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Готові списки джерел за темами / Authoritarianisme

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Authoritarianisme"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 7 липня 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

Malashenko, Aleksei V. "Authoritarianism: Is There a Future?" Oriental Courier, no. 1 (2022): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s268684310021375-0.

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Author analyzes the role of authoritarian regimes in the contemporary world, he characterizes their specific features in the first place determined by their historical traditions and political culture. The author pays attention to post-communist, post-soviet as well as Muslim authoritarian models. Also, he estimates perspectives of authoritarianism for the future, its capacities for the survival in conditions of the modern world. How great is the potential of authoritarianism, how limited is it by its conservatism, and how open is it to innovation? What is the effectiveness of an authoritarian system in the context of global changes taking place in the world, which are largely determined by scientific and technological progress, communication technologies? The author tries to consider these issues on the example of the countries of the East. On the one hand, some authoritarian regimes are ready to adapt to ongoing transformations, including in the political sphere, for the sake of their survival. In their practice, they use democratic norms, allow the activities of parliament, opposition parties, while striving, however, to fully maintain their own control over the state. They are aware that the softening, liberalization of the authoritarian system can lead to its elimination. And therefore, on the other hand, authoritarians use any situation, especially its aggravation, to tighten their rule. Authoritarianism has existed in various forms at almost all times. It was formed on the basis of the political culture in which the title role belonged to the state, and therefore to those who were currently in power. In this context, current authoritarianisms have direct analogies with their predecessors. Some analysts tend to view each variant of illiberal government as a unique, "competitive" democracy, as a "hybrid" authoritarianism. Whatever definitions are offered, the essence of authoritarianism does not change from this. Taking into account the national specifics in each individual country, authoritarianism remains a global, one might say, inevitable phenomenon that will continue to exist in different versions, and may even strengthen its position, which is the case today.

2

Šablinskij, Il’ja. "Autoritarismus und Ideologie." osteuropa 73, no. 5-6 (2023): 115. http://dx.doi.org/10.35998/oe-2023-039.

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3

Manson, Joseph H. "Right-wing Authoritarianism, Left-wing Authoritarianism, and pandemic-mitigation authoritarianism." Personality and Individual Differences 167 (December 2020): 110251. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2020.110251.

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4

Ludeke, Steven G., Camilla N. Klitgaard, and Joseph Vitriol. "Comprehensively-measured authoritarianism does predict vote choice: The importance of authoritarianism's facets, ideological sorting, and the particular candidate." Personality and Individual Differences 123 (March 2018): 209–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.paid.2017.11.019.

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5

Eckhardt, William. "Authoritarianism." Political Psychology 12, no. 1 (March 1991): 97. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3791348.

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6

Hastings, Brad M., and Barbara Shaffer. "Authoritarianism." Theory & Psychology 18, no. 3 (June 2008): 423–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0959354308089793.

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7

Spurgin, C. B. "Authoritarianism." Physics Education 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1985): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1088/0031-9120/20/1/111.

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8

McCollaum, Bruce, and David Lester. "Authoritarianism, Anti-Authoritarianism, and Locus of Control." Psychological Reports 76, no. 2 (April 1995): 418. http://dx.doi.org/10.2466/pr0.1995.76.2.418.

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9

Sousa Braga, Maria do Socorro, and Katarzyna Krzywicka. "Brasil: entre la democracia y el autoritarismo. Presentación." Anuario Latinoamericano – Ciencias Políticas y Relaciones Internacionales 11 (November 5, 2021): 13–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17951/al.2021.11.13-18.

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10

Simsek, Esra. "Bureaucratic-Authoritarianism." Politikon: The IAPSS Journal of Political Science 24 (September 1, 2014): 141–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.22151/politikon.24.9.

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This article provides an application of O’Donnell’s bureaucratic-authoritarianism theory in Turkish context though a survey of political unrest of 1970s and 1980 military coup. The theory is reappropriated through formal modelling in order to amend its previous weakness. Although BA theory is strong in explaining the destabilizing effect of modernity in late-developers, it lacks an actor level analysis. Thus, this paper takes political parties as active agents which instrumentalizes political violence and considers military as an institution bearing private interests. The formal design constitutes a break from traditional BA model and yields a “paralysis” equilibrium which is supported by historical account. Thus, the convergences and divergences between Turkish and Latin American context, reveals the need of recontextualization and reappropriation of BA theory, especially through inclusion of an agency-level analysis.

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Дисертації з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

Anderson, Clifford W. "Authoritarianism in Turkey." Thesis, Monterey, California: Naval Postgraduate School, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/43867.

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Approved for public release; distribution is unlimited
Turkey is a member of NATO and has long been upheld by the West as proof that a Muslim-majority state can maintain a stable democracy. However, the current regime seeks to establish executive power over the judiciary in a move that would violate the separation of powers. This demonstrates an attempt by the ruling Justice and Development Party (AKP) to subjugate the state without oversight from other parties or branches of government. As constitutional talks have broken down and no new draft is scheduled, any attempt to institutionalize a new system of government has met with failure. Executive decrees and legislation indicate this regime’s authoritarian proclivities, which have precluded EU membership despite initial efforts to the contrary. This thesis applies the authoritarian models of Juan Linz to examineTurkey’s political system. Results indicateTurkey should be classified as an authoritarian state, both before and after the rise of the AKP.

2

Hatzistavrou, Antony. "Socrates and political authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1999. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/22298.

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3

El, Tarouty Safinaz. "Businessmen and authoritarianism in Egypt." Thesis, University of East Anglia, 2014. https://ueaeprints.uea.ac.uk/48815/.

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The main concern of this thesis is to examine how the Mubarak authoritarian regime survived for three decades, especially after the introduction of economic liberalization. I argue that the Mubarak regime created a new constituency of businessmen who benefited from economic reform and in return provided support to the regime. Based on interviews with Egyptian businessmen and political activists, this thesis examines the different institutional mechanisms used by the regime to co-opt businessmen and based on predation of public and private resources. Extending the literature on clientelism, I create a typology of regime-businessmen relations in terms of authoritarian clientelism, semi-clientelism, patron-broker client relationships, and mutual dependency. The thesis further examines how the regime dealt with an opposition that refused to enter into its clientelisitic chain. I demonstrate how the regime weakened this opposition by creating among them a divided political environment on different levels (i.e., among the legal and illegal opposition, inside the legal opposition, and among the illegal opposition). This thesis demonstrates that there are businessmen who are supportive of authoritarianism; however, they may also oppose authoritarian regimes, not for their own business interests but rather for their own political/ideological stance. This thesis concludes that the 25th of January Revolution showed the failure of Mubarak‘s political economy of authoritarianism based on predation and co-opting businessmen.

4

Hutchings, John David. "The state, development, and persistent authoritarianism." Thesis, McGill University, 2007. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=18487.

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This thesis helps explain persistent authoritarianism in Egypt and theMiddle East. It does so with two arguments: one about development and anotherabout the state. As economic reform ended Arab socialism, members of theprivate sector found their economic interests in collusion with the authoritarianstate. The character of this state-sponsored development trajectory maintainedbusiness support for authoritarian persistence. Egypt implemented a slow reformprocess that ruptured the Nasserite populist-authoritarian social contract but builtnew business support for the regime. In so doing, it abandoned the popular sectorand fractured state-society relations. Zones of informality developed, with civilsociety stepping in to provide services. This associational vigour has a perverseeffect on political engagement. State-society rupture feeds depoliticization andapathy, helping people survive while contributing to regime stability.Comparative perspective from Thailand, Ghana and Zambia supports theseconclusions.
Cette thèse contribue à l'explication de l'autoritarisme égyptien et moyen-oriental. Elle avance deux arguments : un sur le développement, et un sur l'État.Quand la libéralisation économique mit terme au socialisme arabe, les membresdu secteur privé réalisèrent leurs intérêts économiques en collusion avec l'Étatautoritaire. Ce trajet de développement étatique maintint le soutien du patronat àl'autoritarisme persistant. L'Égypte exécuta un programme de libéralisation lentequi fractura le contrat social populiste-autoritaire nassériste tout en créant unenouvelle base d'appui pour le régime. De cette façon, elle abandonna le secteurpopulaire et fractura les relations étatiques-sociales. Des zones d'informalité sedéveloppèrent, et la société civile intervint pour fournir des services. Cettevigueur associationnelle a un effet pervers sur l'engagement politique. La ruptureétatique-sociale nourrit la dépoliticisation et l'apathie, aidant la survie du peupletout en stabilisant le régime. Les expériences de la Thaïlande, le Ghana, et laZambie soutiennent ces conclusions.

5

Greitens, Sheena E. "Coercive Institutions and State Violence Under Authoritarianism." Thesis, Harvard University, 2013. http://dissertations.umi.com/gsas.harvard:10871.

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Why do we observe such widely differing patterns of repression and state violence under authoritarian rule? Despite a wave of recent interest in authoritarian politics, the origins, design and behavior of the coercive institutions that embody the state's monopoly on violence remain relatively unexamined. This project draws on new statistical and geographic data, elite interviews, and archival evidence from the U.S. and Asia to chronicle the origins and operation of the internal security apparatus in three Cold War anti-communist authoritarian regimes – Taiwan, the Philippines, and South Korea – and compares them to similar processes in Communist authoritarian regimes in North Korea and China. Its findings challenge dominant narratives about contentious politics and state-society conflict in Asia; offer an unprecedented view inside 'secret police' use of surveillance, coercion, and violence; and provide a new understanding of the institutional and social foundations of authoritarian power.I argue that autocrats face a fundamental tradeoff between designing their internal security apparatus to deal with a popular threat, or coup-proofing it to defend against elite rivals. Coup-proofing requires an internally fragmented security force drawn from narrow segments of society; managing popular unrest requires a unitary apparatus with broadly embedded, socially inclusive intelligence networks. Autocrats construct coercive institutions based on the dominant perceived threat when they come to power, but these organizational tradeoffs, exacerbated by institutional stickiness, blunt their ability to adapt as new threats arise. Organizational characteristics thus give rise to predictable patterns of state violence. A more fragmented, exclusive security apparatus – associated with a high initial threat from fellow elites – is likely to be more violent, both because it has stronger incentives to engage in violence and because it lacks the intelligence capacity to engage in discriminate, pre-emptive repression. In contrast to existing threat-based explanations of repression, I demonstrate that autocrats who are deeply concerned about popular threats use less violence rather than more, and do so because they mobilize organizations expressly designed for that purpose. In these organizations, intelligence becomes a substitute for violence, and citizens relinquish their privacy, but less often their lives.
Government

6

Celik, Cihan. "The nature of Turkish authoritarianism, 1934-1945." Thesis, SOAS, University of London, 2017. http://eprints.soas.ac.uk/26486/.

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7

Gahre, Connor J. "SELLING AUTHORITARIANISM: SINGAPORE AND CHINA’S BRANDING PROCESSES." Miami University / OhioLINK, 2019. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=miami1561577957887846.

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8

Li, Jessica. "Internet control and authoritarianism : regimes defying political change." Thesis, University of British Columbia, 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2429/742.

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An oft-stated view held by scholars and political observers is that given the unique characteristics of the Internet, the technology offers real opportunities for democratization and political transformation, especially in societies where the basic rights of freedom of expression and the press are constricted by state control. This thesis seeks to challenge this main assumption by examining the impact of the Internet along with the politics surrounding its use in Asia, with specific attention to the cases of China, Singapore and Iran. This thesis postulates that in the cases of certain authoritarian regimes such as China and Singapore, not only has the presence and use of the Internet failed to spawn strong opposition movements, but authorities in these states have cleverly entered the domain of online expression and have utilized the technology to improve governance and control of these societies. The conditions which make it possible for certain states to suppress online activism, and which in turn contributes to the strengthening of authorial control are then clearly identified and delineated. They include, namely: a strong regulatory regime; an effective use of e-governance and the pacification of Internet entrepreneurs. Iran serves as a contrast case to China and Singapore as civil society actors in the Islamic country have demonstrated a clear interest in participating in a struggle against the state by entering and articulating their positions in the virtual space of cyber interaction. The notable absence of stated conditions in Iran, however, clearly shows that a confluence of circumstances is still necessary for regimes to more fully manipulate online spaces. It is not the intention of the thesis to project the notion that China’s infamous “Firewall” is one-hundred percent full-proof or that citizens in these countries are deprived of all access to controversial news and media. The main conclusion that is drawn is that despite the government’s open promotion and dissemination of Internet technology, certain states have managed to strike a precarious balance by also maintaining control of the public agora.

9

Tertytchnaya, Katerina. "Shocks, the state, and support under electoral authoritarianism." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:e340b269-6c8d-4a9e-9946-94134adc36a7.

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The literature on authoritarian politics emphasises the threat unexpected shocks such as economic downturns or political and security challenges pose for regime stability. However, we know relatively little about how incumbents can influence the process by which citizens evaluate government performance and attribute blame in non-democratic regimes. To gain insights into these questions, I study how government responses to collective shocks to citizen income and security influence support for electoral authoritarian regimes, i.e. those that combine authoritarian practices with multiparty elections. I propose that when shocks make information about government performance publicly observable, illiberal governments can take action that moderates or ameliorates their effect on the levels of support they enjoy. Little constrained by constitutional rules, critical media or coalition partners, electoral authoritarians can use tactical redistribution to appease the discontented electorate on the one hand and propaganda to manipulate attributions of responsibility for the shock on the other. Repression against opposition parties and activists in this context is used rarely, and only after targeted transfers and propaganda have failed to prevent support from eroding and crowds from taking to the streets. The thesis illustrates arguments with the case of contemporary Russia - an electoral authoritarian regime with high levels of personalist rule - and leverages evidence from government and citizen responses to natural disasters, economic downturns, terror attacks and electoral protests. Empirical analysis combines original datasets on the framing of economic news in Kremlin-controlled media, the forced dismissals of government actors, the provision of tactical redistribution, and the use of repression against opposition parties and activists with over 60,000 responses from nationally and regionally representative public opinion surveys. Bringing new data and evidence from individual-level surveys to bear on the debate of how non-democratic governments manage public opinion, the thesis makes an original contribution to scholarship on authoritarian vulnerability and resilience.

10

Karno, Donna E. "A theoretical exploration of authoritarianism, ideology and generativity." Columbus, Ohio : Ohio State University, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc%5Fnum=osu1221236227.

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Книги з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

Ruud, Arild Engelsen, and Mubashar Hasan, eds. Masks of Authoritarianism. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-16-4314-9.

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2

Taylor, Monique. China’s Digital Authoritarianism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-11252-2.

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3

Koesel, Karrie J., ed. Religion and Authoritarianism. New York: Cambridge University Press, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9781139583466.

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4

Poland) Warsaw East European Conference (4th 2007 Warsaw. Democracy vs. authoritarianism. Warsaw: Studium Europy Wschodniej UW, 2007.

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5

Yilmaz, Ihsan, Erdoan Shipoli, and Mustafa Demir. Securitization and Authoritarianism. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-99-0506-5.

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6

Neugebauer, Christian. Economic Liberalization and Authoritarianism. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-35639-2.

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7

Isaacs, Rico. Political Opposition in Authoritarianism. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-06536-1.

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8

Farnen, Russell F., and Jos D. Meloen. Democracy, Authoritarianism and Education. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-1-349-63025-7.

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9

Qin, Xuan. Reinforcing Authoritarianism Through Democracy. Singapore: Springer Singapore, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-33-4956-8.

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10

Yilmaz, Ihsan, and Omer Erturk. Populism, Authoritarianism and Necropolitics. Singapore: Springer Nature Singapore, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-981-19-8292-7.

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Частини книг з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

Duckitt, John. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of Personality and Individual Differences, 322–29. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-24612-3_1046.

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2

Grice, Francis. "Authoritarianism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 1–7. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74336-3_167-1.

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3

Winter, David G. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of psychology, Vol. 1., 343–44. Washington: American Psychological Association, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1037/10516-116.

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4

Hashemi, Layla. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of Big Data, 1–2. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32001-4_544-1.

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5

Hashemi, Layla. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of Big Data, 57–58. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-32010-6_544.

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6

Duckitt, John. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of Personality and Individual Differences, 1–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-28099-8_1046-1.

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7

Jenss, Alke. "Authoritarianism." In The Routledge Handbook to the Political Economy and Governance of the Americas, 264–75. Abingdon, Oxon; New York, NY: Routledge, 2020.: Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781351138444-27.

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8

Grice, Francis. "Authoritarianism." In The Palgrave Encyclopedia of Global Security Studies, 101–8. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-319-74319-6_167.

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9

Cotterill, Ben F. "Authoritarianism." In Personality Psychology, Ideology, and Voting Behavior: Beyond the Ballot, 111–20. Cham: Springer Nature Switzerland, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39642-7_12.

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10

Benjamin, A. James. "Authoritarianism." In Encyclopedia of Heroism Studies, 1–4. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-17125-3_168-1.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

"Introduction: Democracy versus Authoritarianism." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.26.

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2

Chertkova, Y. D. "Authoritarianism And Attribution Of Responsibility." In ICPE 2017 International Conference on Psychology and Education. Cognitive-Crcs, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.15405/epsbs.2017.12.7.

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3

"Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.000.2021.

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4

Diamond, Larry. "Regime Type and Effective Government: Is There (Still) a ‘Democracy Advantage’?" In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.21.

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5

Teets, Jessica. "Consultative Authoritarianism: The Key to Good Governance in China?" In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.22.

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T. Uddin, Asma. "Impact of Authoritarian Trends and Political Tribalism on Muslim Minorities in the US." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.24.

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"Authoritarianism and Good Governance: An Annotated Bibliography:." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.27.

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Kinderman, Daniel. "Authoritarian Capitalism and Its Impact on Business." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.23.

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9

Gerasimenko, Olga. "The Weaponization of Digital Media in the Service of Authoritarianism." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.25.

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10

"Authoritarianism and Good Governance: An Annotated Bibliography:." In Symposium on Authoritarianism and Governance. International Institute of Islamic Thought, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.47816/02.001.28.

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Звіти організацій з теми "Authoritarianisme":

1

Editors, Intersections. Authoritarianism and Misinformation in Eastern Europe. Intersections, Social Science Research Council, December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.35650/int.4008.d.2024.

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2

Guidotti, Andrea. Democracy in Thailand: Navigating Populism and Authoritarianism. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0047.

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This report provides an overview of the seventh event in ECPS’s monthly Mapping Global Populism panel series, titled "Democracy in Thailand: Navigating Populism and Authoritarianism," held online on November 30, 2023. Moderated by Dr. Michael Montesano, Associate Senior Fellow at the Thailand Studies Programme, Yusof Ishak Institute – ISEAS, the panel featured speakers Dr. Petra Alderman, Post-Doctoral Research Fellow at the University of Birmingham and Research Fellow of CEDAR, Itsakul Unahakate, PhD candidate at the University of Sydney and Lecturer at Thammasat University, and Pattanun Arunpreechawat from NUS Lee Kuan Yew School of Public Policy.

3

Munshi, Shyam R. The Winds of Change: Turkeys Evolution Toward Authoritarianism. Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, May 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ad1012810.

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4

Aziz, Abdul. Bangladeshi tech law would gag journalists, embed authoritarianism. Edited by Charis Palmer. Monash University, May 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.54377/8162-9efd.

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5

Pretorius, Christo, and Radoslav Valev. Populist Authoritarianism in China: National and Global Perspectives. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), May 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0055.

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This report provides a summary of the presentations delivered during the twelfth installment of ECPS’s monthly Mapping Global Populism (MGP) panel series, titled “Populist Authoritarianism in China – National and Global Perspectives.” The event, held online on April 25, 2024, undertook a comprehensive examination of China’s dynamic political terrain. Dr. Rune Steenberg, an esteemed anthropologist and Principal Investigator at Palacký University Olomouc, adeptly moderated the panel, which featured a distinguished lineup of scholars. Each expert contributed unique insights into China’s populist authoritarianism, drawing from diverse disciplinary perspectives.

6

Terzyan, Aram. Explaining Post-Soviet Authoritarianism in Belarus: Sources and Perspectives. Eurasia Institutes, December 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.47669/ihprd-2-2019.

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7

Ahmed, Zahid Shahab, Ihsan Yilmaz, Shahram Akbarzadeh, and Galib Bashirov. Digital Authoritarianism and Activism for Digital Rights in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), July 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0042.

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In recent years, Pakistan has witnessed the emergence of digital authoritarianism as a governing strategy. This involves using digital technologies and surveillance mechanisms to control and monitor online activities. The government has implemented legislation like the Prevention of Electronic Crimes Act (PECA) to regulate cyberspace. However, the vague definitions of cybercrime within PECA and the broad surveillance powers granted to agencies such as the FIA and ISI raise apprehensions about potential abuses of power.

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Guidotti, Andrea. Varieties of Populism and Authoritarianism in Malaysia and Singapore. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), January 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/rp0048.

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This brief report offers a summary of the sixth event in ECPS’s monthly Mapping Global Populism panel series, titled “Varieties of Populism and Authoritarianism in Malaysia and Singapore” which took place online on October 26, 2023. Professor Garry Rodan moderated the panel, featuring insights from four distinguished populism scholars.

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Ihsan, Yilmaz, and Raja Ali M. Saleem. The nexus of religious populism and digital authoritarianism in Pakistan. European Center for Populism Studies (ECPS), December 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.55271/pp0016.

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Pakistan has a turbulent political history. In the seven decades since its creation, the country has faced four military-led dictatorships and another two decades under indirect military rule. Given this political trend, authoritarianism is not a novel phenomenon in the country. Digital authoritarianism, however, is a relatively new domain of oppression. This paper looks at how a political party in power and the “establishment” (military elite and its civilian collaborators) have been increasing the control of digital mediums as well as weaponizing space. This dual control and usage allow for growing digital authoritarianism. Using the case study of Imran Khan’s government (2018-2022) and its collaboration with the military establishment in enforcing digital authoritarianism, this article uses four levels of an assessment of internet governance in Pakistan (whole network level, sub-network level, proxy level, and user level). In addition, the role of Khan’s political party’s Islamist populist outlook in contributing to authoritarianism is also discussed. A lot of censorship happens around ideas of protecting Islam and Pakistan’s Muslim identity. The review also finds that the establishment uses not only religion but also ultra-nationalism and fears of foreign attacks, primarily by “Hindu” India, as means to closely surveil and curb the rights of citizens which it deems not worthy of trust. Our results find that Pakistan’s digital space is highly oppressive where ideas of religion, ontological insecurity, and nationalism are weaponized to legitimize the state’s growing authoritarianism.

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Bunce, Bruce M. Democracy Deficit" in the Arab Middle East: Easy Money and Authoritarianism". Fort Belvoir, VA: Defense Technical Information Center, April 2009. http://dx.doi.org/10.21236/ada539850.

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