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Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 10 грудня 2022
Оновлено: 29 січня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "China – Relations – Mongolia"

1

Bezrukov, L. A., A. N. Fartyshev, and S. Enkh-Amgalan. "Export transportability of Mongolia and Russia-Mongolia relations in the commodity markets." IOP Conference Series: Earth and Environmental Science 885, no. 1 (October 1, 2021): 012006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/1755-1315/885/1/012006.

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Abstract The commodity and geographical structure of Mongolia’s exports, dynamics and features of Mongolia’s foreign trade with Russia are considered. The tendency of weakening of foreign trade interaction of Mongolia with the Eastern regions of Russia is revealed. Using the original author’s method, an assessment of the distribution of Mongolian export goods was carried out, taking into account their transportability in sales markets and areas of remoteness. A pattern has been revealed for the export of low-transportable mineral raw materials, which is almost exclusively directed to neighbouring countries, mainly to China, while more expensive types of Mongolian products (wool, yarn, clothing, gold, etc.) are exported to distant countries. It has been established that the value of Mongolian exports for a number of mineral and raw materials exceeds the Russia’s and have strong growth prospects. The conclusion is drawn that the competition between exporters of Mongolia and the Eastern regions of Russia for foreign markets of mineral commodities, primarily for the Chinese market, will intensify in the near future.
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2

Kumar, Subhash, and Souvik Chatterjee. "Mongolia’s assertive and pragmatic role in India’s Connect Central Asia Policy: Current trajectory and Future Ahead." Journal of Political Issues 3, no. 1 (July 31, 2021): 28–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.33019/jpi.v3i1.61.

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Анотація:
Mongolia’s uniqueness and importance in contemporary world politics lie in its geographical situating, demography, and economy. Geographically landlocked and situated in the Eurasian intersection, Mongolia has the lowest population density of any sovereign country on the planet. Sandwiched among Russia and China Mongolia's harsh environment limit its economic interests. However, Mongolia's geostrategic position, unexplored energy assets, and democratic governance have expanded its importance in global politics. Because of such Mongolia holds a key position in India's Act East and Connect Central Policy to counter China's expansionist policies in North-East Asia. With regards to India-Mongolia relations, the two nations share a rich historical legacy. Tibetan Buddhism the most prevailing religion in Mongolia makes social linkages, Democracy solidified further connections between India and Mongolia. Because of these old and profoundly established linkages, India-Mongolia are 'spiritual neighbors'. However, China still has an overreaching control over Mongolia’s trade, commerce, and other sectors. China also dominates intra-regional trade in North-East Asia. Under India’s Connect Central Asia India attempts to counter Chinese encirclement by delving into close strategic, economic, and energy relations with China's neighbors like Mongolia and CAS. However, the achievement or failure of India's Connect Asia Policy will depend upon India's political as well as its diplomatic will to transform India's interest in regional integration in reality.
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3

Park, Ji-bae. "The Spathari Delegation’s Visits to China and the Formation of Russo-Chinese Contact Lines in 1675-1676." Institute of History and Culture Hankuk University of Foreign Studies 82 (May 31, 2022): 57–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.18347/hufshis.2022.82.57.

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The purpose of this paper is to understand the meaning of the new line of contact between Russia and Ch’ing created by the Spathari delegation by examining the its preparation process and the travel route and analyzing it in the change of the Russia-Mongolia relations. The two tasks of the Spathari delegation were first to establish regular diplomatic and trade relations with Q’ing and then to find a more convenient transportation route for diplomatic envoys and trade caravans to and from China. The mission to establish stable diplomatic relations failed due to internal circumstances in the Qing Dynasty. However, Spathari was the first official ambassador of the Russian tsar to have an audience with the Qing emperor. To this end, both sides of Russia and Q’ing made concessions, namely that Q’ing government gave special treatment to the Russian tsar's official documents, and Spathari performed a kowtow instead. In this way, the Russian ambassador could have an audience with the Qing emperor. The fact that ambassador plenipotentiary of the Russian tsar, meets the emperor through official procedures means a direct meeting between the two countries. This marks the formation of the first direct line of contact between Russia and Ching diplomatically. The mission to explore traffic routes to China was successful in that the Spathari delegation created a new travel route between the two countries that did not pass through Mongolia. Previously, when Russia passed through Mongolian territory and went to and from China under the guidance of the Mongols, the Russians had no choice but to recognize China through the Mongols and to move according to Mongols’ intentions. But now, if necessary, the possibility of reaching Beijing directly without the permission of Mongolia has been opened, regardless of the situation in Mongolia. Geographically, it can be evaluated that Russia and China have established a direct line of contact.
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4

Sanders, Alan J. K. "Mongolia: All Quiet on the Western Front." Inner Asia 16, no. 2 (December 10, 2014): 443–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340028.

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Анотація:
Alicia Campi and her Mongolian co-author Baasan reconstruct a largely unknown historical record indicating that relations between Mongolia and the u.s. might have been established a century ago, had opportunities not been missed and the ‘China question’ not predominated. Ambassador Jonathan Addleton provides an account of the official establishment of u.s.-Mongolian diplomatic relations in January 1987, as perestroika was already eating away at the foundations of the first ‘people’s republic’, and shows how freedom and democracy have flourished there in the era of globalisation. Dierkes and his contributors indicate some of the challenges Mongolians face in adapting the traditional and the modern to their new society.
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5

Yakushev, S. "Mongolia in Modern System of International Relations." World Economy and International Relations, no. 8 (2010): 109–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2010-8-109-115.

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Анотація:
The geographical position of Mongolia between two largest Eurasian states – Russia and China – predetermined the choice of its foreign policy priorities. On the author's opinion, the key difference of Mongolian government's new state policy in the international relations field is a multi-vector course, commitment not only to Russia (as in previous years), but also to China, as well as promotion of cooperation with other developed and high powered countries – the USA and Japan.
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6

Kuras, Leonid V., та Bazar D. Tsybenov. "От Уполномоченного императорского российского правительства в Монголии И. Я. Коростовца до Уполномоченного НКИД РСФСР в Монголии О. И. Макстенека: к 100-летию российско-монгольских дипломатических отношений". Монголоведение (Монгол судлал) 13, № 2 (30 листопада 2021): 351–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.22162/2500-1523-2021-2-351-365.

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Анотація:
Introduction. An urgent issue of Mongolian studies today is the role of Russian-Mongolian diplomatic relations in promoting the statehood of Mongolia in the first quarter of the twentieth century. The revolutionalry movement in Inner Asia, in particular, and the social-political history of modern Mongolia, in general, are closely associated with the efforts of Russian diplomacy and, especially, with a number of diplomats who greatly contributed to the promotion of Mongolian direction of the Russian politics in the East. The aim of the present article is the study of the activities of Russian diplomats, namely I. Ya. Korostovets, the Plenipotentiary of the Imperial Russian Government in Mongolia, and O. I. Makstenek, the Representative of the People’s Commissariat of Foreign Affairs of the RSFSR in Mongolia. Accordingly, the research has been conducted along the following lines: i) history of the issue, ii) examination of 1912 Russian-Mongolian agreement, iii) description of the events in Outer Mongolia between 1917 and 1920, and iv) analysis of Makstenek’s report as a source on the history of Mongolian Revolution of 1921 and the Soviet-Chinese relations. Conclusions.Both Korostovets, on behalf of the Russian Imperial Government, and Makstenek, on behalf of the RSFSR, played a significant role in establishing the regional system of international relations in the Baikal region. The 1912 Russian-Mongolian Agreement, which was in fact the result of Korostovets’ efforts, was instrumental in promoting Mongolia as a subject of international law and in initiating the movement of Mongolians to their de facto and de jure independence from China. Makstenek’s report shows much effort the Soviet diplomat took in preparing the Mongolian Revolution of 1921. Besides receiving and delegating Mongolian revolutionaries to Soviet Russia, taking an active part in preparations to the First Congress of the Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Party and in the formation of military detachments of Mongolian People’s Revolutionary Army, Makstenek conducted negotiations with the Chinese authorities in Urga and Maimachen, i.e. in fact initiated the diplomatic proceedings designed to prepare the presence of Soviet troops in Mongolia.
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7

Batbayar, Tsedendamba. "MONGOLIAN-RUSSIAN RELATIONS IN THE PAST DECADE." Asian Survey 43, no. 6 (November 1, 2003): 951–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2003.43.6.951.

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Abstract Because of its location between Russia and China, today, as in the past, Mongolia is likely to be of strategic importance to Russia. Due to its own weakened position, Moscow favors Mongolia's adopting a neutral posture vis-àà-vis its two giant neighbors. This article analyzes the evolution of Moscow's policy toward Mongolia in the 1990s. Russian policy went through three stages: a breakdown of bilateral relations, stagnation, and revival of bilateral relations. Russian interests in Mongolia include both political-strategic and trade and economic aspects.
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8

Makarov, Aleksandr. "China — Mongolia — Russia Economic Corridor Program: Problems and Prospects for Implementation." Problemy dalnego vostoka, no. 4 (2021): 84. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013128120015640-5.

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Анотація:
The 100-th anniversary of the establishment of diplomatic relations between Russia and Mongolia, which the two neighboring countries will celebrate on November 5, 2021, gives a serious reason to assess the current state of bilateral cooperation, existing problems and prospects for its development. In recent years, the issues of intensification of Russian-Mongolian relations have been considered in the context of the trilateral «Program for the creation of the China-Mongolia-Russia economic corridor». Despite the lack of concrete results within the framework of this program, the implementation of a number of infrastructure projects is being prepared, which will seriously strengthen the economic base of cooperation between Russia and Mongolia and China. The paper analyzes the problematic issues of the implementation of plans for the development of transport and energy infrastructure through Mongolia, which are considered as the basis for trilateral cooperation. Particular attention is paid to plans for the development of the railway network. The promising directions for the development of cross-border infrastructure in the framework of the program for the creation of the Mongolian corridor are identified.
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9

Namsaraeva, Sayana. "Border Language." Inner Asia 16, no. 1 (August 19, 2014): 116–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22105018-12340006.

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Анотація:
The conceptual framework of this paper is to view Mongolia as a ‘contact zone’ which geographically bridged the gap between two rapidly growing Eurasian empires—Russia and China. It allows a rethinking of the historical and social circumstances that led to the formation of Chinese Pidgin Russian (cpr)1 by highlighting the lexical and grammatical influence of the Mongolian language on contact languages in the China–Russia border area. In particular, it discusses Mongolian language in various encounters in Russian–Chinese interactions, such as the use of Mongolian as mediation language during the initial stage of Qing–Russian diplomatic relations and aslingua francain caravan trade and border relations between Russia and China, as well as its influence on the formation of Transbaikal dialect (orZabaikal’skoe narechie), which was widely spoken by Russians in Mongol-speaking colonial frontiers of Russia in Eastern Siberia. Moreover, the paper highlights the Mongolian elements in the firstcpr, questioning a common scholarly perception that Kiakhta (or Maimacheng)2 pidgin consisted primarily of Russian and Chinese borrowings. Therefore, unique language hybridisation of these three languages continues to be noticeable in Russia–China trade hubs in Inner Mongolia nowadays, where transborder ethnic and economic contacts between Russia, China and Mongolia are becoming more complicated and diverse.
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10

Sukhodolov, Yakov, Avirmed Davaasuren, and Alexei Manzhigeev. "Contemporary Peculiarities and Prospects for the Development of Russian Foreign Trade Cooperation with Mongolia." Bulletin of Baikal State University 28, no. 4 (December 27, 2018): 632–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2500-2759.2018.28(4).632-639.

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Анотація:
Russia attaches great importance to the development of cooperation with the Asia-Pacific region, which is one of the centers of world economic development. These countries include Mongolia. Russian-Mongolian relations are based on a long-term history of good neighborly relations and traditionally have a multidimensional nature. The article discusses the main aspects of Russian-Mongolian foreign trade relations based on the analysis of the dynamics of foreign trade turnover in bilateral trade and commodity structure. Currently, there is a decline in foreign trade cooperation between the countries. The article also touches upon the monostructural nature of trade between the two countries, which is very vulnerable. The national interests of Russia and Mongolia in the Russia - Mongolia - China triangle are acquiring special relevance and importance in modern conditions. The intensification of trade, economic and investment relations between Russia and Mongolia is possible through the implementation of joint projects in the mining and processing industries, modernization of infrastructure and development of tourism.
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Більше джерел

Дисертації з теми "China – Relations – Mongolia"

1

Billé, Franck. "Bodies of excess : imagining the Chinese in contemporary Mongolia." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/252232.

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2

au, J. Boyd@murdoch edu, and James Graham Boyd. "Faith, race and strategy: Japanese-Mongolian relations, 1873-1945." Murdoch University, 2008. http://wwwlib.murdoch.edu.au/adt/browse/view/adt-MU20081015.132836.

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Анотація:
Between 1873 and 1945 Japan and Mongolia had a complex and important relationship that has been largely overlooked in post-war studies of Japan’s imperial era. In fact, Japanese-Mongolian relations in the modern period provide a rich field of enquiry into the nature of Japanese imperialism as well as further evidence of the complexity of Japan’s relationships with other Asian countries in the decades before 1945. This thesis examines the relationship from the Japanese perspective, drawing on a diverse range of contemporary materials, both official and unofficial, including military documents, government reports, travel guides and academic works, many of which have been neglected in earlier studies. In previous analyses, the strategic dimension has been seen as overwhelming and Mongolia has often been regarded as merely a minor addendum to Japan’s relationship with Manchuria. In fact, however, Japan’s connection with Mongolia itself was a crucial part of its interaction with the Chinese continent from the 1870s to 1945. Though undeniably coveted for strategic reasons, Mongolia also offered unparalleled opportunities for the elaboration of all the major aspects of the discourses that made up Japan’s evolving claim to solidarity with and leadership of Asia. It also functioned as a showcase for Japan’s supposedly benevolent intentions towards Asia. In some ways, moreover, the relationship with Mongolia was presented as distinctive, particularly because of the common faith in Buddhism and a supposedly shared ancestry in ethnic terms. In turn, the military, political, ideological and cultural opportunities apparently provided by Mongolia account for the wide range of groups and individuals in Japan that developed Mongolian connections and for the often close relations between these groups and individuals on the one hand, and the most powerful institutions of the Japanese state on the other.
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3

Dorjjugder, Munkh-Ochir. "Correlation of identity and interest in foreign policy : implications for Mongolia." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03sep%5FDorjjugder.pdf.

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Анотація:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, September 2003.
Thesis advisor(s): Edward A. Olsen, Jeffrey Knopf. Includes bibliographical references (p. 141-148). Also available online.
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4

Reeves, Jeffrey. "Mongolian state weakness, foreign policy, and dependency on the People’s Republic of China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/287/.

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This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.
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5

Dumont, Aurore. "Échanges marchands, réseaux relationnels et nomadisme contemporain chez les Evenk de Chine (Mongolie-intérieure)." Paris, EPHE, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EPHE5025.

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Cette recherche est consacrée aux Evenk de Mongolie-Intérieure, une « minorité nationale » de Chine, composée de trois groupes : les Evenk éleveurs de rennes, les Khamnigan et les Solon. L’objectif est de mettre en lumière les dynamiques qui caractérisent le nomadisme contemporain envisagé à partir de la mobilité, des échanges marchands et des réseaux relationnels. Ce travail s’appuie sur des enquêtes de terrain menées dans la région de Hulunbuir où coexistent deux types d’élevage mobile : celui des rennes dans la taïga et celui dit des « cinq museaux » de type mongol dans la steppe. Le premier axe porte sur les différentes politiques économiques et environnementales menées avant et après 1949, afin de comprendre le processus historique dans lequel s’inscrit la situation actuelle des Evenk. Le second axe explore la construction et les représentations des espaces et des personnes à partir de l’analyse des milieux sédentaire et nomade et de leur utilisation alternée par les éleveurs. Il montre ainsi que ces deux espaces sont complémentaires aussi bien dans les activités pastorales quotidiennes que dans les différents types de déplacements. Le dernier axe traite des mécanismes marchands et des dynamiques relationnelles entre les Evenk et leurs partenaires chinois. Après avoir défini les éléments relevant de la consommation personnelle ou de la sphère marchande, l’analyse porte sur les différents types de transactions déterminés par la nature du « bien » et de la relation nouée avec le partenaire. Les modalités et les fonctions des réseaux relationnels sont ainsi mises en lumière dans le cadre des échanges marchands et non marchands
This research is devoted to the Evenki of Inner Mongolia. This “national minority” of China, consists of three groups: the Evenki reindeer herders, the Khamnigan and the Solon. The goal of this research is to highlight the dynamics that characterize contemporary nomadism, considered from the perspectives of mobility, commodity exchanges and relational networks. This work is based on fieldwork conducted in Hulunbuir area where two types of mobile pastoralism coexist: the reindeer herding in the taiga and the “five muzzles” Mongolian herding type in the steppe. The first part of the dissertation focuses on the different economic and environmental policies conducted before and after 1949, in order to understand the historical process within the present situation of Evenki. The second part explores the construction and representations of the space and the people; it stems from the analysis of sedentary and nomadic milieu and their alternate use by the herders. It shows that these two spaces are complementary both in the daily pastoral activities and within the different types of mobilities. The last part deals with market mechanisms and relational dynamics between the Evenki and their Chinese partners. After having determined what falls under the sphere of personal consumption or commodities, the analysis focuses on the different types of transactions that are determined by the nature of the “good” and the relationship established with the partner. Thus, the modalities and functions of relational networks are highlighted in the commodities and non-commodities exchanges
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6

Baatarkhuyag, Enkhchimeg, and 其木格. "Mongolia-China-Russia Relations and Mongolian Views of China (1911-1945)." Thesis, 2015. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/96957299164494546443.

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Анотація:
博士
國立臺灣大學
國家發展研究所
103
Most of the literature on Mongolian independence by Taiwan scholars suggests that incitement by Russia caused Outer Mongolia’s separation from Qing Dynasty and describes the leaders of the Mongolian independence movement as traitors. But how did Mongolians view their relationship with China? Did they have an ideal of independence? Did Russia completely orchestrate the movement? How did Mongolians pursue independence and how did Mongolia’s relationship with the Republic of China (ROC) develop post-independence? Investigating these questions is the primary purpose of this research. This study compares the relevant literature by Mongolian and ROC scholars, examining their diverging perspectives of the history of Mongolia’s independence and exploring the key characteristics of the literature on both sides. The study also attempts to show that at the time Mongolia became independent, the relationship between Mongolia and the ROC was complex, unclear and contradictory. In addition to Mongolian and Chinese (ROC) sources, this study draws on the relevant Russian literature. Written from the vantage point of a Mongolian, it explores various perspectives on Mongolia’s independence. Most importantly, it brings to light the viewpoints of Mongolians regarding their pursuit of independence and shows clearly that Mongolian independence was not the result of incitement by imperialist powers. The study also illustrates that the divergence of views between Mongolian and ROC scholars can be attributed in large part to limitations in their access and attention to historical documents.
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7

Wu, Pei-Ti, and 巫佩蒂. "Anti-China Events in Mongolia: Causes, Impacts, and the Mongol-Sino Relations." Thesis, 2019. http://ndltd.ncl.edu.tw/handle/y9q334.

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Анотація:
碩士
國立政治大學
東亞研究所
107
Due to the historical legacies and the influence imposed by Russia, Mongolian have for long hold strong suspicion or even hatred toward China. Under such context, the 2017 presidential election in Mongolia and the suicidal event regarding China’s investment in Tavan Tolgoi mining ground were labelled as “anti-China” phenomena. This research project investigates the causes to these events by applying the method of analyzing related documents and literature and interviewing with Mongolian intellectuals. The theoretical approach adopted in this research is provided by the theory of asymmetric relationship. Several concepts extracted from the theory of asymmetric relationship were applied for further explaining how Mongolia deals with its foreign relations, especially the bilateral relationship with China. The outcome of this research revealed that none of the above mentioned phenomena are truly anti-China events; the causes are actually domestic political disputes inside of Mongolia. The cover of “anti-China” of these events, which was mostly imposed by international media, was in fact the result of the negative image of China in Mongolia. Despite the stereotypes about China in the domestic society, the Mongolian government remains positive diplomatic relationship with Beijing. The reality of being the weaker side of the asymmetric bilateral relationship has made Mongolia vulnerable that not a lot of options left for its foreign policy making, but continuing maintaining good relationship with China.
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8

Mack, Dustin J. "Cooperation and confederacy : a comparison of indigenous confederacies in relation to imperial polities." 2010. http://liblink.bsu.edu/uhtbin/catkey/1607098.

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Анотація:
This study demonstrates the flexible nature of relations between “peripheral” polities imperial “core” polities. The decentralized nature of the Mongol and Iroquois confederacies enabled them to dictate terms during negotiations with the Ming dynasty or British, respectively, giving them a higher degree of agency in their relations. Comparing the experiences of the Mongols and Iroquois provides a better understanding of how indigenous confederacies acted and reacted under similar circumstances. Likewise, this study aims to demonstrate the capacity for “peripheral” confederacies to resist, selectively adapt, and negotiate with “core” empires.
Confederacy in action -- Iroquois historiography -- Mongol historiography -- Social structures and foundation myths -- "Relative" relations.
Department of History
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Книги з теми "China – Relations – Mongolia"

1

Rahul, Ram. Afghanistan, Mongolia, and China. New Delhi: Atlantic Publishers & Distributors, 1992.

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2

Rahul, Ram. Mongolia between China and the USSR. New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers, 1989.

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3

Soni, S. K. Mongolia-China relations in historical perspective (1691-1911). Kolkata: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, 2004.

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4

K, Soni S. Mongolia between Russia and China: Emerging equation. Kolkata: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, 2003.

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5

K, Soni S. Mongolia between China and Russia an historical overview. Calcutta: Maulana Abul Kalam Azad Institute of Asian Studies, 2000.

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6

T͡S, Batbai͡ar. Essays on Mongolia, China, and Japan: Politics, economics, and lessons of development. Ulaanbaatar: [s.n.], 1996.

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7

Batbai︠a︡r, T︠S︡. Essays on Mongolia, China, and Japan: Politics, economics, and lessons of development. Ulaanbaatar: Shinzhlėkh Ukhaan Tekhnologi Mėdėėlliĭn Tȯviĭn Khėvlėkh U̇ĭldvėr, 1996.

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8

Bi, Guifang. Wai Meng jiao she shi mo ji. Taiwan: s.n., 1994.

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9

China, Taiwan, and the offshore islands: Together with an implication for Outer Mongolia and Sino-Soviet relations. Armonk, N.Y: M.E. Sharpe, 1985.

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10

Campi, Alicia J. The impact of China and Russia on United States-Mongolian political relations in the twentieth century. Lewiston, N.Y: The Edwin Mellen Press, 2009.

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Частини книг з теми "China – Relations – Mongolia"

1

Wu, Aitchen K. "Russia's Relations with Outer Mongolia." In China and the Soviet Union, 27–46. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003336341-4.

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2

Radchenko, Sergey. "Mongolia Hangs in the Balance: Political Choices and Economic Realities in a State Bounded by China and Russia." In International Relations and Asia’s Northern Tier, 127–45. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-10-3144-1_8.

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3

"The Mongols and China: Inner Mongolia and Ulaanbaatar’s relations with Beijing." In Mongolia. I.B. TAURIS, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781788316972.ch-009.

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4

"26. Ethnic Relations and Political History Along the Silk Roads." In From Yuan to Modern China and Mongolia, 665–72. BRILL, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004285293_028.

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5

Zemtsov, Ilya, and John Farrar. "The “Mongol Hordes”: Relations with the People’s Republic of China." In Gorbachev, 231–35. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203790519-16.

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6

Humphrey, Caroline. "Concepts of "Russia" and their Relation to the Border with China." In Frontier Encounters: Knowledge and Practice at the Russian, Chinese and Mongolian Border, 55–70. Open Book Publishers, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0026.04.

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7

"Wandan of the Qaraçin reports on his contacts with China." In Manchu-Mongol Relations on the Eve of the Qing Conquest, 76–78. BRILL, 2003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004491977_023.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "China – Relations – Mongolia"

1

Densmaa, Oyuntsetseg, Gerelchimeg Kaliinaa, Norovsuren Nanzad, and Tsogzolboo Otgonbayar. "MONGOLIA’S “THIRD NEIGHBOR POLICY”." In Proceedings of the XXV International Scientific and Practical Conference. RS Global Sp. z O.O., 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.31435/rsglobal_conf/25012021/7365.

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Geographically Mongolia has two neighbors. Mongolia’s existence today depends largely on mutually friendly relationships with two big neighbors. The main pillars of Mongolia’s new international strategy were incorporated in Mongolia’s National Security Concept adopted on June 30, 1994. This document, approved by the Mongolian Parliament, emphasizes a balanced policy towards the country’s two giant neighbors, underlines the importance of economic security in protecting Mongolia’s national integrity, and warns about too much dependence on any one country for trade. In today’s world of globalization and interdependence, Mongolia has to engage with other countries beyond these two neighbors, Russia and China. This is fundamental thing of the Mongolia’s searching third neighbor. Mongolia needs more friends to ensure its national security interests and achieve economic prosperity its ‘Third Neighbor Policy’1 is a policy of extending its friends all around the world. Two immediate neighbors of Mongolia, Russia and China, remain the foreign policy priority and this priority is not contradictory to the policy of having more friends. Mongolia is becoming an arena of clashes of economic interests of developed countries, multinational corporations due its rich mining deposits. Mongolia's Third Neighbor Policy is aimed to leverage the influence of neighboring countries in the national security issues of Mongolia. In contrast with other satellite states of the former Soviet Union, Mongolia concurrently instituted a democratic political system, a market-driven economy, and a foreign policy based on balancing relations with Russia and China while expanding relations with the West and East. Mongolia is now pursuing a foreign policy that will facilitate global engagement, allow the nation to maintain its sovereignty, and provide diplomatic freedom of maneuver through a “third neighbor” policy. 2 This policy is very much alive today but there is no reason to claim that its implementation is satisfactory. Mongolia has major investors from the US, Japan, Germany and France from the EU, for example. There are many universal conventions related to landlocked country. For Mongolia, access to sea via our two neighbors, means promoting economic ties with the third neighbors, as an important factor conducive to reinforcing the material foundations of Mongolia’s third neighbor policy.
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2

Li, Xiaona. "THE ECONOMIC RELATIONS BETWEEN RUSSIA, MONGOLIA AND CHINA." In 6th SGEM International Multidisciplinary Scientific Conferences on SOCIAL SCIENCES and ARTS Proceedings. STEF92 Technology, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5593/sgemsocial2019v/1.1/s12.053.

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3

Ponka, Tatiana, Ludmila Ponomarenko, Andrey Belchenko, and Xiaona Li. "Relations Between China and Mongolia: Cultural and Educational Dimensions." In Proceedings of the 2nd International Conference on Contemporary Education, Social Sciences and Ecological Studies (CESSES 2019). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/cesses-19.2019.247.

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4

Karnyshev, Alexander. "Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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Анотація:
In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.
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5

Uya, Yifan. "Collaborative Vibration: The Mythic Journey of A Coal Boy." In LINK 2021. Tuwhera Open Access, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/link2021.v2i1.119.

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Acknowledging the Anthropocene crisis, my research examines myth and myth-making to reimagine the role of Claude Lévi-Strauss’ bricoleur concept. Following Joseph M. Coll’s Taoist and Buddhist systemic thinking inspired theory of sustainable transformation, the practice-led project evolves into the making of an essayist film that conveys a specific personal myth.My research reckons that a bricoleur should perceive myth-making as an organic growing organisation that acquires intuition and posteriori knowledge. And focus on a narrative that evolves into the mythic identity of a piece of coal and a bar-tailed godwit corresponding to designated oppositional values and semiotic assets. Apart from the practitioner works of Stan Brakhage, Chris Marker and Adam Curtis, my research also dives into Elysia Crampton Chuquimia, Howie Lee and Yaksha‘s musical languages to explore the other narrative possibilities when re-examining history in a socially conscious manner. As the film soundtrack is also part of the myth-making production. My practice-led project inevitably evolves into the subject of the self as the production presents a negotiation through metaphors and signifiers concerning memory, history and experience. The filmmaking echoes a search for the wisdom of self-acceptance. It adopts Stephen Yablo’s understanding of conceivability to generate and regenerate meaningful assets. Concepts are planted to grow into newer representations compromising posteriori knowledge and self-realisations, with informal syllogistic reasoning concerning the epistemological nature of imagination and the transformative structure of myth. The contextual knowledge of my research examines the subject of myth and myth-making through Jacques Lacan's theory of fantasy, Jungian analytical psychology and Claude Lévi-Strauss knowledge of structural linguistics. It adopts Lévi-Strauss’ canonical myth formula concerning the missing discussion of experience, community, and the wilder contexts of shamanology. Maurice Merleau-Ponty's phenomenological body and Martin Heidegger's thoughts on the philosophy of technology concerning the body-to-technology relation and the notion of symbolic light and darkness. With critics on the instrumentalist stance of technology and Rene Descartes's modal metaphysics concerning Arnold Gehlen’s conservative alert of mankind’s debased condition of modern existence, my research proposes that myth-making is a necessary altruistic form of social technology that can transform experience into wisdom. Acknowledging that will is the priority for behaviour change. The production examines the Dao of myth and myth-making as a specific technological answer to resolve David Attenborough's calling for a global transformation and collaboration in his book A Life of Our Planet. To further develop such a technology, my research seeks a systemic understanding of myth and myth-making. Therefore, my research hypothesis a wholistic and heuristic methodology, namely Daoist bricoleur. By experiencing a personal myth, I celebrate my Manchu and Chinese culture origin and the complexity of my upbringing. My research visits the endangered Manchu Ulabun storytelling tradition and reckons the film production rely on the structural establishment of critical mythic fragments founded on autobiography and social conventions. As a permanent resident of New Zealand born in a coal-mining town in eastern Inner Mongolia, China, with an unverifiable ancestral clan name related to Kangxi, Yongzheng and Qianlong Emperor of the Qing Dynasty and much more.
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