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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 4 червня 2021
Оновлено: 1 серпня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

1

SINGH, Bhubhindar. "Japan-Southeast Asia Relations Amid US-China Competition in East Asia." East Asian Policy 13, no. 03 (July 2021): 71–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930521000210.

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Japan has emerged as a critical strategic actor in East Asia amidst intensifying US-China structural competition since 2010. Southeast Asia/ASEAN is an important dimension of Japan’s foreign policy expansion. This paper argues that Japan’s foreign policy is driven by the aim of becoming an alternative source of strategic stability in Southeast Asia/ASEAN as opposed to the United States and China. This is explained by analysing Japan’s foreign policy in regional balance of power and ASEAN-led multilateralism.
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2

Yahuda, Michael. "The Foreign Relations of Greater China." China Quarterly 136 (December 1993): 687–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000032306.

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Greater China refers in the first instance to the close economic ties of trade, technology transfers and investment that have emerged since the second half of the 1980s linking Taiwan and Hong Kong with the rapid development of southern China. But it also suggests that the economic links are buttressed by familial, social, historical and cultural ties of a peculiarly Chinese kind. These ties and links have developed between different Chinese communities whose political divergences had until recently precluded such a development. Consequently the emergence of Greater China poses new challenges and opportunities to the political identities of its three constituent members and to the conduct of relations between them. Greater China and its possible future trajectory affects and is also affected by the rest of the Asia-Pacific region including the major powers of the United States and Japan as well as those in the immediate vicinity of South-east Asia.
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3

Taranenko, Anna. "BILATERAL UKRAINE-CHINA RELATIONS AT THE CURRENT STAGE." Politology bulletin, no. 81 (2018): 68–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2415-881x.2018.81.68-74.

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Foreign policy is one of the most important directions of sovereign states’ activity. An especially important place in foreign policy shaping is bilateral relations between states. For Ukraine, such vectors of foreign policy as European, Euro-Atlantic, Eurasian and Asian are traditionally important. In particular, the implementation of the Asian foreign policy vector and the establishment of effective relations with the People's Republic of China as one of the leaders of world economic development is a very important task for Ukrainian diplomacy at this time. The analysis of foreign and Ukrainian sources regarding this topic demonstrates the interest of researchers in bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations. One of the important trends in world socio-political development is globalization processes. In this article the author examines the state of bilateral Ukrainian-Chinese relations at the present stage characterized by dynamic globalization rate. In the results of the conducted study one can note that currently there are certain obstacles to the effective development of bilateral relations between Ukraine and China, however at the same time there is sufficient potential for further intensification of bilateral relations between the indicated countries. On the basis of the analysis, one can conclude that among the successes of Ukraine's foreign policy over the past few years, one can identify the establishment of a fairly fruitful relationship with the People's Republic of China: cooperation in the agricultural and trade sectors, transport sphere, cultural exchanges. At the same time, it is necessary to strengthen the effective use of the foreign policy resource for more effective cooperation with the People's Republic of China — one of the most powerful current leaders of world economic development. It is important to avoid controversial military and political issues. It is vital to establish effective international cooperation with this country, which would allow achieving mutually beneficial goals. This is related to further research prospects concerning further development of Ukraine's relations with the countries of the Asia-Pacific region, in particular with the states of the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and APEC (Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation).
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4

Khotimah, Siti Khusnul, and Yuliati Yuliati. "Hubungan Perdagangan Majapahit dengan Tiongkok Abad XII - XIV." SINDANG: Jurnal Pendidikan Sejarah dan Kajian Sejarah 4, no. 2 (July 1, 2022): 128–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.31540/sindang.v4i2.1122.

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The Majapahit Kingdom was a kingdom that had very good relations with foreign kingdoms in Southeast Asia and foreign kingdoms outside Southeast Asia. One of them is with China, which is a foreign kingdom in the East Asia region. This is because the Majapahit kingdom has a foreign policy called Mitreka Satata which means equal/equal. With this foreign policy, Majapahit was able to establish relationships with foreign kingdoms, one of which was China, which was a foreign kingdom outside Southeast Asia. Kakawin Desawarnana and Notes written by the Chinese themselves also briefly mention the very good relations between Majapahit and China in terms of trade. It was through this trade that Mitreka Satata's relationship between Majapahit and China could be formed and continued very well. In fact, because of trade, there are many Chinese and Majapahit people in social life. Therefore, this research will conduct an in-depth study of the Mitreka Satata relationship between Majapahit and China through existing historical sources.
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5

Baviera, Aileen S. P. "China’s Strategic Foreign Initiatives Under Xi Jinping." China Quarterly of International Strategic Studies 02, no. 01 (January 2016): 57–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s2377740016500032.

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This article provides a summary of China’s new strategic foreign initiatives under Xi Jinping’s leadership. These initiatives include the “One Belt, One Road” proposal, the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank, and calls for a “New Asian Security Concept” as well as for “a new type of major power relations.” In a localized Southeast Asian context, they are operationalized, as projects under the so-called 21st Century Maritime Silk Road proposal, a “[Formula: see text] cooperation framework for China-Southeast Asia relations,” and the so-called “dual track” approach to the management of the South China Sea disputes. These initiatives are expected to provide a favorable external environment for the attainment of the “Chinese dream” and to pave the way for China to emerge into a position of global power and leadership. The article mainly focuses on what these initiatives may be signaling to China’s neighbors, and the subsequent implications for Southeast Asia and its relations with China. There are, for instance, some doubts as to whether China can be a reliable provider of security and stability as public goods in its own region if China itself is a key party in the territorial contentions and power rivalries that could be likely causes of conflict. The fact that China is still trying to defend primordial territorial and cultural-ideational interests, settle historical scores, and find an effective model for its domestic politics and governance that will serve its increasingly globalized economy, indicates that China may not be ready yet to make the sacrifices and compromises that will be required of regional — let alone global — leadership.
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6

Sadibaqosev, Habibullo. "THE TAIWAN PROBLEM IN CHINA-USA RELATIONS." American Journal of Political Science Law and Criminology 06, no. 05 (May 12, 2024): 10–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.37547/tajpslc/volume06issue05-03.

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The China - Taiwan conflict is one of the most relevant and sensitive topics in China-US relations. Territorial conflict with Taiwan is one of the few issues that can potentially lead to escalation of tension between the United States and China. This article analyzes the China - Taiwan conflict in contemporary Chinese and American foreign policy. The historical conflicts between China and Taiwan from World War II to the present day are examined, showing the role of the United States in escalating the issue. The evolution of Sino-American relations in Northeast Asia in the 21st century and its impact on Taiwan is also explored.
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7

Malysheva, D. "South Asia in Foreign Policy Priorities of Central Asia and Russia." Russia and New States of Eurasia, no. 2 (2022): 80–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2073-4786-2022-2-80-92.

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The South Asian direction of the foreign policy of the Central Asian republics and Russia serves the purpose of diversifying their international contacts under severe conditions of the transition to a polycentric world order. Along with energy and transport projects, the sphere of security and international relations remains a priority in the triangle of Central Asia (CA)–South Asia (SA)–Russian Federation (RF). The foreign policy vectors are largely determined by such major regional states as India, Pakistan, Uzbekistan, Kazakhstan. These states are developing a strategic partnership and economic cooperation with Russia, China, other South Asian and Central Asian countries within the framework of regional (The Shanghai Cooperation Organization, BRICS, RIC) structures, as well as some informal strategic forums (Central Asia – Russia dialogue, etc.).
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8

Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 3 (March 2021): 158–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.3.37156.

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This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the  conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of  involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works,  the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.
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9

Novoseltsev, Sergey Vladimirovich, and Igor' Valer'evich Ryzhov. "Foreign policy priorities of the United States in Asia-Pacific: impact of the concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First”." Конфликтология / nota bene, no. 4 (April 2021): 71–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0617.2021.4.37156.

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Анотація:
This article analyzes the influence of the United States upon the political processes in APAC based on the example of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. An overview is given to the foreign policy concepts “Pivot to Asia” and “America First” proposed by the administrations of B. Obama and D. Trump respectively, the priorities outlined therein, as well as importance of the  conflict in the South China Sea for the US foreign policy. The author examines the practical steps taken by Washington in relation to the South China Sea question, as well as concludes on the objectives of the United States and possible steps in this direction. Although the theme of territorial disputes in the South China Sea, including the degree of  involvement of Washington into this issue, as well as other East Asian affairs, is quite popular in the scientific works,  the novelty of this research consists in the innovative approach towards consideration of the conflict in the South China Sea not as a separate problem of international relations, but as the foreign policy instrument of superpower and regional powers (including the United States) used for formatting the East Asian regional subsystem of international relations and structuring the Greater East Asia macroregion to their benefit.
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10

Freire, Maria Raquel. "China-Russia relations in a framework of strategic containment." Relações Internacionais, special issue 2021 (2021): 53–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.23906/ri2021.sia04.

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This article analyses Russian foreign policy in its Asian dimension, placing Russia’s relationship with China in the broader framework of Russia’s foreign policy “Asia Pivot” strategy. The study concludes with a cautious reading of this relationship, anchored in the notion that, underneath the layer of greater closeness and intensified collaboration, lies a relationship of double strategic containment, both regarding the US and the West, and between these two giants. For Russia, the relevance of China in political and economic terms is evident and clearly assumed, but the fear of imbalances resulting from substantive differences between the two has held back a number of actions, while encouraging others in a logic of much-needed refocusing and rebalancing for Moscow.
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Дисертації з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

1

Liu, Qianqian. "China's strategy towards East Asian regional cooperation since the Asian financial crisis." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609782.

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2

Lee, Jae-hyung. "China and the Asia-Pacific region : geostrategic relations and a return to a naval dimension." Title page, abstract and table of contents only, 2002. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phl4782.pdf.

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Bibliography: leaves 285-314. Introduction -- Ch. 1. Sea power and the world -- Ch. 2. Chinese sea power and the century of humiliation -- Ch. 3. China's emerging sea power in the PRC period -- Ch. 4. China's expanding maritime sphere of influence int he Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean -- Ch. 5. Southeast Asia: gateway to China's maritime expansion -- Ch. 6. Russia and India: China's immediate competitors -- Ch. 7. Japan and the Republic of Korea (ROK): China's competitive neighbours -- Ch. 8. The United States: China's strategic competitor -- Conclusion "The thesis examines China's geostrategic relations with Asia-Pacific countries with special reference to its naval ambitions toward the region. The thesis concentrates especially on the People's Republic of China (PRC)'s apparent intention to expand its maritime influence into the Western Pacific and the Indian Ocean by putting pressure on the security of sea lines of communication (SLOCs) from the Gulf to the nations of East Asia via the Arabian Sea, the Bay of Bengal, the Straits of Malacca and Singapore, the South China Sea, and the Taiwan Strait." -- ABSTRACT
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3

Kapyata, Dennis. "China-African Union relations : 2001 to the present." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2020. https://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_oa/738.

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The increasing engagement of China in Africa after the cold war has steered debates concerning the growing complexion of this relationship. However, the emphasis of assessment has mainly been narrowed to the bilateral relationship between China and African countries. Insufficient consideration has been focused to the increasing relationship concerning China and African Union which is the continental Regional Organization of African states. This study explores the nature and impact of China-African Union relationship and its consequences to the African Union member states generally. The study examines the significance of this relationship and demonstrates how both China and African Union are using this relationship to fulfill their objectives and the ultimate effect to the African Union member states that have bilateral relations with China. By using qualitative design and the lens of constructivism this study has tested the extent of the application of China's objectives under the China African policy and the African Union objectives under the Constitutive Act and Agenda 2063 by analyzing the extent the parties are using this relationship to enhance the fulfillment of their objectives, by testing the study on the objectives of infrastructure development, peace and security, health, and capacity development as the research variables. This study shows the extent at which the parties' relations has led to the achievement of these objectives thus demonstrating the importance of the relationship between China and African Union. This relationship has enhanced peace and security preservation of the African continent, facilitated the development of African Union Centre for Disease Control and Prevention to boost the health objective on the continent, as well as aggrandized skill development through capacity development initiatives on the continent. China has also supported, consistently praised and acknowledged the role of the AU in solving African problems as well as constructing for it the biggest office block hence giving the continental organization a new face. Nevertheless, the study shows that China is using this relationship to project itself as a more active external partner for the AU and the African continent compared to the rest. Similarly, China is trying to use this relationship with the AU to socialize the AU member states towards its own priorities, and the relationship is positioning China to initiate, maintain and increase its Soft power interests on the African continent as well as advance its norms. Equally, China is carefully using its relationship with the AU to promote its geostrategic and political interests on the African continent for instance through its recent establishment of the Chinese military base in Djibouti. The study also highlights how Chinese Africa relations is not only based on interest of exploiting African resources entirely as described by previous authors, but there is also commitment towards increasing its engagement with the African Union basing on each other's policies and priorities in order to fulfill their objectives
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4

D'Haeseleer, Tineke. "Northeast Asia during the Tang dynasty : relations of the Tang court with Koguryŏ, Bohai, and Youzhou-Yingzhou." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2011. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.609937.

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5

Ye, Shulan. "Rising China's regional policy in East Asia : a constructivist perspective." HKBU Institutional Repository, 2010. http://repository.hkbu.edu.hk/etd_ra/1191.

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6

Karrar, Hasan H. (Hasan Haider) 1973. "The new silk road diplomacy : a regional analysis of China's Central Asian foreign policy, 1991-2005." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102514.

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This thesis explores China's relations with Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan, and Uzbekistan, from 1991 to 2005, contributing to the body of knowledge by arguing that China's relations with post-Soviet Central Asia were shaped by security and economic imperatives in Xinjiang, home to Muslim Turkic nationalities who have historically challenged Beijing's jurisdiction.
As discussed in Chapter One, after 1949, the Communist Party sought to bring Xinjiang firmly within Beijing's orbit, ending a 150-year long period during which Beijing's hold over Xinjiang periodically faltered. The dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, coupled with instability in Afghanistan, led to new challenges to Beijing's authority.
Chapter Two examines China's relations with Central Asia from 1992 to 1996. In the post-Cold War order characterized by US primacy, China envisioned Central Asia as an arena of cooperation between China, Russia, and the independent republics. However, the republics became fertile ground for transnational Islamist movements. China feared spillover into Xinjiang; consequently, China extended economic cooperation to the impoverished republics with the understanding that they would suppress emigre Uighur organizations. Bilateral economic cooperation was also important for Xinjiang, which benefited from cross-border trade.
Chapter Three examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 1996 to 2001, exploring the development of the Shanghai Five mechanism in 1996 between China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, which initially addressed confidence building, but after 1998, focused on regional security. This was important for China, since in 1996/1997, Xinjiang experienced instability that was exacerbated by the independence of Central Asia. Competition over the region's energy is also examined, which contributed to international rivalry.
Chapter Four examines Sino-Central Asian relations from 2001 to 2005. In June 2001, the Shanghai Accord signatories, and Uzbekistan, established the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO). While envisioned as a forum for wide-ranging cooperation, combating "terrorism, separatism, and extremism," was an immediate priority. Following the attacks on September 11, 2001, the United States sought a military presence in Central Asia that temporarily undermined China's influence, heightening China's concerns over energy security. China's response was to gradually deepen relations with the republics in the energy and security fields.
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7

Ma, Yansheng 1956. "Dynamics of regional (in)security in the post-cold war era : China and Southeast Asia." Thesis, McGill University, 1999. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=30186.

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This thesis has explored two basic themes in post-Cold War international relations. The first is the transformation of the global and regional security environments leading to a projected decline in the importance of traditional realist-style security problems. The second is the supposed shift in state behavior with conflictual strategies giving way to accommodation. These presumed trends are explored in the context of Southeast Asia and, more specifically, China's security strategies and relations in the region. This study argues that conventional security problems have declined in Southeast Asia in the short term but still remain prominent. In terms of policies, while China's goals remained partly revisionist with regard to territorial issues and status/power relationships, its approaches became more accommodative in coping with disputed issues in the region. This was manifested above all in its gradual acceptance of a multilateral framework for dialogue on regional security issues and in its willingness to undertake some confidence building measures in the military area. This shift can be explained partly in terms of China's external political concerns at both the global and regional levels. The more fundamental explanation, however, lies in China's drive for economic modernization with an accommodative regional strategy intended to ensure the flow of external resources required for this purpose.
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8

Purba, Mandala Sukarto. "Towards regionalism through the Asean-China free trade area: prospects and challenges." Thesis, University of the Western Cape, 2006. http://etd.uwc.ac.za/index.php?module=etd&action=viewtitle&id=gen8Srv25Nme4_7530_1183461471.

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The main objective of this study was to examine the prospects and challenges facing ACFTA (Asean-China free trade area). It examined what ought to be done by the ASEAN member nations to match China's competitive ability having recently joined the World Trade Organization. The study also examined the compatibility of the ACFTA with the World Trade Organization rules and mode of dispute settlement under ASEAN and NAFTA as well as profound issues relating to ACFTA.

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9

Reeves, Jeffrey. "Mongolian state weakness, foreign policy, and dependency on the People’s Republic of China." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2010. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/287/.

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This thesis draws on a synthesis of foreign policy analysis (FPA) and constructivism in order to demonstrate how post Cold War Mongolia’s relations with the People’s Republic of China (PRC) can be analysed through a multisectoral approach to explain the dilemmas that a weak state faces when conducting its relations with a much more powerful neighbour. It proposes that the dissonance between Mongolia’s social identity and its structures of governance is the basis for the Mongolian state’s weakness and that such weakness makes growing economic dependency on the PRC more difficult to manage. Moreover, the resulting combination of economic dependency and state weakness seriously limits the government’s ability to maintain an effective broader foreign policy. The dissertation draws on government texts, academic and media articles, and interviews in Mandarin Chinese, Mongolian, and English. The thesis looks in detail at the nature of Mongolian identity politics by focusing on identity development over la longue durée. It then demonstrates how the international community failed to take account of the dynamics of Mongolian identity politics when it came to assisting the Mongolian government with the country’s post Cold War transition from communism. This led to an undue reliance on what can be termed ‘Washington Consensus’ type political and economic reforms that considerably added to the weakness of the state. The thesis then focuses on Mongolia’s economic relations with the PRC to show how such state weakness has resulted in a relationship of growing dependency. Building on economic dependency theory, the thesis then further examines the implications of Mongolia-Sino relations from environmental, societal, and military perspectives. In conclusion, the dissertation argues that the division between the Mongolian state and society has been exacerbated by the country’s adherence to capitalism and democracy in ways that have created the potential for domestic instability by increasing the depth and breadth of economic dependence on the PRC. This imposes severe constraints on foreign policy options but has also demanded some imaginative innovations that give interesting insights into the measures a vulnerable state can take to maximise its international presence. Ultimately, however, the disjuncture between social identity and the state acts as a constraining factor on such initiatives in the case of Mongolia.
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10

Wang, Qiu Wen. "Regional integration in East Asia :the feasibility study of East Asian community." Thesis, University of Macau, 2011. http://umaclib3.umac.mo/record=b2554634.

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Книги з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

1

Geoff, Wade, ed. China and Southeast Asia. New York: Routledge, 2008.

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2

1936-, Ramakant, ed. China and South Asia. New Delhi: South Asian Publishers, 1988.

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3

Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., ed. Bibliography of ASEAN-China relations. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2006.

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4

1931-, Saw Swee-Hock, and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., eds. ASEAN-China economic relations. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2007.

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5

1954-, Ho Khai Leong, Singapore Society of Asian Studies., and Institute of Southeast Asian Studies., eds. Connecting & distancing: Southeast Asia and China. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 2009.

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6

Swaran, Singh. China-South Asia, issues, equations, policies. New Delhi: Lancer's Books, 2003.

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7

Womack, Brantly. China among unequals: Asymmetric foreign relationship in Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2010.

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8

Womack, Brantly. China among unequals: Asymmetric foreign relationship in Asia. Singapore: World Scientific, 2010.

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9

Harding, Harry. China and northeast Asia: The political dimension. Lanham, MD: University Press of America, 1988.

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10

Colin, Mackerras, ed. Australia and China: Partners in Asia. South Melbourne: Macmillan Education Australia, 1996.

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Частини книг з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

1

Benvenuti, Andrea, Chien-Peng Chung, Nicholas Khoo, and Andrew T. H. Tan. "China-Asia relations." In China's Foreign Policy, 102–18. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003088288-9.

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2

Stumbaum, May-Britt U. "Europe’s role in Asia." In US–China Foreign Relations, 130–44. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-14.

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3

Shifrinson, Joshua. "Europe and Asia (and China) in US grand strategy." In US–China Foreign Relations, 99–114. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-12.

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Patience, Allan. "‘Fear and Greed’? Australia Relations with China." In Australian Foreign Policy in Asia, 183–213. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-69347-7_6.

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Balme, Richard. "A European Strategy Towards China? The Limits of Integration in Foreign Policy Making." In Europe—Asia Relations, 125–44. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230583467_7.

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Chawla, Shalini. "China–Pakistan Relations." In Routledge Handbook on South Asian Foreign Policy, 298–312. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429054808-24.

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Kruarattikan, Sitthiphon. "Studies of Chinese politics and foreign relations in Thailand." In Researching China in Southeast Asia, 91–102. New York : Routledge, 2019. | Series: Routledge contemporary Southeast Asia series: Routledge, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429427039-7.

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Ross, Robert S. "The changing East Asian balance of power and the regional security order." In US–China Foreign Relations, 50–60. Abingdon, Oxon; New York: Routledge, 2021. |: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003056683-6.

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Adomeit, Hannes. "Russia’s Strategic Outlook and Policies: What Role for China?" In Russia-China Relations, 17–39. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-97012-3_2.

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AbstractThis examination deals with the mental maps and basic assumptions underlying Russia’s foreign policy and how these relate to China. I will take issue with the narrative, advanced in particular by Kremlin officials and pro-Putin apologists in the West, that Russia’s “pivot to Asia,” with China as its centerpiece, can be understood as the consequence of the West having rejected Putin’s outstretched hand for close cooperation, Russia’s exclusion from an all-European security structure by pushing NATO’s eastward expansion, and finally the imposition of economic sanctions. This, to complete the account, had left Russia with no other option but to turn to Asia. Such interpretations will be shown to be fundamentally flawed. Putin’s China policies fit squarely into both the Russian power elite’s global strategic outlook and its narrow perception of what is needed to hold on to power domestically. The benefits accruing to Russia from its liaison with China can be found in military, economic, and systemic dimensions, and they are for the most part asymmetric in favor of the Kremlin. The asymmetries may cause problems in the future, but for the time being, they are carefully managed so that they will not spin out of control.
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Cabestan, Jean-Pierre. "Central Asia-China Relations and Their Relative Weight in Chinese Foreign Policy." In China and India in Central Asia, 25–40. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230114357_3.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

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Sivtsova, Nadezhda, Yulia Boltenkova, and Jin Changhao. "Foreign Economic Relations Between China and Countries of Central Asia: Trends and Development Prospects." In 8th International Conference on Contemporary Problems in the Development of Economic, Financial and Credit Systems (DEFCS 2020). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/aebmr.k.201215.031.

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Voytishek, Elena E. "For the Presentation of the New Monograph “Path of the Aroma: Incense Culture in East Asia (China)”." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-14-19.

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"Reconsideration on Foreign Trade Relations in Ancient China—Centered on the Silk Road and Tribute System." In 2019 Asia-Pacific Forum on Economic and Social Development. The Academy of Engineering and Education (AEE), 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.35532/jsss.v2.003.

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Rodionova, Olga Yu. "Technologization of Higher Education in Russia and China." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-157-165.

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Shishikin, Vitaliy G. "Royal Dutch Shell Activities in China in the 1940s — 1960s." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-46-51.

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Filippov, Sergey I. "Protests in the USSR and China in the Late 1980s — Early 1990s." In Current Issues in the Study of History, Foreign Relations and Culture of Asian Countries. Novosibirsk State University, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/978-5-4437-1268-0-52-54.

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Vanyushkin, Alexander S., Ruslan V. Druzin, Igor I. Prikhodko, and Dmitry B. Mirankov. "Prospective forms of innovative cooperation Russia with China and India." In Sustainable and Innovative Development in the Global Digital Age. Dela Press Publishing House, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.56199/dpcsebm.sdth6411.

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The reorientation of Russia’s foreign economic relations toward the Asian vector (primarily toward China and India) will inevitably affect the field of scientific and technical cooperation as well. The purpose of the study: justification of the prospects of development of scientific and technological cooperation of Russia in the form of technological platforms through the inclusion of business participants from China and India. The study is based on a comparison of the number of technology platforms in Russia and major business companies from the Forbes Global rating in China and India, as well as an analysis of the performance of technology platforms (the share of business participants and the geographic coverage of international cooperation). The analysis leads to the conclusion that there are prospects for expansion for most technology platforms in Russia, due to the inclusion of business participants from China and India. The novelty of the work lies in the methodological approach used to substantiate the possibility of expanding Russian technological platforms by including business participants from abroad. The practical significance of the results of the study lies in the possibility of using them to adjust the programs for the development of technological platforms in Russia.
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Karnyshev, Alexander. "Psychologo-Economic and Environmental Assessment Baikal Resources in the Geopolitics of China and Russia." In Irkutsk Historical and Economic Yearbook 2020. Baikal State University, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/978-5-7253-3017-5.37.

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In geopolitics, the concepts of geography and territory are reduced to the fundamental aspects of relations between States, they serve as a basic method of interpreting the past, they act as the main factors of human existence, organizing all other aspects of existence around them. It is in this perspective that the article examines the attitude to Baikal in the history of the mutually linked foreign policy of Russia and China. It is noted that the Mongols and Manchus, who once conquered China, not only found themselves largely assimilated by the defeated society, but over time, a large part of their ancestral territories began to be perceived as native Chinese. Far from being justified, this also applied to Baikal, although the Yakut etymology of its name, associated with the ethnic ancestors of the Yakuts — the Huns, has been clearly traced since ancient times. Since ancient times, Buryats and Evenks who voluntarily became part of Russia have lived around Baikal. Modern development is characterized by the “penetration” of the Chinese into the business of Asian Russia. In the Baikal region, this focus has basically three goals: forest, clean water, and ownership of land and other natural resources. In a special row, it is necessary to put projects for supplying the population of some Chinese territories with Baikal water, which is planned to be transported both in bottled form and in the future through pipes.
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Giang, Do Truong. "A preliminary survey of Chinese ceramics in Champa archaeological sites | Khảo sát sơ bộ về đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa". У The SEAMEO SPAFA International Conference on Southeast Asian Archaeology and Fine Arts (SPAFACON2021). SEAMEO SPAFA, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.26721/spafa.pqcnu8815a-12.

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The Champa Kingdom was recognized popularly as a typical maritime polity in premodern Southeast Asia. Thanks to its strategic location between the Chinese market and Southeast Asia and South Asia, the Champa coast became a frequent destination of foreign traders and merchant ships for centuries. Ceramics was among the essential commodities in trade between Champa and international traders. This article relies on archaeological records and field surveys at Champa sites in central Vietnam to provide an overview of the distribution of Chinese ceramics in central Vietnam from the 7th to 10th centuries. Based on this primary data set, the author will discuss the trade and diplomatic relations between Champa and China and their implication to Champa’s state development. Vương quốc Champa được ghi nhận như một vương quốc biển điển hình ở Đông Nam Á thời kỳ cổ trung đại. Nhờ vị trí chiến lược giữa thị trường Trung Quốc với các nước Đông Nam Á và Nam Á, bờ biển Champa trở thành điểm đến thường xuyên của các thương nhân và tàu buôn nước ngoài trong nhiều thế kỷ. Gốm sứ là một trong những mặt hàng thiết yếu trong giao thương giữa Champa và các thương nhân quốc tế. Bài viết này dựa trên các dữ liệu khảo cổ học và kết quả khảo sát thực địa tại các địa điểm khảo cổ học Champa ở miền Trung Việt Nam để cung cấp một cái nhìn mang tính tổng thể về sự phân bố của đồ gốm sứ Trung Quốc ở miền Trung Việt Nam từ thế kỷ thứ 7 đến thế kỷ thứ 10. Dựa trên bộ dữ liệu cơ bản này, tác giả sẽ thảo luận về quan hệ bang giao và thương mại giữa Champa với Trung Quốc thời Đường và ý nghĩa của mối quan hệ này đối với sự phát triển nhà nước của Champa.
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Chen, Jinling, and Zhongyi Bao. "History of Russia China Foreign Trade Relations." In 2022 3rd International Conference on Language, Art and Cultural Exchange（ICLACE 2022). Paris, France: Atlantis Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.2991/assehr.k.220706.015.

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Звіти організацій з теми "China Foreign relations Asia"

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Pretorius, Philip Christo, and Radoslav Valev. Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea and Mongolia. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), April 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0054.

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This report encapsulates the highlights of the eleventh event hosted by the European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS) as part of its monthly Mapping European Populism (MGP) panel series. Titled “Forces Shaping Populism, Authoritarianism, and Democracy in South Korea, North Korea, and Mongolia,” this event unfolded online on March 30, 2024. The esteemed Dr. John Nilsson-Wright expertly moderated the panel, which boasted insights from five distinguished scholars in the field of populism. The panelists featured in the event included experts such as Dr. Joseph Yi, an Associate Professor of Political Science at Hanyang University, Seoul, renowned for his work on "Discourse Regimes and Liberal Vehemence." Dr. Meredith Rose Shaw, an Associate Professor at the Institute of Social Science, The University of Tokyo, provided valuable insights into the regional context through her research on "Foreign Threat Perceptions in South Korean Campaign Discourse: Japan, North Korea, and China." Dr. Sang-Jin Han, an Emeritus Professor of Sociology at Seoul National University, shared his expertise on sociopolitical trends in South Korea, focusing on the "Transformation of Populist Emotion in Korean Politics from 2016 to 2024." Dr. Junhyoung Lee, a Research Professor in the School of International Relations at the University of Ulsan, South Korea, contributed with his research on "Nationalism and Resilience of Authoritarian Rule in North Korea." Lastly, Dr. Mina Sumaadii, a Senior Researcher at the Sant Maral Foundation, Ulaanbaatar, Mongolia, offered a unique perspective on "Populist Nationalism as a Challenge to Democratic Stability in Mongolia." The panel served as a platform for a rich exchange of ideas and analysis, shedding light on the complex interplay between populism, authoritarianism, and democracy within these East Asian nations.
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Goreczky, Péter. Dynamics of the ASEAN-China Economic Relations in the COVID Era. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2021.44.

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ASEAN’s economic ties with China have proven to be more crisisproof than merchandise trade and direct investment flows with the rest of the world. Before the pandemic, China had continuously increased its share in the economic relations of Southeast Asia, and this trend seems to have continued in the COVID era as well. In 2020 the region’s trade deficit with China decreased, while China’s share in both ASEAN export and import climbed. The COVID crisis further strengthened the importance of the technology sector and the need for a digital infrastructure; as a consequence, the expansion of Chinese tech giants in the region continued. Southeast Asian countries explicitly count on China in returning to pre-crisis economic growth levels. Most ASEAN states consider infrastructure development one of the catalysers of economic recovery, creating the opportunity for China to proceed with the Belt and Road Initiative.
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Iizaka, Hitomi, Kwok Chiu Fung, Busakorn Chantasasawat, and Alan Siu. Foreign Direct Investment in East Asia and Latin America: Is there a People's Republic of China Effect? Inter-American Development Bank, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0006858.

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In recent years, the People's Republic of China (PRC) has emerged as the largest recipient of foreign direct investment (FDI) in the world. Many analysts and government officials in the developing world have increasingly expressed concerns that they are losing competitiveness to PRC. Is PRC diverting FDI from other developing countries? In this paper, the authors explore this important research and policy issue empirically. They focus our studies on East and Southeast Asia as well as Latin America, and control for the standard determinants of their inward direct investment. They then add PRC's inward foreign direct investment as an indicator of the "PRC Effect". Estimation of the coefficient associated with the PRC Effect proxy gives us indications about the existence of the PRC Effect. This paper was prepared for Latin America/Caribbean and Asia/Pacific Economics and Business Association (LAEBA)'s First Annual Meeting held in Beijing, China on December 3rd-4th, 2004.
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Goreczky, Péter. Waiting for a Breakthrough: the Economic Relations of India and the ASEAN Region. Külügyi és Külgazdasági Intézet, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.47683/kkielemzesek.ke-2022.37.

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India and Southeast Asia have been seeking more economic engagement in recent years. The ASEAN–India free trade agreement has resulted in a diversification of trade flows by partner country, but both regions have failed to increase their share substantially in each other’s overall trade volume. Service export may offer new opportunities, but India’s limited integration in regional production networks and the difference in the sectoral competitiveness of the two regions will make it difficult to elevate trade relations to a much higher level. India plays a minor FDI relationship with Southeast Asia that is limited to Singapore, and there are substantial barriers to diversification in that regard. India’s role in regional infrastructure development is minor compared to China or Japan. At the same time, the digital economy and the health industry may provide new opportunities for economic engagement between the two regions. Altogether, strategic cooperation is still to be translated into a breakthrough in the economic relations between India and the ASEAN region.
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Goode, Kayla, and Heeu Millie Kim. Indonesia’s AI Promise in Perspective. Center for Security and Emerging Technology, August 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.51593/2021ca001.

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The United States and China are keeping an eye on Indonesia’s artificial intelligence potential given the country’s innovation-driven national strategy and flourishing AI industry. China views Indonesia as an anchor for its economic, digital, and political inroads in Southeast Asia and has invested aggressively in new partnerships. The United States, with robust political and economic relations rooted in shared democratic ideals, has an opportunity to leverage its comparative advantages and tap into Indonesia’s AI potential through high-level agreements.
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Clarke, Dillon, and Mark D. Wenner. Chinese Rise in the Caribbean: What Does It Mean for Caribbean Stakeholders? Inter-American Development Bank, July 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0009300.

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Chinese and Caribbean economic relations have deepened over the past decade and a half. The paper analyzes the impetus for China's foreign economic policy to reach out to developing regions such as the Caribbean, as well as highlights recent trends in merchandise trade and foreign direct investments, in particular between the Caribbean and China. Furthermore it indicates areas of potential benefits and risks, identifies some of the implications of these new South-South cooperation ties, and concludes with recommendations based on game theory insights to further deepen and more fully assure mutual benefit from the relationship going forward.
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Sigurdson, Jon. People's Republic of China's Technological Capability. Inter-American Development Bank, December 2004. http://dx.doi.org/10.18235/0011306.

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This paper discusses the importance of the People's Republic of China in the global economy by exemplifying industrial sectors where it has established a strong competitive advantage. The author accounts for China's growth by looking at factors such as direct foreign investment and investment in research and development. This paper discusses several economic sectors including the textile, electronics, semiconductor, and aircraft industries as cases where China has upgraded its technological profile. The role of the university system is also discussed as a resource for China's future as a knowledge-based economy. This paper was presented at the Latin America/Caribbean and Asia/Pacific Economics and Business Association (LAEBA)'s 4th Annual Conference held in Beijing, China on December 3rd-4th, 2004.
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Albis, Manuel Leonard, Mara Claire Tayag, and Jong Woo Kang. Estimating Regional Integration Using the Bayesian State-Space Approach. Asian Development Bank, January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.22617/wps230622-2.

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Estimating regional integration faces challenges due to incomplete data. This paper addresses this through the dynamic factor model estimated using the Bayesian state-space approach. Bilateral economic integration (BEI) indexes are estimated across four dimensions: trade, foreign direct investments, finance, and migration. The regional integration index (RII) of Asia and the Pacific is calculated by applying network density to the BEI estimates. The RII declined slightly in recent years, with the network centering more around the People’s Republic of China.
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Wezeman, Pieter D., Justine Gadon, and Siemon T. Wezeman. Trends in International Arms Transfers, 2022. Stockholm International Peace Research Institute, March 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55163/cpns8443.

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Imports of major arms by European states rose by 47 per cent between 2013–17 and 2018–22, while the global volume of international arms transfers fell by 5.1 per cent. There were decreases in arms transfers to Africa (–40 per cent), the Americas (–21 per cent), Asia and Oceania (–7.5 per cent) and the Middle East (–8.8 per cent) between the two periods. The five largest arms importers in 2018–22 were India, Saudi Arabia, Qatar, Australia and China. The five largest arms exporters were the United States, Russia, France, China and Germany. The war in Ukraine had only a limited impact on the total volume of arms transfers in 2018–22, but Ukraine did become a major importer of arms in 2022. In addition, most European states substantially increased their arms import orders and the war will have significant ramifications for future supplier–recipient arms trade relations globally. From 13 March 2023 the freely accessible SIPRI Arms Transfers Database includes updated data on transfers of major arms for 1950–2022, which replaces all previous data on arms transfers published by SIPRI. Based on the new data, this fact sheet presents global trends in arms exports and arms imports, and highlights selected issues related to transfers of major arms.
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Russo, Margherita, Fabrizio Alboni, Jorge Carreto Sanginés, Manlio De Domenico, Giuseppe Mangioni, Simone Righi, and Annamaria Simonazzi. The Changing Shape of the World Automobile Industry: A Multilayer Network Analysis of International Trade in Components and Parts. Institute for New Economic Thinking Working Paper Series, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.36687/inetwp173.

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In 2018, after 25 years of the North America Trade Agreement (NAFTA), the United States requested new rules which, among other requirements, increased the regional con-tent in the production of automotive components and parts traded between the three part-ner countries, United States, Canada and Mexico. Signed by all three countries, the new trade agreement, USMCA, is to go into force in 2022. Nonetheless, after the 2020 Presi-dential election, the new treaty's future is under discussion, and its impact on the automo-tive industry is not entirely defined. Another significant shift in this industry – the acceler-ated rise of electric vehicles – also occurred in 2020: while the COVID-19 pandemic largely halted most plants in the automotive value chain all over the world, at the reopen-ing, the tide is now running against internal combustion engine vehicles, at least in the an-nouncements and in some large investments planned in Europe, Asia and the US. The definition of the pre-pandemic situation is a very helpful starting point for the analysis of the possible repercussions of the technological and geo-political transition, which has been accelerated by the epidemic, on geographical clusters and sectorial special-isations of the main regions and countries. This paper analyses the trade networks emerg-ing in the past 25 years in a new analytical framework. In the economic literature on inter-national trade, the study of the automotive global value chains has been addressed by us-ing network analysis, focusing on the centrality of geographical regions and countries while largely overlooking the contribution of countries' bilateral trading in components and parts as structuring forces of the subnetwork of countries and their specific position in the overall trade network. The paper focuses on such subnetworks as meso-level structures emerging in trade network over the last 25 years. Using the Infomap multilayer clustering algorithm, we are able to identify clusters of countries and their specific trades in the automotive internation-al trade network and to highlight the relative importance of each cluster, the interconnec-tions between them, and the contribution of countries and of components and parts in the clusters. We draw the data from the UN Comtrade database of directed export and import flows of 30 automotive components and parts among 42 countries (accounting for 98% of world trade flows of those items). The paper highlights the changes that occurred over 25 years in the geography of the trade relations, with particular with regard to denser and more hierarchical network gener-ated by Germany’s trade relations within EU countries and by the US preferential trade agreements with Canada and Mexico, and the upsurge of China. With a similar overall va-riety of traded components and parts within the main clusters (dominated respectively by Germany, US and Japan-China), the Infomap multilayer analysis singles out which com-ponents and parts determined the relative positions of countries in the various clusters and the changes over time in the relative positions of countries and their specialisations in mul-tilateral trades. Connections between clusters increase over time, while the relative im-portance of the main clusters and of some individual countries change significantly. The focus on US and Mexico and on Germany and Central Eastern European countries (Czech Republic, Hungary, Poland, Slovakia) will drive the comparative analysis.
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