the control arm).(8) Overdiagnosis, exposure to radiation, psychological distress and an impact on quality of life are other known harms. Systematic review evidence indicates the benefits of LDCT screening are likely to outweigh the harms. The potential harms are likely to be reduced as refinements are made to LDCT screening protocols through: i) the application of risk predication models (e.g. the PLCOm2012), which enable a more accurate selection of the high-risk population through the use of specific criteria (beyond age and smoking history); ii) the use of nodule management algorithms (e.g. Lung-RADS, PanCan), which assist in the diagnostic evaluation of screen-detected nodules and cancers (e.g. more precise volumetric assessment of nodules); and, iii) more judicious selection of patients for invasive procedures. Recent evidence suggests a positive LDCT result may transiently increase psychological distress but does not have long-term adverse effects on psychological distress or health-related quality of life (HRQoL). With regards to smoking cessation, there is no evidence to suggest screening participation invokes a false sense of assurance in smokers, nor a reduction in motivation to quit. The NELSON and Danish trials found no difference in smoking cessation rates between LDCT screening and control groups. Higher net cessation rates, compared with general population, suggest those who participate in screening trials may already be motivated to quit. Question 3: What are the main components of recent major lung cancer screening programs or trials? There are no systematic reviews that capture the main components of recent major lung cancer screening trials and programs. We extracted evidence from original studies and clinical guidance documents and organised this into key groups to form a concise set of components for potential implementation of a national lung cancer screening program in Australia: 1. Identifying the high-risk population: recruitment, eligibility, selection and referral 2. Educating the public, people at high risk and healthcare providers; this includes creating awareness of lung cancer, the benefits and harms of LDCT screening, and shared decision-making 3. Components necessary for health services to deliver a screening program: a. Planning phase: e.g. human resources to coordinate the program, electronic data systems that integrate medical records information and link to an established national registry b. Implementation phase: e.g. human and technological resources required to conduct LDCT examinations, interpretation of reports and communication of results to participants c. Monitoring and evaluation phase: e.g. monitoring outcomes across patients, radiological reporting, compliance with established standards and a quality assurance program 4. Data reporting and research, e.g. audit and feedback to multidisciplinary teams, reporting outcomes to enhance international research into LDCT screening 5. Incorporation of smoking cessation interventions, e.g. specific programs designed for LDCT screening or referral to existing community or hospital-based services that deliver cessation interventions. Most original studies are single-institution evaluations that contain descriptive data about the processes required to establish and implement a high-risk population-based screening program. Across all studies there is a consistent message as to the challenges and complexities of establishing LDCT screening programs to attract people at high risk who will receive the greatest benefits from participation. With regards to smoking cessation, evidence from one systematic review indicates the optimal strategy for incorporating smoking cessation interventions into a LDCT screening program is unclear. There is widespread agreement that LDCT screening attendance presents a ‘teachable moment’ for cessation advice, especially among those people who receive a positive scan result. Smoking cessation is an area of significant research investment; for instance, eight US-based clinical trials are now underway that aim to address how best to design and deliver cessation programs within large-scale LDCT screening programs.(9) Question 4: What is the cost-effectiveness of lung cancer screening programs (include studies of cost–utility)? Assessing the value or cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening involves a complex interplay of factors including data on effectiveness and costs, and institutional context. A key input is data about the effectiveness of potential and current screening programs with respect to case detection, and the likely outcomes of treating those cases sooner (in the presence of LDCT screening) as opposed to later (in the absence of LDCT screening). Evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening programs has been summarised in two systematic reviews. We identified a further 13 studies—five modelling studies, one discrete choice experiment and seven articles—that used a variety of methods to assess cost-effectiveness. Three modelling studies indicated LDCT screening was cost-effective in the settings of the US and Europe. Two studies—one from Australia and one from New Zealand—reported LDCT screening would not be cost-effective using NLST-like protocols. We anticipate that, following the full publication of the NELSON trial, cost-effectiveness studies will likely be updated with new data that reduce uncertainty about factors that influence modelling outcomes, including the findings of indeterminate nodules. Gaps in the evidence There is a large and accessible body of evidence as to the effectiveness (Q1) and harms (Q2) of LDCT screening for lung cancer. Nevertheless, there are significant gaps in the evidence about the program components that are required to implement an effective LDCT screening program (Q3). Questions about LDCT screening acceptability and feasibility were not explicitly included in the scope. However, as the evidence is based primarily on US programs and UK pilot studies, the relevance to the local setting requires careful consideration. The Queensland Lung Cancer Screening Study provides feasibility data about clinical aspects of LDCT screening but little about program design. The International Lung Screening Trial is still in the recruitment phase and findings are not yet available for inclusion in this Evidence Check. The Australian Population Based Screening Framework was developed to “inform decision-makers on the key issues to be considered when assessing potential screening programs in Australia”.(10) As the Framework is specific to population-based, rather than high-risk, screening programs, there is a lack of clarity about transferability of criteria. However, the Framework criteria do stipulate that a screening program must be acceptable to “important subgroups such as target participants who are from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds, Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander people, people from disadvantaged groups and people with a disability”.(10) An extensive search of the literature highlighted that there is very little information about the acceptability of LDCT screening to these population groups in Australia. Yet they are part of the high-risk population.(10) There are also considerable gaps in the evidence about the cost-effectiveness of LDCT screening in different settings, including Australia. The evidence base in this area is rapidly evolving and is likely to include new data from the NELSON trial and incorporate data about the costs of targeted- and immuno-therapies as these treatments become more widely available in Australia.