Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Christianity Christmas"

Abstract: A rich array of original Christmas folklore, mythology, and stories exists in Yiddish. In this paper, I present a framework for understanding the Yiddish literary response to Christmas in the context of a dark midwinter folklore that has evolved across cultures since antiquity. Among Christians, this midwinter folklore gave rise to the fundamental Christmas literary motif of the balance of cold and darkness with warmth and light, with the latter two often signifying comfort and goodwill. I argue that the fundamental Christmas literary motif employed in Yiddish is consistent with that of Christians, but key elements are distorted to reflect a distinctly Jewish perspective: Yiddish folklore inverts the figure of Jesus from being the Christian emblem of light into an emblem of midwinter darkness, and modern Yiddish literature adapts the motif of balancing darkness with light as a metaphor for balancing Old World and New World values. Whereas light characteristically prevails in the traditional Christmas story, the Yiddish Christmas story corrupts this optimism to express Jewish sentiments about Christianity and the non-Jewish world.

Every year, Serbian people celebrate Christmas Eve and Christmas Day in a solemn manner enclosing various traditions. All these traditions originate from ancient Slavs, who were pagans. Each element and ritual has its own symbolism and significance. They are mainly related to Slavic gods, dead ancestors and some mythical creatures. When the Slavs received Christianity, their customs adopted a new meaning. The church canceled some customs because of their magical properties, but it also preserved others and made them an important part of Christian traditions. Thus Yule and some customs before Christmas Day gained a Christian meaning, so that Serbs could get acquainted with the celebration of Christ?s birth.

There are in the tense of Christian-Muslim relations in Indonesia since the time of the New Order until today. The issues in Christian-Muslim relations include conversion (of faith) with marriage and celebrating Christmas. These two issues are constantly associated with religious politics in Indonesia. The issues have kept tensions to reoccur, although according to Indonesian history, Christianity and Islam had jointly driven colonialists away and participated in founding the Unitary State of the Republic of Indonesia. In addition to theological affairs, the two issues relating to the tension of Christian-Muslim relationship have also impacted political and economic affairs. This article provides description of tension between Muslims and Christians in Indonesia in the case of conversion from Islam to Christian with marriage and celebrating Christmas in Muslim communities. The work concludes that in order to reduce tension between Christian and Muslim, all efforts to conduct theologia religionum dialogs should be sought, and social justice between Christians and Muslims should be created in the country. All of this is none other than a model of religious practices that have surpassed symbols. This is called passing over religious practices with new religious experiences.

Despite the popularity of Christian schools in Japan, Christians account for only 1.6% of the nation’s population. In the attempt to explore this inconsistency, we conducted an online survey in January 2020 to those between the ages of 15 and 29 living in Tokyo and Kanagawa. Our subjects include those who have enrolled in Christian schools, those who have some sort of affiliation, and those who do not have affiliation. We attempted to measure the difference in attitude by the degree of their affiliation. We focused on the notion of 'triple faith' which was proposed by Inoue and others. Many people in Japan believe in both Buddhism and Shintoism because neither requires a rite such as baptism. Christianity requires baptism, but that aside, in practice, many Japanese have triple faith including Christianity. Prosperity of Christian schools, preferences towards Christmas, and popularity of Christian-style weddings, all testify to this. This argument by Inoue and others conflicts with the common belief that Christianity never got a foothold in Japan. The results of cross tabulation of key questions and affiliation with Christian schools, combined with our interview results, show that those who have enrolled in Christian schools are more likely to have what may be referred to as triple faith. We have also provided a discussion on the possible reasons behind this finding.

This article explores how Christian heritage is engaged with, strengthened, and contested in and through Swedish newspapers and in the annual Swedish Christmas calendar. Although Sweden is perceived as highly secular and characterized by an increased distance between the former state church and the Swedish population, ideas about Swedish cultural heritage are still tied to notions of a Christian past. Previous research has highlighted Christmas as particularly salient for Swedes’ understanding of their cultural heritage and national identity, which includes perceptions of Christmas as ‘merely’ a tradition. Using theories of nostalgia and banal religion, this article addresses how Swedishness is constructed in the Christmas calendar, as well as through its framing in Swedish newspapers. While the narrative of the Calendar does not normally include overt references to Christian parables, it frequently uses Christian and folkloric symbolism to effect a backdrop of nostalgia. I argue that the Calendar and its framing in newspapers play on conceptions of Swedishness that are inextricably linked to ideas of ‘secularized’ Christianity, and by extension to constructions of what counts as national belonging in contemporary Sweden.

Literary writings have broadened that the world broaches the religious and cultural discrimination between the imperialist countries and the colonized immigrants. John Lanchester spreads over the conflicts of the multi-religious culture of migrants and the pride of the Christmas festival in European countries in his novel, Capital (2012). The Christian countries have defeated the migrants by showing pretentious prevailing city life in London. Unfortunately, some migrating laborers are illiterate to encounter them all. He forces migrants not to convert themselves from one religion to another for getting jobs. He also emancipates his presser to look after the life of migrating people in European countries. He then indirectly talks about the three religions: Hinduism, Islam, and Christianity. He proves that London is a place for Christianity, which is reflected in Christmas decorations. This novel elongates many themes related to the social and economic exploitation of poor migrants at Pepys Road in London.

The increasing growth of Christianity in Shanghai, China, provides an instructive model for understanding the marketing and economics of religion. The paper employs theoretical analysis as well as an analysis of the results of field study. The theoretical study employed rational choice theory and the field study included visiting religious places and conducting interviews. The major field work took place at Christian churches and other places of worship in Shanghai city during Christmas and New Year time, 2019. This research concludes that Christianity and its competitiveness in comparison to the other faiths in Shanghai, will gain popularity in Shanghai follower will grow in numbers

The object of the authors’ research was the festive Christmas window displays of brick-and-mortar retail stores. The main objective of the research was to identify the dominant colours, symbols and signage of Christmas festive displays of retail brick-and-mortar stores across different product categories and countries around the world. A total of 229 retail Christmas window displays, from 14 countries around the world, across 11 assortment categories, ready for the Christmas season in 2020, 2021 and 2022, were examined. The theme of Christmas resonates in retail store windows from the beginning of November until 24 December. After this date, the issue of sales dominates the window displays. The main method of the research was the content analysis used to analyse the documents in order to determine the frequency of occurrence of the pre-given categories. Given that our interpretation of Christmas is based on its Christian foundation, it is not surprising that the main universal colours and symbols of interpretation identified are rooted in Christianity, while other, complementary ones (e.g. Santa Claus with a reindeer sleigh, a snowy landscape, or a gingerbread house) and the signage are the result of changes in popular culture over time.

AbstractThis article explores recent inter- and intra-religious entanglements and contestations between Sufi Muslims, members of the Izala and Christianity, which have emerged as a result of a new way of celebrating Mawlūd in the Nigerian city of Jos. Through the adept use of loudspeakers, Izala projects a sense of dominance over the public sphere of the city and uses this as a platform to critique the Sufis. In part as a response, and as a counter-critique of Izala, the Sufis have rejuvenated their Mawlūd celebrations as a mass public spectacle, involving the use of Christmas lights to decorate the city and the construction at the entrance to major streets of temporary wooden arches decorated with flowers, Christmas lights, wreaths and images of Shaykh Ibrahim Nyass. This article argues that the Sufis, who are at a disadvantage in the practice of organized preaching and the use of sound media, have transformed the Mawlūd celebrations into a mechanism to counterbalance Izala’s dominance of the public sphere and to reassert their presence in the city. The Sufis’ incorporation of decorative Christmas objects reveals the fluid boundaries between Christians and Muslims in Nigeria, which sometimes generate dynamics of interreligious borrowing and mutual influence. This article attempts to remap and push the boundaries of studying Islam and Christianity in Nigeria, because focusing on one religion in isolation downplays the intertwining and intersection of practices between the two religious groups.

Tugu community settlement are located in Semper Barat District, Jakarta Utara. Tugu community preserve the cultural expressions, specifically cultural activity that connects to Portuguese authentic tradition such as Rabo-Rabo. The uniqueness of the tradition are its existence lies beyond the plurality and modernity of Jakarta. Rabo-Rabo tradition are held occasionally when Christmas and new year celebration, the nuance of this tradition are corresponded with the Christianity and firmly grasp by Mardijkers strong kinship (social aspects), kerontjong music (art aspect), Christianity practices (religious aspects), and Mardijkers expressions (identity aspects). This research use Expressions of Religious Experience theory from Joachim Wach, and Functional Theory from Robert Merton. The Rabo-Rabo tradition is carried out for almost two weeks, starting from the Christmas prayer together until the key event of the year - bathing. The Rabo-Rabo tradition has the function of maintaining traditional culture, religious manifestations, and functions as social education for children.

This dissertation examines the interrelationships between the foreign Missions and the Korean Church in colonial Korea. In contrast to previous scholarship that assumes a necessary link between the Korean Church and Korean nationalism, this study focuses on the foreign Mission's predominance over the Korean Church as a major obstacle in the Korean Church's adoption of nationalism as part of its Christian vision.
East Asian Languages and Civilizations

This thesis comprises an attempt to re-evaluate the experience and the survival of the indigenous Christian population of al-Andalus. It is a response to two problematic aspects of the historiography, whose authority has only recently begun to be questioned: first, the inordinate focus upon the polemical and problematic mid-ninth-century Cordoban hagiography and apologetic of Eulogius and Paul Albar, whose prejudiced vision has not only been accepted as a source of social history, but also projected onto all Andalusī Christianity to support the second – the assertion that conversion happened early and en masse, and led to their eradication in the early twelfth century. Eulogius and Albar’s account of a Córdoba oppressed and Christians persecuted (a trope herein dubbed the ecclesia destituta) has dominated thinking about the indigenous Christians of al-Andalus, due to its championing by Catholic historians since the texts’ rediscovery and publication in 1574, and by nineteenth-century Spanish nationalists to whose ideological and patriotic purposes it was amenable. The Cordobans’ account is here re-evaluated as regards its value as a historical artefact and its internal problems are outlined. The discrepancies between the picture created by Eulogius and Albar and that of other contemporary reports, and the problematic hagiography, are then explained to some degree by the literary models Eulogius had at his disposal – of primary interest are the classical pagan poetics of Vergil, Horace and Juvenal and the late antique theology of Augustine. Albar’s famous despair at the Arabisation of the Christian youth has, in conjunction with Eulogius’ ecclesia destituta and the relative scarcity of documentary evidence for the Christians of Andalusī territory, formed the crux of assumptions regarding the speed and extent of Arabisation and conversion. In reassessing Richard Bulliet’s ‘curve of conversion’, which seemed on a faulty reading to prove these assumptions, the second part of the thesis seeks to argue that profound Arabisation did not impact until a century later than is thought and resulted not in assimilative decline but in a late cultural flowering, and show the long, and in many places unbroken, survival of indigenous Christian communities in al-Andalus to the early fifteenth century.

Bibliography: leaves 197-202.
This dissertation studies the New Testament perspective of the Christian's attitude and duty towards the State. In it the first chapter is devoted to an investigation of the political attitude of Jesus of Nazareth as can be recovered from his reported actions and pronouncements concerning the Roman government of his day and his instructions to his followers about violence and their duties towards the State. Special attention is paid to the reasons for his crucifixion. In the second chapter an exegetical study is made of the apostle Paul's teachings about the State in Romans 13:1-7; and the third chapter is an exegetical discussion of Revelation 13 in which John assumes a very negative attitude towards the State. In the final short chapter the author draws the conclusion that as early as the first Christian century the attitude of the Church towards the State was to a large extent determined by the State's treatment of the Church. Although a definite difference is evident between the attitudes of Paul and John towards the State, they agree with Jesus that the State has a definite place in the divine order of the universe. This fact requires of the Christian and other citizens to give loyally to the State what it needs for its existence, to submit to its authority and obey just laws, to pray for those in authority, reject violence, resist any religio-ideological claims or injustices of the State, and participate in the prophetic role of the Church in relation to the State.

Thesis advisor: Raymond G. Helmick
Examines Christian-Muslim relations in Tanzania
Thesis (STL) — Boston College, 2011
Submitted to: Boston College. School of Theology and Ministry
Discipline: Sacred Theology

This dissertation addresses the problem of whether the Gospel of Matthew reflects a Jewish Christian or gentile Christian stance within the early church. A study of the principal theories of the evolution of the early church provides the background against which the terms "Jewish Christian" and "gentile Christian" may be understood. The dissertation examines the bases on which Matthew has been classified as either Jewish Christian or gentile Christian. This previous work on Matthew is found to be unsatisfactory because of the lack of adequate criteria for classifying Matthew. A study of Acts and the letters of Paul reveals that the practice or rejection of Jewish dietary purity was a cause of division in the early church, and thus constitutes a suitable criterion for distinguishing between Jewish and gentile Christianity. Examination of Mt 15:1-20 shows that Matthew does not accept Jewish dietary purity as a part of God's will. Matthew thus reflects a gentile Christian position.

The purpose of this research is to study the development of Christianity in contemporary China. It adds to the limited literature that explores how Christianity has developed as the fastest growing religion in China post the Chinese Cultural Revolution. The data derive from semi-structured and focus group interviews with Chinese Christians and field observation notes collected at both official and non-official Christian churches in Beijing. I found an ambivalent attitude toward the development of Christianity across different social levels in China. At the state level, the Chinese government expects Christianity to provide a much-needed stabilizing influence in an increasingly self-centered and materialistic society. At the same time, the government fears that Christianity's increasing power may pose a threat to the Communist regime. Correspondingly, at the community level, Chinese Christians wish to see an increasing Christian influence throughout Chinese society to improve people's quality of life, but many Chinese traditionalists oppose the increased Christian influence that seems to be supplanting traditional Chinese culture. These disagreements do not seem to have seriously impeded the development of Christianity in China today. Applying a pervasive cultural perspective – the lens of Yin-Yang interaction – to the current situation of the Christian churches in China, I find that the Yin traits within Christianity and the Yang traits embedded in the Chinese political ideology are coexisting paradoxical values whose interaction facilitates an acceptance, or at least sanction, of oppositions that have reshaped the social and political landscape of Chinese society and fostered the continuing growth of Christianity in China.

AbstractBoth theoretical reflection and empirical research have purported a mutual exchange of benefits for the collaboration between positive psychology (PP) and Christianity. However, the varied belief systems and worldviews held among adherents of distinct Christian traditions may interfere with practical collaborative efforts between PP and Christianity. In this chapter, we explore important considerations for effective collaboration between PP and Christianity. Namely, we argue that Christianity can provide a framework for what individuals should value and what virtues a person should pursue, whereas PP can provide the tools and methodology for how to pursue the goals that are identified by Christianity. We first review the geographic distribution and demographic composition of Christians around the world, emphasizing the value of context when working with Christian populations. Second, we highlight fundamental beliefs and values that may influence how Christians interpret and utilize empirical findings from the field of PP. Third, we discuss how Christian beliefs, traditions, and doctrines influence our understandings of well-being, health, and virtue development. Throughout the chapter, we discuss strategies and implications for positive collaboration between the fields of PP and Christianity.

Крайняя малочисленность связанных с христианством находок и их неравномерное распределение во времени создает значительные трудности при восстановлении истории Фанагорийской христианской общины. Восполнить лакуны до некоторой степени помогают имеющиеся сведения об истории христианства в других центрах Северо-Восточного Причерноморья, неотъемлемой частью которого являлась Фанагория. Несомненно, новая религия проникает в Фанагорию, как и в другие центры Боспорского царства, в последней четверти 3 в. из Малой Азии, откуда готы, возвращаясь из своих пиратских набегов, привозили пленных христиан. Именно к периоду после морских походов варваров относятся первые зафиксированные на Боспоре признаки христианства: различные вещи с христианскими символами, христианские участки на некрополе в Керчи. Незначительное количество раннехристианских памятников говорит о том, что в этот период распространение религии в регионе происходило, главным образом, благодаря деятельности миссионеров, и число приверженцев христианства было невелико. С включением Боспора в сферу влияния Византийской империи церковь и государство предпринимают совместные усилия по христианизации региона: скорее всего, именно в это время по обе стороны Керченского пролива строятся церкви, в Фанагории учреждается епископская кафедра и строится христианский храм, внутреннему убранству которого, скорее всего, принадлежали два мраморных резервуара для воды, сигмовидный стол и рельеф с изображением Орфея, найденные при раскопках на «Нижнем городе». Форма и материал, из которого изготовлен один из найденных резервуаров, позво ляет интерпретировать его как крещальную купель. Причем небольшая глубина найден ной емкости не означает, что в ней крестили только детей, поскольку в большинстве случаев крещение совершалось без полного погружения: стоявшего в купели крещаемого просто обливали водой. Однако уже с 4 в. при крещении начали использовать стоячую воду, а наполнять купель предписывалось вручную. Поэтому объяснить назначение двух отверстий в фанагорийском резервуаре в случае его использования в качестве купели трудно. Лучше объясняет наличие двух отверстий другой возможный вариант использования резервуара: в качестве реликвария, в котором хранились мощи, их частицы или какие-то другие реликвии. Через верхнее отверстие в реликварий на хранящиеся в нем мощи наливали масло, которое выливалось через отверстие в нижней части. Что касается чаши с ручками-выступами вдоль края, то подобные емкости, как правило, определяют либо как купели для крещения детей, либо, чаще, как чаши для освященной воды, которую в раннехристианское время использовали для ритуального омовения рук перед входом в храм. Известные автору точные аналогии фанагорийскому сосуду происходят исключительно с территории провинций Мезия Секунда и Фракия. Не исключено, что именно оттуда фанагорийская емкость была привезена войсками, присланными на Боспор Юстинианом для подавления восстания против ставленника Византии Грода. Мраморный сигмовидной стол с арочной каймой также мог входить в состав инвентаря христианского храма. В церковном обиходе использование таких столов было вторичным, взятым из светской жизни и идет от раннехристианской традиции совместных поминальных трапез, совершавшихся над могилами мучеников. Позже их использовали в храмах в качестве престолов и столов для приношений, а также в трапезных монастырей. Несмотря на то, что сигмовидные столы, в частности столы с арочной каймой, использовали как в светском, так и христианском обиходе, их находки вне контекста обычно связывают с христианскими храмами. Однако в подобных случаях нельзя исключать возможность их использования и в качестве обычного обеденного стола. Наконец, с христианством может быть связана мраморная плитка с изображением Орфея, образ которого перешел в христианскую иконографию из языческого искусства. Незначительные размеры и сильная потертость фанагорийского фрагмента, к сожалению, не позволяют уверенно определить религиозный статус изображения, который, как правило устанавливают по составу «слушателей» и контексту. Строго говоря, из перечисленных находок только одну, мраморную чашу с вырезанным крестом, можно отнести к предметам интерьера христианского храмового комплекса безусловно. Сигмовидный стол могли использовать и в христианском культе, и по его прямому назначению – в качестве обеденного стола. Образ Орфея одинаково использовался как язычниками, так и христианами. Разным целям мог служить и мраморный резервуар. Но среди аргументов за и против их использования в христианском культе, все же превалируют первые. Кроме того, обнаружение всех предметов на довольно небольшом участке «Нижнего города» позволяет надеяться на то, что в ходе будущих раскопок здесь будет открыт христианский храм, и таким образом подтвердится предложенная интерпретация найденных предметов. Храм, к которому, возможно, относились перечисленные находки, по-видимому, был разрушен в середине 6 в. Тогда же, скорее всего, прекратила существование и Фанагорийская епархия. Какие-либо сведения о фанагорийских христианах более позднего времени полностью отсутствуют, но, судя по информации о христианских общинах, имевшихся в других центрах региона, а также в городах Хазарского каганата, были они и в Фанагории, которая в этот период, скорее всего, входила в состав Зихийской епархии. У нас нет сви детельств о притеснениях христиан в городах Хазарского каганата. Наоборот, согласно сведениям, содержащимся в письменных источниках, жизнь христиан там протекала до вольно спокойно. О благосклонном отношении хазарской элиты к христианству говорят и браки с византийским императорским домом, в частности брак Юстиниана II и сестры кагана Феодоры, после заключения которого он «уехал в Фанагорию и жил там с Феодорой» (Theoph. Chron. 704–705; пер. И.С. Чичурова). 2 Что же касается археологических свидетельств, то число связанных с христианством находок 8–10 вв. чрезвычайно мало, и их невозможно связать непосредственно с христианским населением Фанагории. Extremely low amounts of finds related to Christianity and their uneven distribution over time presents difficulties in reconstructing the history of the Phanagorian Christian community. The information on the history of Christianity in other centres of the North-Eastern Black Sea, a region where Phanagoria played a crucial part, can help fill the blanks to a certain extent. Without any doubt, the new religion arrived to Phanagoria, as well as to the other centres of the Bosporan kingdom, in the last quarter of the third century AD from Asia Minor, when the Goths brought Christians as captives from their pirate raids. The first recorded signs of Christianity in the Bosporos belong to the period after the sea campaigns of the “barbarians”. These include personal possessions with Christian symbols and Christian burial plots in the necropolis in Kerch. A small number of early Christian monuments points to the fact that during this period the spread of Christianity in the region heavily relied on the activities of missionaries, while the number of christians was still small. Later, after the inclusion of the Bosporos in the sphere of influence of the Byzantine Empire, the church and the state were making joint efforts to Christianize the region: most likely, it was at this time that Christian churches were built on both sides of the Kerch Strait, an episcopal chair was established in Phanagoria and a Christian church was built, decorated with two marble water tanks, a sigmoid table and a relief depicting Orpheus. All this was found during the excavations in the “Lower City” trench. 2 Чичуров 1980, 62. Христианство в Фанагории. Археологические свидетельства 71 The shape and material from which one of the found tanks is made allows for its interpreta tion as a baptistery. The small depth of the found container does not necessarily mean that only children were baptised in it, since in most cases baptism was performed without complete immersion. The baptised stood in the font and water was poured over him. However, from the fourth century AD stagnant water was used for baptism, and the font had to be filled manually. It is, therefore, difficult to explain the purpose of the two holes in the Phanagorean reservoir if it was used as a font. Their presence is better explained by another possible use of the tank – as a reliquary. Oil was poured into the reliquary through the upper opening to cover the relics stored in it, and then came out through the opening in the lower part. Regarding the bowls with protruding handles along the edge, such vessels are considered to serve either as fonts for child baptism, or, more often, as bowls for consecrated water, which, during the early Christian times, were used to wash hands before entering the temple. Their exact analogies, known to the author, come exclusively from the provinces of Moesia Secunda and Thrace. It is possible that it was from there that the Phanagorian container was brought by the troops, which were sent to the Bosporos by Justinian to suppress the uprising against the Byzantine ruler named Grod. A marble sigmoid table with an arched border could also be part of the inventory of a Christian church. In church life, the use of such tables was secondary. It comes from secular life, from the early Christian tradition of communal meals served on the graves of martyrs. Later they were used in temples and monasteries as thrones and tables for offerings. Despite the fact that sigmoid tables, particularly those with an arched border, were used both in secular and Christian everyday life, they are usually associated with Christian churches when found out of context. However, one cannot exclude the possibility of them being used as a regular dining table. Finally, a marble tile with the image of Orpheus, which came to the Christian iconography from pagan art, can also be associated with Christianity. Unfortunately, due to its insignificant size and severe damage, this fragment does not allow us to determine the religious status of the image with any degree of certainty. Usually such assumptions can be made based on the amount of depicted listeners and the find’s context. Strictly speaking, only one of the listed finds, a marble bowl with a carved cross, can be attributed to the items from the interior of the Christian temple. The sigmoid table could be used both in the Christian cult and for its original purpose, as a dining table. The image of Orpheus was used by both pagans and Christians. A marble tank could possibly also serve different purposes. However, between the arguments “for” and “against” its use in a Christian context, the former prevail. In addition, the discovery of all the objects together in a rather small area of the “Lower City” excavation site allows us to hope that, during future excavations, a Christian church will be discovered here, confirming our interpretations. The temple to which the finds may have belonged was apparently destroyed in the middle of the sixth century AD. At the same time, most likely, the Phanagorian diocese also ceased to exist. There is no information on Phanagorian Christians during later periods, but, judging by the information about the Christian communities that existed in other centres of the region, as well as in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate, Christians were present in Phanagoria, which, during this period was likely a part of the Zikhia diocese. So far, we have no evidence of the oppression of Christians in the cities of the Khazar Khaganate. On the contrary, according to the information from written sources, the life of Christians there was a rather calm one. The favourable attitude of the Khazar elite towards Christianity is also evidenced by marriages with the Byzantine imperial family. Of particular interest is the marriage of Justinian II and the sister of the Khagan, Theodora, after which he “left for Phanagoria and lived there with Theodora”. As for archaeological evidence, the number of finds associated with Christianity from the 8th to 10th centuries AD is extremely low, and it is impossible to connect them directly with the Christian population of Phanagoria.

In his Deconstruction of Christianity, the contemporary French philosopher Jean-Luc Nancy described Christianity as “the exit from religion and the expansion of the atheist world”. Inspired by this assertion, we will reassess the traces of atheism in Christianity and its secular supplements. We will examine the broad context of Christianity and some seemingly external factors such as the Enlightenment and the development of science. Several features of Christianity, such as the emphasis on spirituality, individual faith, and the deinstitutionalization of religious experience, have prepared the ground for the rise of atheism. First, Christianity, most clearly in the Protestant denominations, places great emphasis on the inner spiritual experience of the believer, the conscience as the inner presence of God. The subjective personal relationship with God and the indwelling of the Holy Spirit are central tenets of Christian theology. However, this emphasis on individual, private spirituality can inadvertently lead to a devaluation of external religious structures and communal rituals and even pave the way for atheistic isolation. Moreover, throughout its history, Christianity has repeatedly produced its own critics, movements that have challenged institutional authority and hierarchical structures within the church. From the Hussites to the Protestant Reformation to today's movements advocating spiritual autonomy, the goal has always been to decentralize religious authority, separate it from worldly powers (secularization) and empower individual believers. While this deinstitutionalization is certainly meant to promote a more authentic and personal faith that is closer to God's will, it can also create room for doubt and scepticism, which in turn can lead to atheism. Furthermore, Christianity has grappled more than other religions with the tension between faith and reason, two completely different areas of our relationship with reality and the world. This relationship has completely changed with advances in science and philosophy, as traditional religious doctrines and supernatural explanations are increasingly challenged and even rendered obsolete. The struggle to reconcile faith and reason has led some people to the practical solution of rejecting religious faith altogether in favour of a purely secular worldview. We should also mention that even the pervasive influence of Christianity on Western culture may have inadvertently facilitated its own decline. Because Christianity is deeply embedded in societal norms, people who have grown up in Christian cultures may take their faith for granted, not as something out of the ordinary, but as something normal, leading to complacency or indifference toward religious beliefs. Over time, this cultural familiarity with Christianity can erode the foundations of religious belief and eventually contribute to the rise of atheism. Given this internal dynamic, it is clear that Christianity itself has played a crucial role in its own atheization. This paper will highlight some of the key features of Christian atheism and one of its most notorious examples, socialist atheization.

This study is aimed at interpreting names and naming in relation to the founders of Christianity and to investigate theological figures who are a part of the cultural-spiritual heritage of the Primordial Church, by carrying out a biographical incursion into their lives. The saints described in this paper built Christianity by means of perfect synergy between fact and word, as their names have continued to exist across the centuries. In the present paper, we propose an inventory of some of the most important names of all time and their analysis from the perspective of onomastics. Thus, Eastern and Western Christianity meet through the common saints who act as patrons of their spirituality, testifying over the centuries to the fact that while the present may divide us, the past unites us. Christian rhetoricians enrich the word and the Church through their life and work, as vehicles through which creative grace is manifested. The corpus was taken from specialized studies, such as dictionaries of theology, biographies of saints, onomastic dictionaries. Methodologically, the paper employs precepts from the following fields: onomastics, theology, anthroponymy, cultural anthropology, the history of churches, rhetoric.

This article addresses the issue of conflict between religious communities that cause enmity amid society. Hostilities must be overcome and resolved in accordance with the call of Christianity to live in love and peace. The study used the qualitative paradigm as the method of the research and the descriptive-analyses as the writing method by describing the research problems based on data collected from related publications.One of the powerful messages of Jesus's teaching is "Love your enemies." It’s one of the greatest challenges in life. Jesus Christ gave an important doctrine about loving the enemy because love is more powerful than evil, hurtful deeds. Loving the enemy means canceling hostilities and violence, but instead, it promises acceptance of each other. The title of this study is "love your enemies": A Christian Response to Embrace Others. As the title of this study is "love your enemies," the reason for the selection of this article is because the author sees that "loving the enemy is a commandment from God that must be obeyed. This research question emphasizes how to realize "loving the enemy" amid hostility. This paper argues that Jesus's command to love the enemy is a proper Christian lifestyle choice in the midst of hostility. We use CS Song thoughts, which elaborated with other scholars' views on theology, loving, and embracing others. The purpose of the research was to gain understanding and build a theological reflection on Jesus' commandment to love the enemy. In this article, we first briefly discuss the portrait of life among religious people in Indonesia. Secondly, we discuss the conflict between religious people in Indonesia. Finally, we apply the command of Jesus to love our enemy as a Christian lifestyle in the midst of hostility to construct harmony amid hostility. We propose the command of Jesus to ‘love your enemy’ as a response to establishing sustainable peace by embrace others. Finally, the Christians must become a loving community because God so loved us, and we also ought to love and embrace others.

Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) of Hangzhou, was used to be a place of communion established for secular life by Christian organization in Hangzhou. The original buildings of YMCA of Hangzhou are nowadays protected and maintained as historic buildings. This article has analyzed the historical background, the original function, the social impact of YMCA of Hangzhou, as well as the architectural style of the buildings. Three impacts that the buildings had affected urban and social modernization of Hangzhou are concluded as follows: 1.The buildings had promoted the spread of Christian culture, so that Christianity were cognized and accepted in Hangzhou; 2.The buildings had promoted the development of social activities, especially the continuous expansion of impact from non-profit social organizations; 3.The buildings had been a record of integration process of foreign culture and Chinese local culture during the period of modernization of Hangzhou, which had represented its period features and local characteristics

Huang Lihai is one of the most active contemporary Chinese poets in the past two decades. His poems are a return to poetry, language and life. In the era of change and grand discourse dominating the aesthetic interpretation of literature, Huang Lihai’s poetry and spiritual exploration have obvious implications. His vitality in poetry creation and poetry activities has an important connection with his Christian faith and his thought resources. Huang Lihai pays close attention to individual life with heavy religious feelings, and tries to restore the relationship between man and god, the relationship between man and man, and the relationship between man and nature in the post-modern era. Backed by belief, he maintained human dignity and integrity with poetry, and opened up the divine dimension of poetry writing, which opened up a new aesthetic dimension for the Chinese contemporary poetry.

Mainstream economists, and most non-economists, as well, consider the existence of interest as a matter-of-course. Moreover, some economists say that it is an essential regulator of the economy, which creates a balance between savers and investors, regulates the borrowings, and it is an essential tool for the central bank's monetary control. In our study we examine the role of the interest in the Christian and Islamic moral and economy. Comparing arguments for and against interest it became clear that – even if it was not discussed in detail – the pro arguments can be easily challenged, while counterarguments are considered as moral argument by mainstream economics forgetting the fact that the science of economics has emerged from ethics. In a system of interest payment every player of the economy has to pay interest, while in the Islamic monetary system, not only profit and loss are shared between the lender and borrower, but they also have to give to the poor. Within the framework of the moral side, we are curious about the methods by the Islamic economy works without interest, if interest itself is so important that it substantiates the whole economic mechanism.

Abstract Two realities are intertwined in the context of the Middle Ages: affirmation of the idea of Christianity and the Commercial Revolution. From the middle of the 11th century, the European West presents a process of fragmentation of political power with the rise of the feudal regime, in which local landowners have a higher power than the monarchic authorities (FRANCO JR, 2001), creating a vacuum of political unity and making the Church the only strong and centralized institution in the midst of fragmentation (FOSSIER, POLLY and VAUCHEZ, 2001It is in this context that Christianity takes command of medieval society and begins to dictate rules and conduct for various activities, seeking to link the principles of Jesus with earthly life (PERNOUD, 1997). Concurrently with the strengthening of the power of the Church, the merchants started to be notorious figures in the European West of the XIII century (LE GOFF, 1991), leading the phenomenon of Commercial Revolution, that is, new ways of practicing trade, such as the creation of trading companies, professionalization of the sedentary merchants, emergence of money, bills of exchange, navigation insurance and accounting techniques (LOPEZ, 1986). The emergence of merchants caught the attention of Church intellectuals (NOGUEIRA, 2019) and the new commercial agents were the target of a Christian moralization. The aim of this paper is to present two attempts to regulate commerce in the European West: the first described in the Decree of Gratian – elaborated in the 12th century by the monk and jurist Gratian - and the second in Question 77 of Thomas Aquinas' Summa Theologica.