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Статті в журналах з теми "Citizens’ movements":

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Berezovskii, V. M., and N. I. Krotov. "Citizens' Movements." Soviet Sociology 29, no. 4 (July 1990): 87–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.2753/sor1061-0154290487.

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2

Prasad, Shambu C., and Mathieu Quet. "Creative Dissent in India: Knowledge Swaraj and the People’s Health Movement." Engaging Science, Technology, and Society 8, no. 1 (May 31, 2022): 87–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17351/ests2022.471.

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There is an increasing interest among STS scholars to go beyond public understanding of science to look at the role of social movements in shaping alternate science and exploring the role of scientific dissent and the reconfiguration of the relations between scientists and citizens. The increasing popularity of citizen science that seeks to reengage the public in science needs to be situated within broader social movements that have argued for more conversations on science and democracy. This paper explores the idea of scientific dissent in India within a rich and vibrant tradition of People’s Science Movement(s). We suggest that the dominance of the technoscientific elite has been countered in part through creative dissent by citizens and scientists working together in envisioning knowledge futures. Specifically, a citizen’s manifesto—Knowledge Swaraj, is examined for its potential to present a frame for science in civil society rooted around the principles of plurality, sustainability, and justice that could reclaim the citizen’s autonomy or ‘self-rule’. Through the case study of the knowledge created by the People’s Health Movement (PHM) in India from 1976–1990, we show how creative dissent has enabled multiple conversations about science, medicine, and democracy that both critique dominant state and market narratives and presents an alternative through dissenting scientists.
3

Cao, Chen. "A Study on the Strategy of Sustainable Governance of NIMBY Movements: Focusing on Civil Environmental Rights." Journal of Environmental and Public Health 2022 (August 25, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1155/2022/2514373.

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It is a common problem faced by countries in the process of industrialization and urbanization that citizens oppose the construction of negative externality facilities near their residence. Environmental right is one of the basic rights enjoyed by citizens and also an important part of human rights, allowing citizens to participate in their own environmental use decisions and defend their own environmental rights and interests against infringement. This paper focuses on the basic environmental rights of citizens, essentially defines the NIMBY movement as a movement for justice in which citizens advocate for equal environmental rights and interests, and analyzes the movement's rationale or the fundamental environmental rights of citizens. Disregard for citizens' substantive and procedural environmental rights and interests is linked to NIMBY movements. At the same time, compared with the traditional campaign-styled governance paradigm, the sustainable development governance emphasizes joint negotiation and multiple interactions, which can better maximize the environmental benefits of the whole governance cycle. Therefore, this paper discussed the governance path of NIMBY from two dimensions: determining the boundaries of citizens’ substantive environmental rights and interests for enhancing their sense of identity and protecting citizens’ procedural environmental rights and interests by laying more emphasis on the sustainable governance of NIMBY movements.
4

de Heredia, Marta Iñiguez. "Congo's New Citizens' Movements and Kabila's Exit." Current History 118, no. 808 (May 1, 2019): 175–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/curh.2019.118.808.175.

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5

Yan, Jin H. "Tai Chi Practice Improves Senior Citizens’ Balance and Arm Movement Control." Journal of Aging and Physical Activity 6, no. 3 (July 1998): 271–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/japa.6.3.271.

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Empirical evidence from this study supports the hypothesis that Tai Chi practice can improve senior citizens’ dynamic balance control and rapid-aiming arm movement performance. Of 38 senior citizens, 28 (M = 78.8 years. SD = 2.1) chose to practice the 24-form simplified Tai Chi. The remaining 10 seniors (M = 79.2 years. SD = 1.9) selected a locomotor activity (walking or jogging). Dynamic balance tests and ballistic-aiming arm movements were conducted for all participants at the beginning, middle (4th week), and end of the 8-week exercise program. The Tai Chi participants improved their time on balance more than did their counterparts who performed locomotor activities. In addition, Tai Chi practice improved arm movement smoothness to a greater extent than the locomotor activities. However, no changes in arm movement speed were observed in either group. The results suggest that Tai Chi practice may help senior citizens improve dynamic balance control and gain smoothness in rapid-aiming arm movements.
6

Rucht, Dieter. "German Unification, Democratization, and The Role of Social Movements: A Missed Opportunity?" Mobilization: An International Quarterly 1, no. 1 (March 1, 1996): 35–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.1.1.g84401622ux86r5x.

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Citizen movements were an important factor in triggering the peaceful East German revolution that abolished the communist regime and contributed to achievement of elementary civil rights that are taken for granted in Western democracies. However, the movements failed in their efforts to resist quick German unification via the largely uncontested transplantation of the West German institutional system to East Germany. This article analyzes why the movements could not achieve their aim of a new political order, in their view superior to Western type democracy—one that would guarantee radical democracy and extensive social rights for citizens. Drawing on three prominent perspectives in social movement research it is argued that both internal and external factors contributed to the failure of these movements. Although they might have avoided some minor tactical errors, they had few prospects for strongly influencing the course and result of German unification. Because this outcome was overdetermined, it is incorrect to suggest that the movements missed an opportunity to achieve their goal of radical democracy.
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Budianti, Yohana Maris. "Civil Society Against Anti-Pancasila Movements Among Millenial Generation During The Covid-19 Pandemic." PUSKAPSI Law Review 1, no. 1 (May 17, 2021): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.19184/puskapsi.v1i1.23597.

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One of the interesting discourses of the decade concerns the discourse against the anti-Pancasila movement. Although the Indonesian government has issued several programs to internalize Pancasila values among the youth generations, citizens are also responsible for protecting the state’s ideology. Accordingly, civil society, as an organized citizen, should catalyze anti-Pancasila movements. Covid-19 pandemic does not only threaten the health sector, but also threatens social activities. Regarding the latter, civil society activists are demanded to adjust to conditions to optimize their function as one of the social infrastructures of a community. Applying, descriptive qualitative approach, the present study aims to see the civil society movements against anti-Pancasila movements during the covid-19 pandemic. The study revealed that civil society is still consistent with its organization despite the dynamics of the implementation.
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LEE, Doo Hyeong. "RELATIONS BETWEEN ACTIVISTS AND CITIZENS, THE INTERNAL DRIVING FORCE OF THE SOCIAL MOVEMENT AS A FESTIVAL: A CASE STUDY OF THE 2016 – 2017 CANDLELIGHT VIGILS." International Journal of Korean Humanities and Social Sciences 7 (December 27, 2021): 143–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.14746/kr.2021.07.07.

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The 2016-2017 candlelight vigil was a very important event because it led to the impeachment of an incumbent president for the first time in South Korea’s constitutional history. Above all, it was a remarkable phenomenon in that it unfolded peacefully and acted like a festival even though many citizens gathered on the streets to demand the president’s impeachment, which is essentially an extreme argument under institutional democracy. Violence, which was common in previous mass movements, was impossible in the 2016-2017. Some emphasized the heightened sense of citizenship, while others understand it in a historical context, but it does not see the dynamics of change that exist within the mass movement. Moreover, peaceful and festive gatherings have received a lot of attention, especially in the 2000s. And this is highlighted as a strategy for citizens who voluntarily come out on the street to keep their distance from activists. The existence of a movement dealing with various political agendas was seen as a risk of distorting the purpose of the manifestation. For citizens, distancing from them is an important strategy to preserve the purity of the movement. Therefore, the ‘flag’, which is a symbol of the movement, was excluded from the square. However, the so-called ‘Any Flag Festival’ that appeared at the 2016-2017 candlelight vigils bridges the gap between the movement represented by the flag and the general participants. The group play using flags relieved the tension between the movement’s organization and the citizens, which was an internal conflict factor in the manifestation, which coincidentally led them to be together. As a result, this formed an important social context for mass movements such as festivals, which became important in the 2000s, to be completed in 2016 and 2017.
9

Higashida, Cheryl. "Citizens Band: Surveillance, Dark Sousveillance, and Social Movements." American Quarterly 74, no. 2 (June 2022): 317–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/aq.2022.0021.

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Best, Rachel Kahn. "Contested Illnesses: Citizens, Science, and Health Social Movements." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 42, no. 2 (March 2013): 226–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306113477381j.

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Дисертації з теми "Citizens’ movements":

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Tjäder, Henriette. "Citizens as Censors : Understanding the Limits of Free Speech in India." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Teologiska institutionen, 2016. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-294949.

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This thesis aims to provide an understanding of the phenomenon of citizen censorship in India and its implications for free speech. It is especially concerned with public protests where groups of citizens demand government action in order to ban or censor controversial material. These groups tend to invoke feelings of offense or hurt religious sentiments as a justification for restriction. The point of departure of this thesis is research on social movement outcomes and the history of Indian censorship. A quantitative approach is adopted, which includes data of protest events from 2010 to 2015. The author will demonstrate that restrictions on free speech coincide with protest events in three out of ten cases. A shorter case study of the controversy surrounding the film Vishwaroopam provides a concrete example of the dynamics of citizen censorship and aims to highlight some aspects that might have affected protest outcomes. Ultimately, the author concludes that protests are likely to be influential for restrictions on free speech, and that the role of the citizen as censor should not be ignored.
2

Kelman, Peter. "Protesting the national identity: the cultures of protest in 1960s Japan." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2001. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/2443.

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Action, agency and protest were notions that seeped through the social and political terrain of 1960s Japan. Opposition to the Vietnam War, disputes in the universities, environmental concerns and anticipation of the US-Japan Security Treaty’s renewal set down for 1970, saw the entire decade engulfed in activism and protest. This thesis explores these sites of activism revealing the disparate character of protest in the 1960s – the often competing tactics and agendas that were manifested within the burgeoning and dynamic cultures of protest. The shifting definitions of protest and the competing ideals that emerged from its various sites of articulation are crucial to our understanding of postwar Japan. Excavating these sites – reading the character of protest and the ideals expressed – exposes the notions of autonomy and activism that underpinned conceptions of the postwar national identity. In the aftermath of the Pacific War intellectuals and activists looked for new forms of political expression, outside the auspices of the state, through which to enact the postwar nation. The identity of postwar Japan was constructed within the spheres of protest and resistance as anti-Vietnam War activists, Beheiren (Betonamu ni Heiwa o! Shimin Rengō), student groups such as Zenkyōtō, and local citizens’ movements negotiated the discursive space of ‘modern Japan.’ Examining the conceptions of political practice and identity that manifested themselves in the protest and resistance of the period, provides insights into the shifting terrain of national identity in the 1960s.
3

Rodrigues, Tiago Eder Gracia. "Environmental Citizenship - An Inquiry into the Engagement of Citizens in Responsible Environmental Behaviour." Thesis, Griffith University, 2013. http://hdl.handle.net/10072/367121.

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One of the principles of sustainability is developing initiatives that are effective in engaging citizens in environmental behaviour. This research provides insights into the adoption of responsible environmental behaviour as a means for promoting engaged environmental citizenship. It examines some of the principles underpinning responsible environmental behaviour and its relation to the concept of environmentally responsible citizenship, in accordance with the Tbilisi Declaration objectives. In this thesis, I consider the relationship of environmental citizenship rights with political and social citizenship rights and discuss it in light of T.H. Marshall’s citizenship model. I argue that the societal nature of social citizenship rights and their evolving character, arguably evolving into environmental citizenship rights, is a crucial element. The research presents an analysis of factors determining the adoption of environmental behaviour and how these are linked to dimensions of social dynamics. It investigates factors influencing social diffusion and the relevance of this approach in promoting responsible environmental behaviour throughout society. I adopt the agenda-setting model developed by Dearing and Rogers to further the understanding of why certain issues are addressed by society and not others, how public opinion is shaped, as well as how policy actions towards mitigation of problems are motivated. I argue that environmental problems become social problems as the result of a process of collective definition, not as the product of its objective malignancy affecting society. This process of collective definition of a problem is responsible not only for the emergence of an environmental problem, but also for influencing behaviour towards it. By integrating the responsible environmental behaviour model developed by Hines, Hungerford and Tomera with the agenda-setting model, I explore the role the media play in promoting environmental citizenship. Through a discourse analysis of articles related to environmental issues in the Brazilian press, I explore how media in that context usually frames those issues. I also investigate the role the school system plays in raising awareness about, and engaging citizens in, responsible environmental behaviour and how this process has been advanced in Brazil. In addition, the development and activities of a youth environmental movement is analysed. By using a case study approach, I explore the dynamics influencing the uptake of environmental behaviour and the relationship of such practices to the promotion of environmental citizenship. Overall, the multidisciplinary approach adopted in this research indicates that the consolidation of engaged environmental citizenship in Brazil requires the reorientation of public policy actions with the reformulation of the media and educational environments.
Thesis (PhD Doctorate)
Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
School of Humanities
Arts, Education and Law
Full Text
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Bjuremalm, Rebecka. "Constructing a Security Threat? : Identifying Securitization in US State Level Politics Framing of the BLM Protests." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2021. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-443919.

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This thesis investigates US state level politics framing of the BLM protests during 2020, by inductively identifying frames and then proceeding to study if and on what grounds securitization occurs in these. Press statements, interviews and documents from eight Mayors and Governors in six of the states where the protests have been the most prominent are analyzed. From this material, four frames have been identified: the alienated outsider frame, the constructive rage frame, the limited guardian frame, and the desecuritizing frame. Recent developments in securitization theory investigate human life and dignity as a reference object, making a case for integrating humanitarianism in terms of grounds for justifying extraordinary measures. Three grounds for securitization are investigated empirically in the identified frames: state, social and humanitarian security. The study concludes that whilst both state security and to a lesser degree humanitarian security are detected in the identified frames, societal security seems to be the most prominent. This suggests that large-scale identities are the most common reference objects in the treated context. Further research is encouraged, especially in terms of distinguishing potential frame alignment processes by looking at a greater number of states over a longer period of time.
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Rolph, Stephanie Renee. "Displacing race white resistance and conservative politics in the civil rights era /." Diss., Mississippi State : Mississippi State University, 2009. http://library.msstate.edu/etd/show.asp?etd=etd-03252009-203932.

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6

Jørgensen, Ellen Brinch. "Union citizens : free movement and non-discrimination /." [Copenhagen?] : Jurist- og Økonomforbundets Forlag, 1996. http://catalogue.bnf.fr/ark:/12148/cb37544186t.

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Van, der Veen Paula Louise. "Women and political participation : the Montreal Citizens Movement, 1974-1989." Thesis, McGill University, 1990. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=59585.

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This thesis attempts to further the study of women's political participation by examining involvement in the Montreal Citizens Movement from approximately the time of its founding in the early 1970s to just after its achievement of power in 1986. Three approaches--resource mobilization, sexual division of labor and role conflict--are used to analyze critically the individual determinants, structural foundations, and nature of this participation, while a brief historical background provides the context for the movement and for its participants' actions. While authors have studied the MCM's structure and programs in general and have noted women's involvement primarily in its early stage as a social movement, there has been only limited discussion of women's participation. This thesis builds upon the latter by documenting and analyzing the nature of such participation using content analysis, participant observation, and personal interviews.
8

Amancio, Julia Moretto 1984. "Dinâmicas políticas microterritorias : organizações comunitárias e acesso às políticas públicas na periferia de São Paulo." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/280538.

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Анотація:
Orientador: Luciana Ferreira Tatagiba
Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-22T18:06:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Amancio_JuliaMoretto_D.pdf: 3334767 bytes, checksum: 78024903de11962ac4585f4d3388f5d7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: A mobilização coletiva em torno das questões locais, protagonista na literatura especializada nas décadas 1970 e 80, deixou de ser central nos estudos sobre democracia e participação no Brasil e foi sendo substituída pelas análises sobre as instituições participativas ao longo dos anos 90. Este trabalho propõe-se a voltar seu olhar para as dinâmicas políticas microterritoriais, para os caminhos que ligam as comunidades que vivem nas periferias de São Paulo ao Estado, em busca de acesso às políticas públicas. A partir de uma abordagem exploratória, busca-se para compreender e caracterizar quais são os atores e interações sócio-políticas que ocorrem neste nível em torno da garantia de direitos coletivos. Demonstra-se que esta atuação coletiva ocorre na contramão da lógica especializada dos setores e mobiliza um variado repertório para encaminhar demandas e acessar o Estado. A análise da dinâmica política microterritorial revela a necessidade de ampliar o olhar e de incorporar outras perspectivas e categorias de análise a fim de compreender o processo histórico e relacional que explica estas lógicas de atuação nos territórios
Abstract: The local collective mobilization, the great protagonist in the 1970's and 80's on the Brazilian participation and democratic studies, was gradually being replaced by analyzes of the participatory institutions from the 90s. This dissertation proposes to return his focus to the microterritorial political dynamics, emphasizing the paths that connect the communities living in the periphery neighborhoods of Sao Paulo city. We chose to do an exploratory approach to understand and describe actors and socio-political interactions occur at this level around the guarantee of collective rights. The findings of this research show that collective mobilization occurs at this level against the logic of specialized public policies sectors and employs a wide repertoire of making demands and access the state. The analysis of the microterritorial political dynamics reveals the need to broaden perspectives and incorporate other to improve the knowledge on the historical and relation process that explain the political territories actions and these specifics
Doutorado
Ciencias Sociais
Doutora em Ciências Sociais
9

Weeber, Stan C. "Internet and U.S. citizen militias." Thesis, University of North Texas, 2000. https://digital.library.unt.edu/ark:/67531/metadc2491/.

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Smelser's theory of collective behavior holds that people join radical social movements because they experience strain. Among the most serious strains are anxieties that relate to one's social status and the roles that correspond to it. A social movement arises as a means of coping with these anxieties. Militia presence and activity on the Internet (especially Usenet) is a phenomenon that can be studied within the framework of Smelser's theory. Militia watchers contend that those who join the militias have experienced the kinds of strain to which Smelser refers. A content analysis of Internet traffic of U.S. militias provides a test of the general thesis outlined above. By analyzing Internet sites it is possible to examine whether militiamen have experienced strain, and whether the strain, together with other factors, influence an individual's decision to join the militia. This dissertation was the first sociological study of American militias on the Internet and the first in which militias from all regions of the country was studied. Information was gathered on 171 militiamen who joined 28 militias. A qualitative analysis of militia web sites and Usenet traffic (n=1,189 online documents) yielded answers to seven research questions. Most militiamen studied experienced some form of stress or strain prior to joining the militia. Within this context, three generalized beliefs arose to help explain this stress among those militiamen. Bureau of Alcohol, Firearms and Tobacco (BATF) raids at Ruby Ridge, Idaho and Waco, Texas were mentioned most often as movement precipitants. Based on the militiamen studied, the militia movement was Internet-driven, although a number of alternative media played a joint role in movement mobilization. On the basis of the cases studied, increased social control following the Oklahoma City bombing affected the direction of the movement as many militias went underground. Yet, Usenet traffic by and about militiamen rose significantly. Constitutionalism was the primary philosophical orientation of the militias in this dissertation; however, Christian Identity militias were growing in number and visibility.
10

Hornung, Nicole. "Becoming a Food Citizen." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/5644.

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Environmental citizenship is positioned as a platform where the rights of social and environmental justice converge with civic engagement and responsibility. As industrialized economies continue to exhaust the limits of finite natural resources and exacerbate conditions of global climate change, scholars have questioned if environmental citizenship models offer a method for deepening obligations to a sustainable movement. In the material culture enjoyed by Western civilizations, existing research supports that an individual's purchases are seen as an indicator of their values and identities. Consequently the commitment to responsible buying behavior or sustainable consumption is in a sense an expression of eco-citizenship. My thesis offers a critical perspective of Andrew Dobson's ecological citizenship theory, by asking how sustainable consumption can be conceptualized in the existing political and economic infrastructures. Using a thorough case study of globally traded fish provisions, I investigate the existing barriers for eco-citizens attempting to realize their obligations to sustainable consumption. This analysis allows me to draw conclusions on how these barriers may inhibit eco-citizenship theories and ultimately a sustainable social movement. The structure of this thesis is broken into three parts. First, I define existing theories of ecological citizenship and sustainable consumption, including the theoretical propositions, requirements, and limitations. Secondly, I rely on Dobson's conception of ecological citizenship and an instrumental case study of Pacific Salmon provisions to illustrate the barriers eco-citizens encounter in the current market and regulatory system. Finally, this paper concludes by proposing individual and institutional changes that will assist in fostering an eco-citizen community and the contribution my findings may have on existing green citizenship research.?
M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; Environmental Politics

Книги з теми "Citizens’ movements":

1

Siim, Birte, Anna Krasteva, and Aino Saarinen, eds. Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1.

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Donk, Wim B. H. J. van de., ed. Cyberprotest: New media, citizens, and social movements. London: Routledge, 2004.

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3

Brown, Phil. Contested illnesses: Citizens, science, and health social movements. Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012.

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4

Gorringe, Hugo. Untouchable citizens: Dalit movements and democratisation in Tamil Nadu. New Delhi: Sage Publications, 2005.

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5

1960-, Sorensen André, and Funck Carolin, eds. Living cities in Japan: Citizens' movements, machizukuri, and local environments. Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon: Routledge, 2007.

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6

Singh, Richa. New citizens' activism in India: Moments, movements, and mobilisation : an exploratory study. New Delhi: Centre for Democracy and Social Action, 2014.

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7

Gonzalez, Maria Victória Espiñeira. O partido, a Igreja e o Estado nas associações de bairros. Salvador: Assembléia Legislativa do Estado da Bahia, 1997.

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8

Jannette, Albrecht, and Bigalke Hans-Christoph, eds. Stattbuch Ost: Adieu DDR, oder, Die Liebe zur Autonomie : ein Wegweiser durch die Projektelandschaft. Berlin: Stattbuch Verlag, 1991.

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9

J, Dalton Russell, ed. Citizens, protest, and democracy. Newbury Park, CA: Sage Publications, 1993.

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10

Bonvecchio, Pierina. Un quartiere, una strada e un'idea assieme: Studio sui comitati di cittadini. Milano, Italy: FrancoAngeli, 1999.

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Частини книг з теми "Citizens’ movements":

1

della Porta, Donatella. "Activist Citizens: An Afterword." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 293–304. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_12.

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2

Taguchi, Yoko. "Movements of flats and citizens." In The Dynamics of Conflict and Peace in Contemporary South Asia, 127–40. Abingdon, Oxon, ; New York, NY : Routledge, 2021. | Series: Routledge new horizons in South Asian studies: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003038528-11.

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3

Cmeciu, Camelia, and Bruno Asdourian. "The Internationalisation of Civic National Movements." In Diplomacy, Organisations and Citizens, 255–72. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81877-7_14.

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Siim, Birte, Aino Saarinen, and Anna Krasteva. "Citizens’ Activism and Solidarity Movements in Contemporary Europe: Contending with Populism." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 1–24. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_1.

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Pajnik, Mojca. "Feminist Movements’ Acts of Citizenship: Experiences from Post-Socialist Slovenia." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 243–63. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_10.

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Krasteva, Anna, Aino Saarinen, and Birte Siim. "Citizens’ Activism for Reimagining and Reinventing Citizenship Countering Far-Right Populism." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 265–92. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_11.

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Siim, Birte, and Susi Meret. "Dilemmas of Citizenship and Evolving Civic Activism in Denmark." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 25–50. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_2.

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Saarinen, Aino, Heini Puurunen, Airi Markkanen, and Anca Enache. "Against Romanophobia, for Diversity and Equality: Exploring the Activism Modes of a “Movement Within a Movement” in Finland." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 51–77. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_3.

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Flynn, Don, and Gabriella Lazaridis. "Forging “the People” in the UK: The Appeal of Populism and the Resistant Antibodies." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 79–110. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_4.

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Sauer, Birgit. "The (Im)Possibility of Creating Counter-Hegemony Against the Radical Right: The Case of Austria." In Citizens' Activism and Solidarity Movements, 111–36. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-76183-1_5.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Citizens’ movements":

1

Rey del Castillo, Pilar. "Citizens’ attention in Madrid City through the study of personalized records." In CARMA 2020 - 3rd International Conference on Advanced Research Methods and Analytics. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica de València, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/carma2020.2020.11359.

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The datification of our daily lives in the Big Data era is producing a hugeamount of information about processes and activities that were previouslyinvisible or at least difficult to grasp, leading to new opportunities andchallenges for analysis. For example, Call Detail Records (CDRs) producedby telecom providers for billing purposes are frequently studied to monitorcitizens movements through the territory or to other objectives very differentfrom their original aim.Other data available are the tens of million of Call Records (CRs) of@lineamadrid that can be downloaded from the open data portal offered bythe local government of Madrid City. These records are less well studied andbecome the counterpart of the mentioned CDRs from the call receiver’sperspective. They are stored as a result of a front office tool retaining someinformation from a range of different communication channels to manage theinteraction with users.The paper explores the data contained on these CRs to help improve customerattention services. It emphasizes the study of the topics that concern the citizensand the different offices dealing with the services, using Natural LanguageProcessing and other tools.
2

Kim, Soo-Sam, and Mihong Lee. "Toward Humanism of the City: A Better City, Happier Citizens." In IABSE Congress, Seoul 2012: Innovative Infrastructures – Towards Human Urbanism. Zurich, Switzerland: International Association for Bridge and Structural Engineering (IABSE), 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.2749/seoul.2012.0002.

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<p>With the recent increase in the interest in humanities, there are movements to integrate the various elements of humanities into city construction. Generally, Human Urbanism refers to ‘encompassing humanism in urban spaces and creating cities for people with humans as the core focus.’ The economic growth of can be explained by the compressive economic growth. On the other hand, the rapid economic growth also produced adverse effects. In order to resolve these issues, many cities have already turned their focus from facilities to people. Thus, there has been an emergence of alternative growth cities, and these cities are pursuing the growth method of prioritizing qualitative regeneration and repair instead of quantitative development and expansion. The future tendencies of Human Urbanism are as follows: (1) Towards user-friendly cities are the introduction of barrier-free certification system based on the concept of universal design, construction of women-friendly cities focusing on child care, and the concept of social-mix, which refers to the mixing of people of various income classes. (2) We have started to take into account civil minimum that is appropriate for the city’s characteristics. (3) The role of eco-friendly technologies will be extended even further in future cities. Pre-emptive development of technologies that consider users, suit the unique characteristics of the city and takes the environmental changes into account and their application in the urban settings will be of great importance in our pursuit of human urbanism.</p>
3

Lawless, W. F., Mito Akiyoshi, John Whitton, Fjorentina Angjellari-Dajci, and Christian Poppeliers. "A Comparative Study of Stakeholder Participation in the Cleanup of Radioactive Wastes in the US, Japan and UK." In ASME 2010 13th International Conference on Environmental Remediation and Radioactive Waste Management. ASMEDC, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/icem2010-40219.

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We review case studies of stakeholder participation in the environmental cleanup of radioactive wastes in the United States, Japan and United Kingdom (e.g., [21,26,27,66,78]). Citizen participation programs in these three countries are at different stages: mature in the US, starting in Japan, and becoming operational in the UK. The US issue at the US Department of Energy’s (DOE) Savannah River Site (SRS) in South Carolina (SC) had been focused on citizens encouraging Federal (DOE; US Environmental Protection Agency, or EPA; and the US Nuclear Regulatory Commission, or NRC) and State (SC’s Department of Health and Environmental Compliance, or DHEC) agencies to pursue “Plug-in-RODs” at SRS to simplify the regulations to accelerate closing seepage basins at SRS. In Japan, the Reprocessing of spent fuel and deep geological disposal of vitrified high-level waste have been among Japan’s priorities. A reprocessing plant in Rokkasho, Aomori Prefecture is expected to commence operations in October 2010. The search of a site for a deep geological disposal facility has been ongoing since 2002. But the direct engagement of stakeholders has not occurred in Japan. Indirectly, stakeholders attempt to exert influence on decision-making with social movements, local elections, and litigation. In the UK, the issue is gaining effective citizen participation with the UK’s Nuclear Decommissioning Authority (NDA). We hope that the case studies from these countries may improve citizen participation.
4

Kalça, Adem, and Yılmaz Onur Ari. "Circular Migration Between Georgia and Turkey: Is Triple Win a Solution for Illegal Employment?" In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c07.01647.

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Migrants who come from Georgia is one of the main issues in Turkey’s migration policy. Just like other Eastern Bloc Countries, after socialism collapsed in Georgia, its economy had many problems and impoverished many Georgia citizens. Therefore, Georgian people migrate to Turkey in a circular way in order to work or trade with the strategy for survival. Unfortunately, circular movements from Georgia to Turkey are not subject to a program and it causes many problems like illegal employment, bad living conditions and lack of migrants’ skill and knowledge development. The concept of circular migration and the effects of triple win solution are discussed theoretically in this study. Also a swot analysis of demographic and labor market of autonomous border region of Georgia is made and both negatives and positives of Georgian circular migration to Eastern Black Sea Region are analyzed. According to the results, it’s emphasized that a circular migration program between Georgia and Turkey is necessary to practice the triple win scenario. Triple win scenario supports many economic benefits for all three elements of circular migration, namely home and host countries and the migrants themselves, provided that there is a regulated circular migration. Several measures can be taken to prevent unregistered employment and poor working conditions of migrants, the most importantly the spontaneous circular movement between Georgia and Turkey can be transformed to programmed circular movement.
5

Turanjanin, Veljko. "MIGRANTS AND SAFETY IN SERBIA DURING AND AFTER CORONAVIRUS PANDEMIC." In The recovery of the EU and strengthening the ability to respond to new challenges – legal and economic aspects. Faculty of Law, Josip Juraj Strossmayer University of Osijek, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.25234/eclic/22437.

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The removal of internal borders and the establishment of freedom of movement are important aspects of the EU’s history, but they are not accompanied by a uniform legal system. The migrant dilemma isn’t going away, and the pattern and character of these movements have evolved dramatically over the previous six decades. The author of this article addresses the issue of migrants’ position in Serbia’s rural areas during the coronavirus pandemic. During the period of emergency, Serbia enacted policies that imprisoned migrants in detention centres, effectively depriving them of their liberty. According to the government’s reasoning, it was done to protect migrants’ health. Given the rising violence between migrants and the local people, the question is whether the state intended to safeguard migrants’ health or citizens from migrants in this manner. The author conducted a survey in these areas, explains the findings in depth, and draws a conclusion based on his findings. The paper is comprised of several units. In the first place, the author briefly explains the state of emergency in Serbia and gives an overview of migration centers in Serbia. The central part of this paper deals with the research between citizens in relation to migrants, both in their general attitude and in terms of the relationship between migrants and crime. Residents of migrants’ areas were surveyed, as the author believed thought that due to the location of migration centres, they would be most affected by waves of migrants and possibly, crimes committed by migrants. The author set two initial hypotheses and both were confirmed, and according to the research, the population has a negative attitude towards migrants. At the same time, most respondents show distrust of the state’s claim that migrants are imprisoned for their health. The author believes that this move by the state at that time was a hasty reaction in order to prevent the uncontrolled movement of migrants and the potential spread of the infectious coronavirus disease. In the same time, the author tries to answer to the question about the migrants’ position today and in the near future.
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Vučinić, Dejan. "ZNAČAJ INSTITUCIJE OMBUDSMANA U ZAŠTITI LjUDSKIH PRAVA U REPUBLICI SRBIJI – SA POSEBNIM OSVRTOM NA LOKALNOG OMBUDSMANA." In XVIII Majsko savetovanje. University of Kragujevac, Faculty of Law, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.46793/xviiimajsko.743v.

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The protection of human rights in democratic societies has long been recognized as one of the basic principles on which orderly states and states characterized by the rule of law are based. However, today more than ever we see the potential of global social movements (especially current ones) produced by various factors (pandemics, crises, wars ...) to turn states in the direction of totalitarianism, which increasingly restrict and often endanger human freedoms and rights. In that sense, the strengthened control of the administration and the protection and guarantee of human rights through the institution of the ombudsman or similar institutions, has proven to be successful so far, to a sufficient extent that this institution has a significant number of states today. Accessibility to citizens, the duration of the procedure and, ultimately, the authority of the institution that imposes itself when it comes to acting on ombudsman decisions, are just some of the reasons why more and more citizens seek protection of their rights and legality in the procedure before the ombudsman. ordinary court proceedings. The paper will analyze the legal nature of the ombudsman institution, the issue of its powers and attitudes towards public administration entities, as well as the issue of the local ombudsman, ie the results of his work, especially having in mind the legal "possibility", not the obligation to establish a local ombudsman. local governments - cities and municipalities.
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Antunes, Hugo, Paulo Figueiras, Ruben Costa, Joel Teixeira, and Ricardo Jardim-Gonçalves. "Discovery of Public Transportation Patterns Through the Use of Big Data Technologies for Urban Mobility." In ASME 2019 International Mechanical Engineering Congress and Exposition. American Society of Mechanical Engineers, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1115/imece2019-11415.

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Abstract Big cities show a wide public transport network that allows people to travel within the cities. However, with the overcrowding of big urban areas, the demand for new mobility strategies has increasing. Every day, citizens need to commute fast, easily and comfortable, which is not always easy due to the complexity of the public transport network. Therefore, this paper aims to explore the ability of Big Data technologies to cope with data collected from public transportation, by inferring automatically and continuously, complex mobility patterns about human mobility, in the form of insightful indicators (such as connections, transshipments or pendular movements), creating a new perspective in public transports data analytics. With special focus on the Lisbon public transport network, the challenge addressed by this work, is to analyze the demand and supply side of transportation network of Lisbon metropolitan area, considering ticketing data provided by the different transportation operators, which until now were essentially obtained through observation methods and surveys.
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Aitani, Koichiro, and Vrushali Kedar Sathaye. "New York High Line as Urban Catalyst: Impact to Neighbourhood." In 24th ISUF 2017 - City and Territory in the Globalization Age. Valencia: Universitat Politècnica València, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4995/isuf2017.2017.5882.

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The High Line, an abandoned elevated railway structure on Lower Manhattan's West-side, converted into the public park is among the most innovative urban renovation projects. The meatpacking district with industrial taste, transformed to one of the most fashionable areas in New York would not be realized without the impact of this unique Urban Park, the high Line. The story of how it came to be is a remarkable one: two young citizens with no prior experience in planning and development collaborated with their neighbors, elected officials, artists, local business owners, and leaders of burgeoning movements in horticulture and landscape architecture to create a park celebrated worldwide as a model for creatively designed, socially vibrant, ecologically sound public space. 5 millions of visitors are counted annually. The research will clarify the process of the High Line’s execution, its mechanism of urban transform, and impact to the neighborhood chronologically, and will discuss and theorize this urban regeneration as an outcome of catalytic effect of Urban Green Space.
9

M. I. T, Idris, A. H. Omar, Sulaiman F.b, Dayang Hjh Tiawa Awang Hj Hamid, Kamaruzaman S., Izwyn Z., Frederick M. F. A, and Khairuddin H. "MANAGEMENT INFORMATION SYSTEM IN ENHANCING SENIOR CITIZENS TOTAL WELLNESS." In Movement, Health and Exercise 2014 Conference. Universiti Malaysia Pahang, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.15282/mohe.2014.pah.018.

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10

Vicini, Fabio. "GÜLEN’S RETHINKING OF ISLAMIC PATTERN AND ITS SOCIO-POLITICAL EFFECTS." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/gbfn9600.

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Over recent decades Islamic traditions have emerged in new forms in different parts of the Muslim world, interacting differently with secular and neo-liberal patterns of thought and action. In Turkey Fethullah Gülen’s community has been a powerful player in the national debate about the place of Islam in individual and collective life. Through emphasis on the im- portance of ‘secular education’ and a commitment to the defence of both democratic princi- ples and international human rights, Gülen has diffused a new and appealing version of how a ‘good Muslim’ should act in contemporary society. In particular he has defended the role of Islam in the formation of individuals as ethically-responsible moral subjects, a project that overlaps significantly with the ‘secular’ one of forming responsible citizens. Concomitantly, he has shifted the Sufi emphasis on self-discipline/self-denial towards an active, socially- oriented service of others – a form of religious effort that implies a strongly ‘secular’ faith in the human ability to make this world better. This paper looks at the lives of some members of the community to show how this pattern of conduct has affected them. They say that teaching and learning ‘secular’ scientific subjects, combined with total dedication to the project of the movement, constitute, for them, ways to accomplish Islamic deeds and come closer to God. This leads to a consideration of how such a rethinking of Islamic activism has influenced po- litical and sociological transition in Turkey, and a discussion of the potential contribution of the movement towards the development of a more human society in contemporary Europe. From the 1920s onwards, in the context offered by the decline and collapse of the Ottoman Empire, Islamic thinkers, associations and social movements have proliferated their efforts in order to suggest ways to live a good “Muslim life” under newly emerging conditions. Prior to this period, different generations of Muslim Reformers had already argued the compat- ibility of Islam with reason and “modernity”, claiming for the need to renew Islamic tradition recurring to ijtihad. Yet until the end of the XIX century, traditional educational systems, public forms of Islam and models of government had not been dismissed. Only with the dismantlement of the Empire and the constitution of national governments in its different regions, Islamic intellectuals had to face the problem of arranging new patterns of action for Muslim people. With the establishment of multiple nation-states in the so-called Middle East, Islamic intel- lectuals had to cope with secular conceptions about the subject and its place and space for action in society. They had to come to terms with the definitive affirmation of secularism and the consequent process of reconfiguration of local sensibilities, forms of social organisation, and modes of action. As a consequence of these processes, Islamic thinkers started to place emphasis over believers’ individual choice and responsibility both in maintaining an Islamic conduct daily and in realising the values of Islamic society. While under the Ottoman rule to be part of the Islamic ummah was considered an implicit consequence of being a subject of the empire. Not many scientific works have looked at contemporary forms of Islam from this perspective. Usually Islamic instances are considered the outcome of an enduring and unchanging tradition, which try to reproduce itself in opposition to outer-imposed secular practices. Rarely present-day forms of Islamic reasoning and practice have been considered as the result of a process of adjustment to new styles of governance under the modern state. Instead, I argue that new Islamic patterns of action depend on a history of practical and conceptual revision they undertake under different and locally specific versions of secularism. From this perspective I will deal with the specific case of Fethullah Gülen, the head of one of the most famous and influent “renewalist” Islamic movements of contemporary Turkey. From the 1980s this Islamic leader has been able to weave a powerful network of invisible social ties from which he gets both economic and cultural capital. Yet what interests me most in this paper, is that with his open-minded and moderate arguments, Gülen has inspired many people in Turkey to live Islam in a new way. Recurring to ijtihad and drawing from secular epistemology specific ideas about moral agency, he has proposed to a wide public a very at- tractive path for being “good Muslims” in their daily conduct. After an introductive explanation of the movement’s project and of the ideas on which it is based, my aim will be to focus on such a pattern of action. Particular attention will be dedi- cated to Gülen’s conception of a “good Muslim” as a morally-guided agent, because such a conception reveals underneath secular ideas on both responsibility and moral agency. These considerations will constitute the basis from which we can look at the transformation of Islam – and more generally of “the religion” – in the contemporary world. Then a part will be dedicated to defining the specificity of Gülen’s proposal, which will be compared with that of other Islamic revivalist movements in other contexts. Some common point between them will merge from this comparison. Both indeed use the concept of respon- sibility in order to push subjects to actively engage in reviving Islam. Yet, on the other hand, I will show how Gülen’s followers distinguish themselves by the fact their commitment pos- sesses a socially-oriented and reformist character. Finally I will consider the proximity of Gülen’s conceptualisation of moral agency with that the modern state has organised around the idea of “civic virtues”. I argue Gülen’s recall for taking responsibility of social moral decline is a way of charging his followers with a similar burden the modern state has charged its citizens. Thus I suggest the Islamic leader’s pro- posal can be seen as the tentative of supporting the modernity project by defining a new and specific space to Islam and religion into it. This proposal opens the possibility of new and interesting forms of interconnection between secular ideas of modernity and the so-called “Islamic” ones. At the same time I think it sheds a new light over contemporary “renewalist” movements, which can be considered a concrete proposal about how to realise, in a different background, modern forms of governance by reconsidering their moral basis.

Звіти організацій з теми "Citizens’ movements":

1

Alarcón, Lía, Patricia Alata, Mariana Alegre, Tamara Egger, Rosario Fassina, Analía Hanono, Carolina Huffmann, Lucía Nogales, and Carolina Piedrafita. Citizen-Led Urbanism in Latin America: Superbook of civic actions for transforming cities. Inter-American Development Bank, November 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0004582.

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This is a publication about citizen-led urbanism processes in Latin America. It follows the recent life of a movement originating from, and driven by and for citizens, who out of a compelling love for their cities, have brought together actors from all fields to co-create new, more inclusive and equitable public space models. By using tools such as innovation, creativity and co-responsible solidarity, citizen-led urbanism has been able to complement the traditional approaches to urban planning and city governance. This publication also invites us to move from the theory and concepts that provide the rationale for citizen-led urbanism to the actual practical experiences which are helping to shape it and consolidate it as a regional movement. It thus takes us on a journey through successful projects developed in different places and contexts of Latin America and looks at the experience of the first urban innovation labs, as a means to consider the paths that may lead to new horizons of an inclusive future, in view of the challenges, both known and yet to be known, of the first half of the 21st century. In less than one decade, with their impressive diversity and vigorous urban activity, members of the citizen-led urbanism movement have brought about changes in the streets, neighborhoods and cities where they live: changes in the way of thinking of authorities and fellow citizens; changes in public policies, which have an impact not only on the urban landscape, but also on how we relate to each other through our relationship with what we call “the urban” and with ecosystems, with our individual needs and with the urgency of organizing ourselves collectively to identify solutions for the common good. This is why this book became a superbook, i.e., an extensive compilation about a fabulous collective adventure, undertaken by thousands of people whose common denominator is creativity and their will to think and do things differently. We hope it may serve as an inspiration to its readers so that they, too, may take a leading role in this story.
2

Brown, Cliff. Water Concerns Unite Citizen Activists:A Community Rights Movement Transcends Party, Age, and Gender. University of New Hampshire Libraries, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.34051/p/2020.268.

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3

Tyson, Paul. Sovereignty and Biosecurity: Can we prevent ius from disappearing into dominium? Mέta | Centre for Postcapitalist Civilisation, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.55405/mwp3en.

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Drawing on Milbank and Agamben, a politico-juridical anthropology matrix can be drawn describing the relations between ius and bios (justice and political life) on the one hand and dominium and zoe (private power and ‘bare life’) on the other hand. Mapping movements in the basic configurations of this matrix over the long sweep of Western cultural history enable us to see where we are currently situated in relation to the nexus between politico-juridical authority (sovereignty) and the emergency use of executive State powers in the context of biosecurity. The argument presented is that pre-19th century understandings of ius and bios presupposed transcendent categories of Justice and the Common Good that were not naturalistically defined. The very recent idea of a purely naturalistic naturalism has made distinctions between bios and zoe un-locatable and civic ius is now disappearing into a strangely ‘private’ total power (dominium) over the bodies of citizens, as exercised by the State. The very meaning of politico-juridical authority and the sovereignty of the State is undergoing radical change when viewed from a long perspective. This paper suggests that the ancient distinction between power and authority is becoming meaningless, and that this loss erodes the ideas of justice and political life in the Western tradition. Early modern capitalism still retained at least the theory of a Providential moral order, but since the late 19th century, morality has become fully naturalized and secularized, such that what moral categories Classical economics had have been radically instrumentalized since. In the postcapitalist neoliberal world order, no high horizon of just power –no spiritual conception of sovereignty– remains. The paper argues that the reduction of authority to power, which flows from the absence of any traditional conception of sovereignty, is happening with particular ease in Australia, and that in Australia it is only the Indigenous attempt to have their prior sovereignty –as a spiritual reality– recognized that is pushing back against the collapse of political authority into mere executive power.
4

Colomb, Claire, and Tatiana Moreira de Souza. Regulating Short-Term Rentals: Platform-based property rentals in European cities: the policy debates. Property Research Trust, May 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.52915/kkkd3578.

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Short-term rentals mediated by digital platforms have positive and negative impacts that are unevenly distributed among socio-economic groups and places. Detrimental impacts on the housing market and quality of life of long-term residents have been particular contentious in some cities. • In the 12 cities studied in the report (Amsterdam, Barcelona, Berlin, Brussels, Lisbon, London, Madrid, Milan, Paris, Prague, Rome and Vienna), city governments have responded differently to the growth of short-term rentals. • The emerging local regulations of short-term rentals take multiple forms and exhibit various degrees of stringency, ranging from rare cases of laissez-faire to a few cases of partial prohibition or strict quantitative control. Most city governments have sought to find a middle-ground approach that differentiates between the professional rental of whole units and the occasional rental of one’s home/ primary residence. • The regulation of short-term rentals is contentious and highly politicised. Six broad categories of interest groups and non-state actors actively participate in the debates with contrasting positions: advocates of the ‘sharing’ or ‘collaborative’ economy; corporate platforms; professional organisatons of short-term rental operators; new associations of hosts or ‘home-sharers’; the hotel and hospitality industry; and residents’ associations/citizens’ movements. • All city governments face difficulties in implementing and enforcing the regulations, due to a lack of sufficient resources and to the absence of accurate and comprehensive data on individual hosts. That data is held by corporate platforms, which have generally not accepted to release it (with a few exceptions) nor to monitor the content of their listings against local rules. • The relationships between platforms and city governments have oscillated between collaboration and conflict. Effective implementation is impossible without the cooperation of platforms. • In the context of the European Union, the debate has taken a supranational dimension, as two pieces of EU law frame the possibility — and acceptable forms — of regulation of online platforms and of short-term rentals in EU member states: the 2000 E-Commerce Directive and the 2006 Services Directive. • For regulation to be effective, the EU legal framework should be revised to ensure platform account- ability and data disclosure. This would allow city (and other ti ers of) governments to effectively enforce the regulations that they deem appropriate. • Besides, national and regional governments, who often control the legislative framework that defines particular types of short-term rentals, need to give local governments the necessary tools to be able to exercise their ‘right to regulate’ in the name of public interest objectives.
5

Jones, Emily, Beatriz Kira, Anna Sands, and Danilo B. Garrido Alves. The UK and Digital Trade: Which way forward? Blavatnik School of Government, February 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.35489/bsg-wp-2021/038.

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The internet and digital technologies are upending global trade. Industries and supply chains are being transformed, and the movement of data across borders is now central to the operation of the global economy. Provisions in trade agreements address many aspects of the digital economy – from cross-border data flows, to the protection of citizens’ personal data, and the regulation of the internet and new technologies like artificial intelligence and algorithmic decision-making. The UK government has identified digital trade as a priority in its Global Britain strategy and one of the main sources of economic growth to recover from the pandemic. It wants the UK to play a leading role in setting the international standards and regulations that govern the global digital economy. The regulation of digital trade is a fast-evolving and contentious issue, and the US, European Union (EU), and China have adopted different approaches. Now that the UK has left the EU, it will need to navigate across multiple and often conflicting digital realms. The UK needs to decide which policy objectives it will prioritise, how to regulate the digital economy domestically, and how best to achieve its priorities when negotiating international trade agreements. There is an urgent need to develop a robust, evidence-based approach to the UK’s digital trade strategy that takes into account the perspectives of businesses, workers, and citizens, as well as the approaches of other countries in the global economy. This working paper aims to inform UK policy debates by assessing the state of play in digital trade globally. The authors present a detailed analysis of five policy areas that are central to discussions on digital trade for the UK: cross-border data flows and privacy; internet access and content regulation; intellectual property and innovation; e-commerce (including trade facilitation and consumer protection); and taxation (customs duties on e-commerce and digital services taxes). In each of these areas the authors compare and contrast the approaches taken by the US, EU and China, discuss the public policy implications, and examine the choices facing the UK.
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Kelly, Luke. Evidence on the Role of Civil Society in Security and Justice Reform. Institute of Development Studies (IDS), December 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.031.

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This rapid review focuses on the role of civil society in SSR in several contexts. It finds that donor driven SSR is seen to have failed to include civil society, and that such efforts have been focused on training and equipping security forces. However, in some contexts, donors have been able to successfully develop civil society capacity or engage civil society groups in reforms, as in Sierra Leone. There are also several examples of security and justice reforms undertaken by local popular movements as part of regime change, namely Ethiopia and South Africa. In other contexts, such as Indonesia, the role of civil society has led to partial successes from which lessons can be drawn. The theoretical and empirical literature attributes several potential roles to civil society in SSR. These include making security and justice institutions accountable, mobilising a range of social groups for reform, publicising abuses and advocating for reform, offering technical expertise, and improving security-citizen relations. The literature also points to the inherent difficulties in implementing SSR, namely the entrenched nature of most security systems. The literature emphasises that security sector reform is a political process, as authoritarian or predatory security systems are usually backed by powerful, skilled and tenacious vested interests. Dislodging them from power therefore requires significant political will – civil society can be one part of this. The evidence base for the topic is relatively thin. While there is much literature on the theory of SSR from a donor perspective, there are fewer empirical studies. Moreover, scholars have identified relatively few successful examples of SSR. The role of civil society is found to be greater in more economically developed countries, meaning there is less discussion of the role of civil society in many African SSR contexts, for example (except to note its absence). In addition, most research discusses the role of civil society alongside that of other actors such as donors, security services or political elites, limiting analysis of the specific role of civil society.

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