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Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Austin friar"

Автор: Grafiati
Опубліковано: 11 березня 2023

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Статті в журналах з теми "Austin friar"

1

Laferrière, Anik. "Peddlers of Paradise." Church History and Religious Culture 97, no. 1 (2017): 29–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18712428-09701004.

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This study investigates the activities of the Austin Friars in England in the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries regarding the sale of expurgatory services. Through an analysis of their letters of confraternity and indulgences, this study argues that around the end of the fifteenth century, the Austin Friars experienced a change in attitude in the sale of their religious services. They exponentially increased their efforts in selling indulgences and letters of confraternity and in advertising their popular Scala Coeli services, an attitude that reached its zenith in 1516 when Pope Leo X licensed the Austin Friars to sell and promote a lucrative plenary indulgence. This change has significant consequences for considerations of the actions of English Augustinian reformers in the sixteenth century, primarily Robert Barnes, whose criticisms of clerical wealth are put into relief when examined within this monastic context.
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2

Cessford, Craig, and Benjamin Neil. "The people of the Cambridge Austin friars." Archaeological Journal 179, no. 2 (July 3, 2022): 383–444. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00665983.2022.2090675.

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3

Napel, Henk Ten. "Sejarah Gereja Belanda Austin Friars di City of London: Refleksi Sejarah Gerakan Reformasi-Harapan dan Tantangan." Gema Teologika 2, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/gema.2016.21.284.

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In the centre of the City of London one can find the Dutch Church Austin Friars. Thanks to the Charter granted in 1550 by King Edward VI, the Dutch refugees were allowed to start their services in the church of the old monastery of the Augustine Friars. What makes the history of the Dutch Church in London so special is the fact that the church can lay claim to being the oldest institutionalised Dutch protestant church in the world. As such it was a source of inspiration for the protestant church in the Netherlands in its formative years during the sixteenth century. Despite its long history, the Dutch Church is still alive and well today. This article will look at the origin of this church and the challenges it faced and the developments it experienced during the 466 years of its existence.
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4

Napel, Henk Ten. "Sejarah Gereja Belanda Austin Friars di City of London: Refleksi Sejarah Gerakan Reformasi � Harapan dan Tantangan." GEMA TEOLOGIKA 2, no. 1 (April 28, 2017): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.21460/gema.2017.21.284.

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In the centre of the City of London one can find the Dutch Church Austin Friars. Thanks to the Charter granted in 1550 by King Edward VI, the Dutch refugees were allowed to start their services in the church of the old monastery of the Augustine Friars. What makes the history of the Dutch Church in London so special is the fact that the church can lay claim to being the oldest institutionalised Dutch protestant church in the world. As such it was a source of inspiration for the protestant church in the Netherlands in its formative years during the sixteenth century. Despite its long history, the Dutch Church is still alive and well today. This article will look at the origin of this church and the challenges it faced and the developments it experienced during the 466 years of its existence.
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5

Monheit, Michael, and Ole Grell. "Dutch Calvinists in Early Stuart London: The Dutch Church in Austin Friars, 1603-1642." Sixteenth Century Journal 22, no. 4 (1991): 881. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2542463.

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6

Winter, M. A. de. "K.E. Sluyterman, Kerk in de City. 450 Jaar Nederlandse kerk Austin Friars in Londen." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 116, no. 3 (January 1, 2001): 360. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.5513.

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7

Groenhuis, G. "O.P. Grell, Dutch calvinists in early Stuart London: the Dutch church in Austin Friars, 1603-1642." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 106, no. 1 (January 1, 1991): 100. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.3342.

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8

Streck, Lenio Luiz. "O QUE É POSITIVISMO, AFINAL? E QUAL POSITIVISMO?" Novos Estudos Jurí­dicos 23, no. 3 (December 20, 2018): 890. http://dx.doi.org/10.14210/nej.v23n3.p890-902.

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Eros Roberto Grau publicou contundente artigo no jornal O Estado de São Paulo, em maio de 2018, “em defesa do positivismo jurídico”. O ponto é que positivismo não é “aplicar a letra ‘fria’ [sic] da lei”. Talvez já tenha sido quando, na França, a Escola da Exegese, baseada em Montesquieu dizia que o juiz era a bouche de la loi. Desde então, o juiz mudou, a lei mudou, a França mudou, o Brasil mudou, o mundo mudou. Logo, mudou o positivismo também. Positivismo é muito mais do que aquilo que foi a sua formulação original: o legalismo. O professor e ex-ministro Eros Roberto Grau acerta no início, quando liga ao positivismo uma ideia de separação entre concepções — talvez, para os positivistas, conceitos —, sejam elas(es) meramente pessoais, subjetivas(os), ou não, de justiça e direito positivo. Essa ideia pode ser vista na clássica formulação de John Austin, pai da jurisprudência analítica.
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9

Jelsma, Auke. "KEETIE E. SLUYTERMAN, Kerk in de city. 450 jaar Nederlandse Kerk Austin Friars in Londen. Verloren, Hilversum 2000, 143 p., ill. ISBN 90 6550 609 8. NLG 35,26/ EUR 16." Nederlands Archief voor Kerkgeschiedenis / Dutch Review of Church History 81, no. 2 (2001): 254–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/002820301x00491.

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10

Hamilton, Alastair. "Dutch Calvinists in Early Stuart London: the Dutch church in Austin Friars 1603–1642. By Ole Peter Grell. (Publications of the Sir Thomas Browne Institute, Leien, NS 11.) Pp.x + 331. Leiden: Brill, 1989. Gld 142. 90 04 08955 1; 0920 5551." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 42, no. 1 (January 1991): 130–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046900002888.

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Дисертації з теми "Austin friar"

1

Akae, Yuichi. "A study of the sermon collection of John Waldeby, Austin Friar of York, in the fourteenth century." Thesis, University of Leeds, 2004. http://etheses.whiterose.ac.uk/5386/.

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My thesis offers a study of a collection of sermons for Sundays attributed to John Waldeby, an Austin Friar who was active in the city of York in the fourteenth century. By adopting the vertical approach of investigating a single medieval sermon collection in its entirety, it provides an insight into the preaching-support system of the mendicant friars and into different phases from the composition of the work to reception, in terms of both the use of the manuscripts by readers and the way the audience would have understood the sermons when they were preached. This thesis is divided into two major parts, each containing three chapters: the first part concerns the setting in which Waldeby's collection, the Novum opus dominicale, was written and used; the second part constitutes an analysis of the sermons in the work. Chapter 1 deals with the biography of Waldeby and sets out the basic information concerning the Novum opus dominicale. Chapter 2 identifies the proximate recipients of the work-the `youths' (iuuenes) assigned to Waldeby-and the wider lay audience, and examines various aspects of the training and education of friars within the Augustinian order. Through a close examination of the library catalogue of the York convent and the sources used in the Novum opus dominicale, Chapter 3 uncovers the existence of a reference book collection and describes the overall organisation of the library collection. Waldeby's collection emerges as the key text in the library, which was the material basis for the fundamental training of the friars and for supporting sermon composition. Chapter 4, the first chapter of Part II, extensively explores the form of Waldeby's sermons by a close comparative reading alongside Robert of Basevotn's Forma praedicandi. It reveals not only the intricacies of the techniques involved in the composition of `modern' sermons, but also elements of the mindset of preachers such as Waldeby. Chapter 5 focuses on the word `sign' (signum) which often appears in Waldeby's collection. The concept of sign plays a crucial role in both the mental framework through which he interpreted the Bible and the world, and the method by which he communicated his message to his audiences. The final chapter examines the overall design of the Novum opus dominicale in the broader perspective of de tempore collections. This study is accompanied by a critical transcription of one of the sermons of the Novum opus dominicale.
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2

Laferriere, Anik. "The Austin Friars in pre-Reformation English society." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2017. https://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:5f927d01-ce0b-4c17-83d8-b5346a9c22e5.

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This study examines the role of the Austin Friars in pre-Reformation English society, as distinct both from the Austin Friars of Europe and from other English mendicant orders. By examining how the Austins formulated their origins story in a distinctly English context, this thesis argues that the hagiographical writings of the Austin Friars regarding Augustine of Hippo, whom they claimed as their putative founder, had profound consequences for their religious platform. As their definition of Augustine's religious life was less restrictive than that of the European Austin Friars and did not look to a recent, charismatic leader, such as Dominic or Francis, the English Austin Friars developed a religious adaptability visible in their pastoral, theological, and secular activity. This flexibility contributed to their durability by allowing them to adapt to religious needs as they arose rather than being constrained to what had been validated by their heritage. The behaviour of these friars can be characterised foremost by their ceaseless advancement of the interests of their own order through their creation of a network of influence and the manoeuvring of their confrères into socially and economically expedient positions. Given the propensity of the Austin Friars towards reform, this study seeks to understand its place within and interaction with English society, both religious and secular, in an effort to reconstruct the religious culture of this order. It therefore investigates their interaction with the laity and patronage, with heresy and reform, and with secular powers. It emphasises, above all, the distinctiveness of the English Austin Friars both from other mendicant orders and from the European Austin Friars, whose rigid interpretations of the religious example of Augustine led them to a strict demarcation of the Augustinian life as eremitical in nature and to hostile relations with the Augustinian Canons. Ultimately, this thesis interrogates the significance of being an Austin Friar in fifteenth- or sixteenth-century England and their role in the religious landscape, exploring the exceptional variability to their behaviour and their ability to take on accepted forms of behaviour.
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3

Vial, Françoise. "La visibilité de la mort et l’expression de la vie : la fondation funéraire de Philibert II de Savoie et Marguerite d’Autriche à Brou (1504-1532)." Thesis, Paris 4, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012PA040017.

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Traditionnellement perçu comme expression de la politique impériale de Marguerite d’Autriche, régente des Pays-Bas, dans le duché de Savoie dont elle était douairière en Bresse, le couvent Saint-Nicolas de Tolentin à Brou monumentalise en fait la dévotion de son défunt époux Philibert II. Le souverain avait hérité des derniers ducs de la branche aînée son inclination ignorée pour l’influente congrégation observante des Augustins de Lombardie qui participant de la création renaissante, fournit, transcrit dans un style local, le schéma claustral de Brou. L’idée maîtresse de Marguerite fut le prestige de la Renaissance, découverte au dôme Saint-Jean de Turin. A l’encontre des lectures erronées du XIXe siècle, la princesse ne s’inspira pas de Champmol. Pour son italianisme, elle confia les tombeaux et l’église au français Perréal. Seules des impossibilités pratiques l’amenèrent à recruter fin 1512 le bruxellois van Boghem. Son art et son réseau brabançons accompagnaient le tropisme ibérique de la cour de Bourgogne mais dès 1524-25, il insuffla à Brou les touches maniéristes que permettait la pénétration de la Renaissance aux Pays-Bas, plus tardive qu’en France. Le programme de l’église sotériologique emphatise la piété du duc et à un second rang, celle de la maison de Marguerite, mais aussi les devoirs du regnum, que Philibert et sa veuve exercèrent dans des pays distincts : ils culminent dans l’exercice de la justice dont le modèle est le Christ du Jugement dernier qui jadis, figurait sur le vitrail nord du transept de Brou. Marguerite signa l’œuvre : promouvant l’échange compassionnel, elle incitait autant à la conversion de chacun qu’à la prière d’intercession et à la mémoire, par-delà les siècles, de l’archiduchesse dont la naissance d’exception, impériale, avait engagé la vie et le monument d’exception
Instead of expressing, as it is traditionally regarded, the imperial politics in Savoy of Margaret of Austria, regent of the Netherlands, the convent Saint Nicolas of Tolentino in Brou she erected in her dower of Bresse embodies the devotion of her late husband Philibert II, duke of Savoy. The sovereign had received from the last dukes of the eldest branch that unrecognized inclination towards the soaring observant congregation of the Austin Friars of Lombardia, which joined the Renaissance and provided the claustral scheme of Brou. Margaret’s main idée was the search of the Renaissance she had discovered through the Duomo San Giovanni of Torino. Against the incorrect readings of the XIXth century, she was not inspired by Champmol. She entrusted the graves and the church of Brou to the Italianizing French artist Perréal, and only practical impediments prompted her to sign on van Boghem at the end of 1512. His brabantine Gothic’s practice and circle accorded to the Spanish tropism of the burgundian court but around 1524-1525, the arrival of the Renaissance in the Netherlands allowed him to bring mannerist accents. The iconology of Brou reveals its soteriological aim. It magnifies the duke’s devotion and at a second rank, the one of Margaret’s house, but also the duties of the regnum that Philibert and his widow both practiced in different countries. Their acme is the ministry of Justice whose reference is the Christ of the Last Judgment, which once figured on the lost northern glass window of the transept. Margaret signed the work: ruled by a will of compassion and exchange, it induced anyone both to the conversion for one’s own salvation, to intercede for the princes, and to remind through ages the memory of the archduchess, whose exceptional imperial birth had involved her unique life and memorial
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4

Tyler, John. "A Pragmatic Standard of Legal Validity." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1969.1/ETD-TAMU-2012-05-10885.

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American jurisprudence currently applies two incompatible validity standards to determine which laws are enforceable. The natural law tradition evaluates validity by an uncertain standard of divine law, and its methodology relies on contradictory views of human reason. Legal positivism, on the other hand, relies on a methodology that commits the analytic fallacy, separates law from its application, and produces an incomplete model of law. These incompatible standards have created a schism in American jurisprudence that impairs the delivery of justice. This dissertation therefore formulates a new standard for legal validity. This new standard rejects the uncertainties and inconsistencies inherent in natural law theory. It also rejects the narrow linguistic methodology of legal positivism. In their stead, this dissertation adopts a pragmatic methodology that develops a standard for legal validity based on actual legal experience. This approach focuses on the operations of law and its effects upon ongoing human activities, and it evaluates legal principles by applying the experimental method to the social consequences they produce. Because legal history provides a long record of past experimentation with legal principles, legal history is an essential feature of this method. This new validity standard contains three principles. The principle of reason requires legal systems to respect every subject as a rational creature with a free will. The principle of reason also requires procedural due process to protect against the punishment of the innocent and the tyranny of the majority. Legal systems that respect their subjects' status as rational creatures with free wills permit their subjects to orient their own behavior. The principle of reason therefore requires substantive due process to ensure that laws provide dependable guideposts to individuals in orienting their behavior. The principle of consent recognizes that the legitimacy of law derives from the consent of those subject to its power. Common law custom, the doctrine of stare decisis, and legislation sanctioned by the subjects' legitimate representatives all evidence consent. The principle of autonomy establishes the authority of law. Laws must wield supremacy over political rulers, and political rulers must be subject to the same laws as other citizens. Political rulers may not arbitrarily alter the law to accord to their will. Legal history demonstrates that, in the absence of a validity standard based on these principles, legal systems will not treat their subjects as ends in themselves. They will inevitably treat their subjects as mere means to other ends. Once laws do this, men have no rest from evil.
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Книги з теми "Austin friar"

1

Lindeboom, J. Austin Friars. Dordrecht: Springer Netherlands, 2012. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-94-015-3242-6.

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2

Sluyterman, Keetie E. Kerk in de City: 450 jaar Nederlandse Kerk Austin Friars in London. Hilversum: Verloren, 2000.

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3

Bardoe, Cheryl. Gregor Mendel: The friar who grew peas. New York: Abrams Books for Young Readers, 2006.

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4

Dutch Calvinists in early Stuart London: The Dutch church in Austin Friars, 1603-1642. Leiden: E.J. Brill, 1989.

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5

Riddell, Charlotte Eliza L. Austin Friars. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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6

Watson, Bruce. Excavations and observations on the site of the Dutch Church, Austin Friars in the City of London. 1996.

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7

Lindeboom, J., and D. Iongh. Austin Friars: History of the Dutch Reformed Church in London 1550-1950. Springer London, Limited, 2013.

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8

Lindeboom, J., and D. Iongh. Austin Friars: History of the Dutch Reformed Church in London 1550-1950. Springer, 2014.

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9

Gregor Mendel: The Friar Who Grew Peas. Abrams, Inc., 2015.

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10

Wakeman, Thomas, and Monmouthshire and Caerleon Antiquarian. Monastery of Austin Friars at Newport: With Notes on the House of Black Friars and Other Minor Ecclesiastical Establishments. Creative Media Partners, LLC, 2018.

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Частини книг з теми "Austin friar"

1

"The Articles Condemned at Oxford Austin Friars in 1315." In Via Augustini: Augustine in the later Middle Ages, Renaissance and Reformation, 5–18. BRILL, 1991. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004477452_004.

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2

"John Erghome and the Library of the Austin Friars of York." In Middle English Manuscripts and their Legacies, 96–117. BRILL, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004472167_007.

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"3. A Library for Preachers: The Novum opus dominicale and the Library of the Austin Friars at York." In Sermo, 81–103. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sermo-eb.4.00055.

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"2. The Section Titles and the ligatus Books in the Library Catalogue of the Austin Friars at York." In Sermo, 311–14. Turnhout: Brepols Publishers, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1484/m.sermo-eb.4.00061.

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