Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Armies, colonial – history"
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся зі списками актуальних статей, книг, дисертацій, тез та інших наукових джерел на тему "Armies, colonial – history".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Статті в журналах з теми "Armies, colonial – history"
1
Gewald, Jan-Bart. "Mbadamassi of Lagos: A Soldier for King and Kaiser, and a Deportee to German South West Africa." African Diaspora 2, no. 1 (2009): 103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/187254609x433369.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In 1915 troops of the South African Union Defence Force invaded German South West Africa, present day Namibia. In the north of the territory the South African forces captured an African soldier serving in the German army named Mbadamassi. Upon his capture Mbadamassi demanded to be released and claimed that he was a British national from Nigeria. In addition, he stated that he had served in the West African Frontier Force, and that he had been shanghaied into German military service in Cameroon. Furthermore, whilst serving in the German army in Cameroon, Mbadamassi claimed that he had participated in a mutiny, and that, as a consequence, he had been deported to GSWA. The article covers the remarkable military career of the African soldier, Mbadamassi, who between 1903 and 1917 served both the King of the British Empire as well as the Kaiser of the German Empire. In so doing, the article sheds light on the career of an individual African soldier serving in three colonial armies; the West African Frontier Force, the Schutztruppe in Cameroon, and the Schutztruppe in GSWA. The article argues that beyond the fact that colonial armies were institutions of repression, they also provided opportunity for those willing or condemned to serve within their ranks. Furthermore the article provides some indication as to the extent of communication that existed between colonial subjects in the separate colonies of Africa at the time. En 1915, les troupes de l'Union de l'Afrique du Sud ont envahi l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande, l'actuelle Namibie. Dans le Nord du territoire, les forces sud-africaines ont capturé un soldat africain servant dans l'armée allemande nommé Mbadamassi. Celui-ci exigea d'être libéré et revendiqua être un Britannique du Nigeria. De plus, il déclara avoir servi dans la West African Frontier Force et avoir été enrôlé de force dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun. En outre, pendant qu'il servait dans l'armée allemande au Cameroun, Mbadamassi a prétendu avoir pris part à une mutinerie, ce qui avait conduit à sa déportation vers l'Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. Cet article couvre la remarquable carrière militaire du soldat africain Mbadamassi, qui, entre 1903 et 1917, a servi à la fois le roi de l'empire britannique et le Kaiser de l'empire allemand. Ainsi, l'article éclaire sur la carrière individuelle d'un soldat africain servant dans trois armées coloniales; la West African Frontier Force, le Schutztruppe au Cameroun et le Schutztruppe en Afrique du Sud-Ouest allemande. L'article soutient qu'au-delà du fait que les armées coloniales étaient des institutions de répression, elles ont aussi offert la possibilité à ceux qui le voulaient ou ceux qui y étaient condamnés de servir dans leurs rangs. En outre, l'article fournit une indication sur l'étendue de la communication qui a existé entre les sujets coloniaux dans les colonies d'Afrique séparées de l'époque.
2
Moss, Tristan. "‘Fuzzy Wuzzy’ soldiers: Race and Papua New Guinean soldiers in the Australian Army, 1940–60." War in History 29, no. 2 (April 2022): 467–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/09683445211000375.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the most militarily important indigenous units formed by Australia, arguing that racially based assumptions played a central role in how Papua New Guinean soldiers were conceptualized and used by the Australian Army during the 1940s and 1950s. Equally, while the perception of Papua New Guinean soldiers was heavily racialized, there was no construction of a martial race myth by Australians, in contrast to many colonial armies. Instead, Australia reluctantly recruited Papua New Guineans as a form of cheap manpower familiar with local conditions and saw them as simple soldiers who were potentially a threat to colonial rule.
3
Morrison, Alexander. "Camels and Colonial Armies: The Logistics of Warfare in Central Asia in the Early 19th Century." Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 57, no. 4 (September 26, 2014): 443–85. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15685209-12341355.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article explores the use of camels for baggage transport by European colonial armies in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on two episodes: the Russian winter expedition to Khiva, and the march of the Army of the Indus into Afghanistan, both of which took place in 1839. However sophisticated their weapons and other technology, until at least the 1880s European colonial armies were forced to rely exclusively on baggage animals if they wanted to move around: railways arrived very late in the history of European expansion. In Central Asia this meant rounding up, loading, managing and feeding tens of thousands of camels, which could only be furnished by the pastoral groups who inhabited the region, who in some cases were also the objects of conquest. Camel transport placed certain structural constraints on European conquest in Central Asia: firstly it meant that the forces involved were almost always very small; secondly it prevented the launching of spontaneous or unauthorised campaigns by “men on the spot,” as every advance had to be preceded by the rounding up of the necessary baggage animals, and the creation of a budget to pay for then. Finally, the constraints imposed by camel transport ensured that British and Russian armies would never meet in Central Asia, and that a Russian invasion of India was a chimera.
4
Hamil, Mustapha. "MOHAMED ZAFZAF'S AL-MARءA WA-L-WARDA OR THE VOYAGE NORTH IN THE POSTCOLONIAL ERA". International Journal of Middle East Studies 38, № 3 (серпень 2006): 417–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020743806412411.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In Culture and Imperialism, Edward Said considers the topos of the voyage North as one of the motifs in the “culture of resistance.” Traveling North is seen in this respect as a reversal of imperial and colonial history. When, for instance, Mustafa Saء ed in Tayeb Salih's Season of Migration to the North goes to England, his objective is to conquer—so he thinks—with his “penis” the country of his colonizer. The cultural encounter between Britain and the Arab–African nation of Sudan involves for Saءed a configuration of power in which the West is imagined as a woman to be raped in the same way colonial armies raped the virgin territories of the Orient and Africa.
5
Welsch, Christina. "Military Mobility, Authority and Negotiation in Early Colonial India*." Past & Present 249, no. 1 (August 24, 2020): 53–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gtz067.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This article focuses on the career of Muhammad Yusuf Khan, an officer in the British East India Company who sought to turn his military service into political and diplomatic authority, only to be executed as a rebel in 1764. His rise and fall occurred early in the so-called colonial transition, a period characterized in recent scholarship as one of relative fluidity in contrast to later, more rigid instantiations of colonial rule. Institutionally, the Company’s armies seem to contradict that pattern: their rapid growth in the eighteenth century produced new exclusions and restrictions, including some of the earliest formal articulations of a racial binary between Indian and European actors. Yusuf Khan, however, gained political capital by mobilizing elements of those intended restrictions in new contexts, imbuing the Company’s military hierarchies with alternate meanings outside of its formal infrastructure. His innovative reinterpretation of military prestige becomes clear when the Company’s records are read alongside Persian-language material from the Indian courts against which he fashioned his political identity. His career offers insight into how the inequitable, but dynamic relationship between the Company and its soldiers shaped the former’s approach to and understanding of India s political landscape
6
de Moor, J. A. "III. Contrasting Communities: Asian Soldiers of the Dutch and British Colonial Armies in the Nineteenth Century." Itinerario 11, no. 1 (March 1987): 35–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300009372.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Asian soldier in the service of the European trading companies of the Ancien Régime or of the more modern colonial governments has a long history and is a phenomenon which displays some fundamental contradictions. Ever since the Europeans came to the Americas, Asia or Africa, they employed large groups of the indigenes as soldiers, men of many different customs, languages and cultures. By the thousands, inhabitants of the country filled the ranks which European recruiting was unwilling or unable to furnish.
7
CHARTERS, ERICA. "THE CARING FISCAL-MILITARY STATE DURING THE SEVEN YEARS WAR, 1756–1763." Historical Journal 52, no. 4 (November 6, 2009): 921–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x09990306.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTThis article re-examines the concept of the fiscal-military state in the context of the British armed forces during the Seven Years War (1756–63). This war, characteristic of British warfare during the eighteenth century, demonstrates that British victory depended on the state caring about the wellbeing of its troops, as well as being perceived to care. At the practical level, disease among troops led to manpower shortages and hence likely defeat, especially during sieges and colonial campaigns. During the 1762–3 Portuguese campaign, disease was regarded as a sign of ill-discipline, and jeopardized military and political alliances. At Havana in 1762, the fear, reports, and actual outbreaks of disease threatened American colonial support and recruitment for British campaigns. Throughout the controversial campaigns in the German states, disease was interpreted as a symptom of bad governance, and used in partisan criticisms concerning the conduct of the war. Military victory was not only about strategy, command, and technology, but nor was it solely a question of money. Manpower could not simply be bought, but needed to be nurtured in the long term through a demonstration that the British state cared about the welfare of its armies.
8
Irfaan, Santosa. "Institusionalisasi Ajaran Tasawuf dalam Gerakan Tarekat." TAJDID 25, no. 1 (June 4, 2018): 89. http://dx.doi.org/10.36667/tajdid.v25i1.346.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the process of institutionalizing Sufism into a movement or organization of tarekat. Through a study of relevant literature, it was found that the tarekat (tharîqah) as a part of Sufism (Islamic mysticism) has developed since the 13th century, not long after the Mongolian armies conquered and destroyed Baghdad, Iraq. In its history, there have been internal excessive behaviours among the followers. Fortunately, tharîqah in some places and periods has encouraged people to be more or less innovators in struggling to fight the colonial power embracing different religions and also the Moslem people, as their protests, having cooperation with the former, the colonial power. After the Independence of Indonesia, some tharîqah activists in their articulation of political activities became functionaries of political parties. To them, power or authority was not their political barometer. It was only a means or medium of da’wah, the basic characteristics of Islam.
9
Al Tuma, Ali. "Franco's Moroccans." Contemporary European History 29, no. 3 (May 27, 2020): 282–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0960777320000284.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Recent research into the Moroccan troops who fought in the Spanish Civil War has both drawn from and contributed to insights gained from new historiographical developments in the field of the Spanish conflict as well as other European twentieth-century conflicts. Studies examining the experiences and choices of low-level participants of the war, whether soldiers or civilians – on both the Francoist and republican sides – have increasingly shown that they were players in possession of a certain degree of agency, however limited. That agency allowed these low-level players, whether Spanish or Moroccan, to influence war events to a higher degree than previously thought possible, and has shown that mobilisation for and maintenance of the war effort depended on a certain mixture of coercion and negotiation, even within the more authoritarian Francoist camp. In the European context, the Moroccan participation in the 1936–9 war has its special characteristics, one of which is that its military significance weighed heavier than other colonial contributions to European battlefields between 1914 and 1945, and therefore the agency of Moroccans was more consequential. Nevertheless, it has much in common with other European experiences. A recent collaborative volume on British, French, Spanish and Dutch colonial armies in the first half of the twentieth century, Colonial Soldiers in Europe (2016), edited by Eric Storm and myself, has helped put the Moroccan–Spanish experience in European perspective. Similarities abound, not only in colonial soldiers’ experiences of fighting in foreign lands, but also between the various Western European attempts at controlling, i.e. limiting, the cultural and human consequences of this massive irruption of male warriors into the continent.
10
GREEN, NILE. "Jack Sepoy and the Dervishes: Islam and the Indian Soldier in Princely India." Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain & Ireland 18, no. 1 (January 2008): 31–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1356186307007766.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Like other Britons in colonial India, Sir William Sleeman had a poor opinion of the traditional holy men who still formed an important part of Indian society in the nineteenth century. Reflecting his writings on the suppression of the Thugs that would make him famous, Sleeman declared that, “There is hardly any species of crime that is not throughout India perpetrated by men in the disguise of these religious mendicants; and almost all such mendicants are really men in disguise”.1 None of these holy men were considered more dubious – more superstitious and reactionary – than the dervishes and faqīrs. In popular Indian usage the terms darwīsh and faqīr referred to a class of Muslim holy men who were considered to possess a range of miraculous powers, powers which served to demonstrate their proximity to God; and so in turn to underwrite their considerable authority.2 For many British officials, it was this authority that stood at the heart of what they saw as the faqīr problem. As the rumours that surrounded the various ‘mutinies’ of the nineteenth century demonstrate, faqīr s were seen as the perpetual ringleaders of rebellion and sedition. Nowhere were these concerns more insistent than in the circles of India's colonial armies, which more than any other aspect of colonial society relied on loyalty to a formalised and rational chain of command. Yet in spite (and in some ways because) of these fears, the commanders of the various armies under British command in India were anxious to demonstrate their respect for the autonomy of the religious rights of the Indian soldier. Through the course of the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Islam of ‘Jack Sepoy’ or the Indian soldier fell in between this tension of covert suspicion and official respect, and in different ways the careers of a series of Muslim holy men attached to the Muslim soldiers were shaped by this tension. Over the following pages, this essay examines the careers of three faqīr s connected to the Hyderabad Contingent, the army under British command in the nominally independent princely state of Hyderabad in South India, better known as the Nizam's State. Looking out from this princely corner of Britain's ‘informal empire’, the essay uses a number of forgotten small-town texts in Urdu to begin to reconstruct the religious history of the Indian soldier from the inside, as it were, and so to create an ethnohistory of Islam in the colonial armies of the British Empire.3
Дисертації з теми "Armies, colonial – history"
1
Evrard, Camille. "De l'armée coloniale à l'armée nationale en Mauritanie : une histoire militaire sahélo-saharienne, de la conquête à la guerre du Sahara (1934-1978)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2015. http://www.theses.fr/2015PA010638.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ce travail propose une histoire de l’armée en Mauritanie, depuis la conquête militaire française dans l’Ouest saharien jusqu’à l’avènement du coup d’État du 10 juillet 1978, ouvrant sur une longue période du gouvernement de l’État mauritanien par des officiers supérieurs. L’armée coloniale, tout comme l’État colonial, a ses caractéristiques propres : elle développe, au contact du terrain, des stratégies d’adaptation, tant au plan de l’organisation qu’au plan des missions. Ses deux traits saillants sont le double recrutement – qui différencie tirailleurs subsahariens et supplétifs maures – et la multiplicité des missions – politiques, militaires, de défense et de maintien de l’ordre. Ces spécificités sont en parties léguées aux forces armées nationales à travers la transmission du domaine et du pouvoir militaire, processus particulièrement contingent qu’il faut analyser dans sa complexité. L’étude des effets des transformations institutionnelles sur le terrain, reliée à l’analyse des enjeux géopolitiques dans la sous-région, montre que les problématiques locales comptent autant que les dynamiques globales. L’examen de l’histoire de l’armée, de la gendarmerie, et de la garde nationale mauritanienne au cours des vingt années qui suivent l’indépendance du 28 novembre 1960, permet de distinguer les continuités, mais aussi la trajectoire propre de l’État mauritanien postcolonial, liée à l’agenda des acteurs locaux tout autant qu’à celui de l’ancienne puissance colonialeThis thesis proposes a multidimensional history of the army of Mauritania since the French military conquest of the Western Sahara to the coup d’état of 10 July 1978 that inaugurated a long era of military governments. The colonial army, just like the colonial state, has its own characteristics. It develops, through its experiences, multiple adaptation strategies, both in terms of its organisation and military missions. Its two salient features are the double recruitment (that differentiates between sub-Saharan tirailleurs and « suppletifs maures » and the multiplicity of its missions (political, military, defense and policing).These specificities are partly inherited by the national armed forces through the transmission of military power (and domain ?). This process is particular contingent and must be analysed in all its complexity. This study of the effects of institutional transformations, linked to the analysis of the geopolitical stakes of the sub-region, demonstrates that local issues and dynamics are as significant as global ones. The study of the history of the Mauritanian army, gendarmerie and national guard since independance until the mid 1970s allows to identify the continuities, but also the trajectory of the postcolonial Mauritanian state, whose path is linked both to the agenda of local actors and the old colonial war
2
Essono-Edzang, Aristide. "Étude d'une société : les auxiliaires "indigènes" de l'autorité coloniale en Afrique Équatoriale Française (A.E.F.)." Bordeaux 3, 1993. http://www.theses.fr/1993BOR30017.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Toutes les administrations coloniales europeennes ont du faire appel a des elements indigenes pour jouer le role d'auxiliaires locaux de l'autorite occupante. Le systeme colonial d'afrique equatoriale francaise (a. E. F. ) n'a pas echapper a ce schema. En effet, depuis les origines de la presence francaise dans cette region, au milieu du xixeme siecle, jusqu'a l'accession a l'independance politique des quatre territoires composant l'a. E. F. En 1960, de nombreux "allies" indigenes ont ete integres dans lesservices administratif coloniaux et ont soutenu activement l'action coloniale de la france. Ce groupe des agents indigenes etait compose par divers types d'individus (chefs traditionnels et "administratifs", militaires, miliciens, interpretes, commis, infirmiers, domestiques, etc. . . ) qui se trouvaient relegues au bas de l'echelle administrative ou ils n'occupaient que des fonctions de second ordre. Cependant ils vont finir par constituer une veritable categorie sociale au sein de la societe colonisee, a tel point qu'ils se presenteront comme une reelle "force sociale" avec laquelle l'autorite coloniale devra necessairement composer. Au lendemain de la seconde guerre mondiale, ce groupe d'individus profitera du mouvement de la decolonisation pour "emerger" et s'affirmer comme la nouvelle elite locale. C'est presque naturellement que ces anciens auxiliaires - dont principalement la frange "politico-administrative prendront la direction politique au moment des independances des quatres territoires de l'a. E. F. En 1960Every colonial administration used natives assistants to help it govern the colonial territories. The french colonial territories in central africa, known as french equatorial africa (a. E. F. ) as from 1910, did not escape from this rule. In fact, from the arrival of the french in the region in the middle of the nineteenth century until the four territories which made up the a. E. F. Federation (gabon, congo, central africa and tchad) became independent in 1960, many indigenous "allies" were integrated in the french colonial administration. This group of assistants was composed of differents kinds of individuals (traditional chiefs, interpreters, nurses, domestic servants, military men, militiamen, secretaries, ect. . . ). Although this group of people occupied the lowest positions in the colonial administration, they formed a distinct social category in the colonial society. To the extent that they became almost like a pressure group which the colonial authority had to take into account. After the second world war, this group of individuals benefited from the decolonization movements from which they emerged as the new local elites. In fact, it was the political-administrative assistants which later took over the direction of the four new countries of the former a. E. F. At time of independence in 1960
3
Banguiam, Kodjalbaye Olivier. "Les officiers français : constitution et devenir de leurs collections africaines issues de la conquête coloniale." Thesis, Paris 10, 2016. http://www.theses.fr/2016PA100045/document.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Consacrée aux collections africaines des officiers coloniaux français, cette recherche soulève la question de l’exploration et de la conquête de l’Afrique à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècle. Parmi les explorateurs envoyés par les pays européens pour coloniser les populations africaines figurent des hommes de couches sociales et de professions différentes. On peut citer, par exemple, les missionnaires, les administrateurs, les militaires. Il est privilégié ici l’étude de l’action coloniale des officiers français engagés dans une série de régions (Mali, Sénégal, Congo, Tchad, République Centrafricaine…). Lors des missions d’exploration, ces hommes y découvraient un éventail d’objets (armes, instruments de musique, objets d’utilité quotidienne, objets rituels…) qu’ils collectaient sous l’incitation des instructions reçues en France avant leur départ. Il convient d’étudier les provenances géographiques et les conditions d’acquisition de ces objets afin de dégager la particularité des collections rassemblées par les officiers. Au terme de leurs périples, ceux-ci rapportaient en France ces collections qu’ils offraient aux musées comme le Musée de l’Homme et le Musée de l’Armée. Aujourd’hui, le Musée du Quai Branly conserve de précieux dossiers sur ces militaires (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho…) ainsi que les traces de leurs dons. Après avoir répertorié environ 1500 objets dont l’histoire est indissociable à celle de la colonisation de l’Afrique, on déduit que ces oeuvres constituent un véritable héritage colonial permettant d’analyser la vision européenne et la perception des militaires français par rapport à la culture matérielle africaine. Par ailleurs, l’étude de cet acquis colonial peut révéler le degré de civilisation des populations locales qui avaient fabriqué et utilisé les articles concernés à la fin du XIXè siècle et au début du XXè siècleThis research concerns the French officers contribution during the colonization of Africa and the quality of the african objects that they collected. It aims to study the exploration and the conquest of Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th century. During this period, European countries sent in the different parts of the continent many explorers to colonize the population. Those explorers had different social classes and jobs. Among them, there were, for example, religious persons, administrators and soldiers. It is the colonial action of the French officers in the different countries of Africa (Mali, Senegal, Congo, Chad, Central Africa Republic…) that is studing. During the exploration travel, the colonial officers discovered in those countries different kinds of objects. According of the instructions they received in France before their travel, they collected the local objects as the arms, the royal objects, the music objects, the cooking objects, the objects of the traditional ceremony. It’s interesting to study where the objects provided and the conditions of the collect. It’s a best way to know the particularities of the result of the officers discoveries. At the end of the journey in Africa, the officers brought to France the result of the collect and offered the objects to the French museums as the Musée de l’Homme, the Musée de l’Armée. Today, the Musée du Quai Branly is conserving the documents about the exploration travels of many officers (Archinard, Brazza, Marchand, Tilho, Lenfant…) and some of the objects they had collected for studying the customs of the African populations. We interroged about 1500 objects they had collected. The history of those objects is associated to the Africa colonization history. Nowadays, those objects constitute a colonial heritage and permit to analyze the European vision and the military perception about the African material culture and to know the degree of the civilization of the African populations who made and used those objects in Africa at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th
4
Eckert, Henri. "Les militaires indochinois au service de la France (1859-1939)." Lille : A.N.R.T, Université de Lille III, 1998. http://dds.crl.edu/CRLdelivery.asp?tid=11817.
Повний текст джерела
5
Loris, Rodionoff Marius. "Crises et reconfigurations de la relation d'autorité dans l'armée française au défi de la guerre d'Algérie (1954-1966)." Thesis, Paris 1, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018PA01H067.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse étudie les crises et les reconfigurations de la relation d'autorité au sein de l'année française entre 1954 et 1966. La guerre d'Algérie apparaît comme le point d'aboutissement de nombreux écrits théorico-pratiques visant à donner l'initiative aux chefs et à instituer l'obéissance active des soldats. Sur le terrain du commandement, la guerre d'Algérie consacre l'initiative des petits chefs, où chacun peut faire sa règle. Pourtant, la relation d'autorité est minée par des phénomènes de concurrences entre chefs, qui se disputent pour obtenir des honneurs et des résultats. Dans le cadre d'une armée de masse, de nombreuses contre-autorités émergent pour contrer, annuler ou parfois collaborer avec l'autorité hiérarchique. Les soldats, se font critiques et commettent des actes de résistance dans le dos de l'autorité. En prenant appui sur le TPF A de Constantine, nous avons pris soin de compter et d 'historiciser les formes de désobéissance enregistrées, mais aussi de décrire les profils de ceux qui commettent des atteintes à la relation d'autorité. Ces désobéissances sont d'abord fortes, caractérisant l'entrée en guerre entre 1954 et 1957. Pendant le temps fort de la guerre (1957-1961), les désobéissances restent nombreuses, mais les sanctions se concentrent sur les faits les plus graves, si bien qu'elles semblent se tasser. La fin de la guerre (1961-1966), entre le putsch et le départ des forces françaises, est marquée par une véritable crise de la discipline, suivie de nombreuses réformes découlant de la guerre d'Algérie, visant à refonder le lien entre l'armée et les citoyens-soldatsThis thesis studies the crises and reconfigurations of authority within the French am1y from 1954 to 1966. The Algerian war appears as the end point of many theoretical and practical writings aiming at endowing chiefs with initiatives and at establishing active submission on the part of soldiers. At the level of leadership, the Algerian war sanctions small chiefs' initiative that allows them to make their own rules. And yet, power relations are undermined by phenomena of competition between chiefs who fight between themselves to obtain honours and results. ln the context of a mass am1y many counter-power emerge to counter, cancel or sometimes collaborate with hierarchical authority. The soldiers become the cri tics of such practices and commit acts of resistance in the back of the hierarchy. By building on the TPF A of Constantine, we meticulously index and historicise the forms of disobedience recorded but we also describe the profiles of those who breached these power relations. These acts of disobedience are strong during the period of the beginning of the war between 1954 and 1957. During the high of the war (1957-1961), the acts of disobedience stay plenty but the sanctions only focus on the most serious cases thus giving the impression that they diminished. The end of the war ( 1961-1966), between the putsch and the departure of the French am1y, is marked by a crisis of discipline that leads to a series of reforms aiming at rebuilding the relations between the army and the citizen-soldiers
6
Mendes, Laura Peraza 1988. "O serviço de armas nas guerras contra Palmares = expedições, soldados e mercês (Pernambuco, segunda metade do século XVII)." [s.n.], 2013. http://repositorio.unicamp.br/jspui/handle/REPOSIP/279440.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Orientador: Silvia Hunold LaraDissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas
Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-23T23:51:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Mendes_LauraPeraza_M.pdf: 11806290 bytes, checksum: c1c428832c2ac7dfd1b0d34378517c7d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013
Resumo: Havia uma longa teia que ligava a Coroa portuguesa aos colonos que habitavam seu vasto império. Pela prestação de serviços, os habitantes do Ultramar se transformavam em vassalos, ao demonstrarem sua lealdade ao monarca português e serem recompensados por isso. Uma das vias encontradas pelos moradores da América Portuguesa para servir à Coroa foi por meio das armas, pelo combate a inimigos estrangeiros, negros e índios revoltosos, além do financiamento de expedições e batalhas. No caso da capitania de Pernambuco, a luta contra os mocambos de Palmares mostrou-se uma ótima oportunidade para servir à Coroa e posteriormente requerer mercês, como hábitos das Ordens Militares, tenças, postos militares e cargos de ofícios. Esta pesquisa foi pensada para trazer contribuições ao conhecimento da história militar colonial, tendo como pano de fundo as expedições enviadas para combater os mocambos de Palmares entre 1676 e 1679. Por meio da análise de alguns aspectos da organização e realização dessas expedições, objetiva-se compreender melhor o serviço de armas na capitania de Pernambuco e o modo como ele foi financiado e remunerado, criando laços entre os vassalos na América e a Coroa portuguesa
Abstract: There was a long web that connected the Portuguese Crown to the settlers of its vast empire. The Ultramar inhabitants could become vassals through their services, when they proved their loyalty to the Portuguese monarch and were rewarded for this. Some of the main ways found to serve the Crown was the armas (a kind of military service), the combat of foreign enemies or revolted Blacks and Indians, and the financing of military expeditions or battles. In seventeenth-century Pernambuco the fight against the mocambos of Palmares was seen as a great opportunity for those who desired to serve the Crown and thus require mercês (gifts) such as habits of Military Orders, tenças (regular payments), and military or civilian positions. This research was thought to bring contributions to the knowledge in colonial Brazil's military history, making use of the military expeditions sent to destroy the mocambos of Palmares between 1676 and 1679 as background. Through the analysis of some aspects of these expeditions, this research aims to reach a better understanding of the "serviço de armas" (a kind of military service) in Pernambuco and its finances and wages. It also desires to comprehend the effect of this kind of service in the relationship between the American vassals and the Portuguese Crown
Mestrado
Historia Social
Mestra em História
7
Agoumara, Toussaint-Eugène. "Guerres et politique coloniale : le cas de l'Oubangui-Chari (1870-1956)." Toulouse 2, 1998. http://www.theses.fr/1998TOU20097.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
L'Oubangui-Chari (actuelle République centrafricaine), partie intégrante de l'Empire colonial français entra, dès les premières heures de la colonisation, dans les guerres de conquête menées sur le terrain, puis dans l'histoire mondiale et deviendra, à l'instar des autres colonies, un des soutiens a la France en guerre. Cette colonie, comme le reste de l'empire fut inséré dans un événement qui dépassa ses frontières et qui l'associa au sort de la France. Elle participa à l'effort de guerre sous deux formes : militaire et économique, en fournissant hommes et matières premières. Les tirailleurs de l'Oubangui-Chari participèrent dans un premier temps, aux différentes opérations de pacification menées par les troupes coloniales, ainsi ils participèrent à la conquête de leur propre colonie. Et dans un second temps, pendant la première guerre mondiale, ils participèrent, essentiellement sur le continent africain, à la libération du territoire camerounais sous tutelle allemande. Ensuite la seconde guerre mondiale les a vus au Levant (Syrie, Liban) et en Libye (Birhakeim). Ces batailles, les conduisirent en France, où ils participèrent activement à la libération des poches de l'Atlantique qu'occupaient les Allemands : Royan, La Pointe de Grave et La Rochelle. Enfin, ces unités, intégrées dans le corps expéditionnaire français en Extrême-Orient, furent impliquées dans la guerre d'Indochine ; à Lang Son, à Cao Bang, à Nam Dinh et à Dien Bien Phu. Après la guerre d'Indochine, on procéda à la énième organisation des troupes de l'Oubangui-Chari. En participant à ces trois conflits, les soldats de l'Oubangui-Chari ont acquis une tradition militaire. Ayant connu le baptême du feu, ils constitueront après les indépendances, l'ossature de l'armée centrafricaineNow known as the Central African Republic, Ubangi-Chari was an integral part of the French colonial empire and entered the colonial wars from the very beginning of colonization. Like the other colonies, it entered word history by supporting France in war. Like the rest of the empire, this colony took part in an event which reached beyond its national borders and which linked it to the history of France. It participated in the war effort in two different ways, both militarily and economically by providing men and raw materials. The Ubangi-Chari infantry first carried out the different peace keeping; measures under the orders of the colonial forces, this participating in the conquest of their own colony. Secondly, during the First World War and operating mainly on the African continent, they helped to free Cameroun then under German supervision. During the Second World War, they were to be found in the middle-east (Syria, Lebanon) and in Libya (Bir-Hakeim). These battles took them to France where they actively participated in the liberation of enclaves taken over by the Germans on the Atlantic coast: the cities of Royan, La Rochelle and the Pointe de Grave. Finally, these units which were integrated in the French task forces in the Far East were involved in the Indochinese war: Lang-Son, Cao Bang, Nam Dinah and Dine Bien Phi. After this war, Ubangi-Chari troops were reorganized yet again by being involved in these tree conflicts, Ubangi-Chari soldiers acquired a strong military tradition, and because of this baptism of fire they were to form the base of the central African army after independence
8
Lesueur, Boris. "Les troupes coloniales sous l'Ancien Régime." Tours, 2007. http://www.theses.fr/2007TOUR2041.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Le premier empire colonial français, apparu à l'époque de Colbert et qui survécut jusqu'au 1er Empire, eut à affronter durant son existence 7 conflits majeurs. Dès 1674 on se résolut à le défendre à l'aide de troupes spécialisées, les compagnies détachées de la Marine. Un régiment suisse au service de la Marine en 1719 s'ajouta au dispositif organisé depuis l'arsenal de Rochefort et maintenu durant le ministère de Maurepas. L'éffondrement militaire survenu lors de la Guerre de Sept Ans aux colonies obligea Choiseul à en confier la défense aux troupes de terre. En 1772, toutefois, la Marine se dota à nouveau de troupes autonomes sous la forme de régiments d'infanterie coloniale et d'un régiment d'artillerie. La Révolution mit ce système qui avait fonctionné lors de la Guerre d'Indépendance américaine à mal. Alors qu'aux Antilles des demi-brigades coloniales réalisaient un amalgame entre les différentes populations des îles, dans l'océan Indien les troupes d'Ancien Régime restèrent en place. Le Consulat fit disparaître ces ultimes tentatives d'adaptation de l'armée colonialeThe first french colonial empire had appeared at the time of Colbert and had survived until the First Empire, despite 7 important wars. Since 1674 specialized troops were sent from the Navy to the colonies. A swiss regiment was added in 1719. The defence system was planned during Maurepas'time from the naval dockyard of Rochefort. The military collapsus which had occurred during the Seven Years war compelled Choiseul to give the responsibility at the Army. In 1772 the Navy recovered it by creating colonial infantry and artillery regiments. The system worked well during the war of American Independence. But the Revolution forced to adapt. New colonial demi-brigades in the West Indies succeeded in mixing white and coloured men, and slaves ; unlike the East Indies where the troops of the ancient times were maintained. At the end, The Consulate decided to remove of these adaptations of the colonial army
9
Mourre, Martin. "De Thiaroye on aperçoit l’île de Gorée : histoire, anthropologie et mémoire d’un massacre colonial au Sénégal." Paris, EHESS, 2014. http://www.theses.fr/2014EHES0099.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse, au croisement de l’histoire et de l’anthropologie, prend pour objet les représentations d’un massacre colonial, la répression sanglante de tirailleurs sénégalais survenue au camp de Thiaroye, à proximité de Dakar, le 1er décembre 1944. Il s’agit d’abord de mieux documenter l’événement historique lui-même qui, soixante-dix ans après les faits, reste un sujet de controverse historiographique. D’autre part, inscrire les réappropriations passées et actuelles de ce drame dans diverses temporalités donne à lire la trajectoire de la nation sénégalaise postcoloniale à travers le prisme de la mobilisation de référents historiques. Ce travail sur la mémoire de cet événement s’appuie sur plus de soixante entretiens, l’analyse des œuvres d’art traitant de cet événement, un travail d’archives – des sources coloniales mais aussi différents journaux depuis 1945 jusqu’à aujourd’hui –, enfin une dimension ethnographique de recherche action, notamment auprès de lycéens sénégalais. Aujourd’hui, au Sénégal, les représentations attachées à l’événement du 1er décembre 1944 apparaissent comme un des paradigmes de la mémoire coloniale. Tenter de décrire ces usages du passé sur plus de soixante-dix ans permet alors d’envisager l’articulation entre des mémoires dominantes – officielles ou non –, des formes particulières de rappel du passé et le rôle de ce passé dans certaines dynamiques identitairesBy connecting history and anthropology, this thesis analyses the representations of the Thiaroye massacre, a repression of the tirailleurs sénégalais, Western African conscripts of the French army, in the Thiaroye camp on the outskirts of Dakar that took place on December 1st, 1944. First, it aims at documenting the event that, sixty years after, remains a controversial issue among the historians. Secondly, this thesis aims at analysing both the past and current use of this tragedy in different periods of time-scales. As a consequence, it helps to read the path of the post-colonial senegalese nation through the use of historical referents. This work dealing with the history of Thiaroye massacre is based on more than sixty interviews, the analysis of the works of art representing the event, different kind of archives (colonial sources and press journals published since 1945 until today), and the ethnographic investigation (for instance among the college students). The representation of the December 1st 1944 is currently one of the paradigms of the colonial memory in Senegal. By trying to describe the use of the past during more than sixty years, it is possible to consider the links between the dominant memory – official as well as unofficial – or the specific forms of remembrance and the role of this past in the some identity dynamics
10
Aït-El-Djoudi, Dalila. "Image des combattants français vue par l'ALN : 1954-1962 : l'exemple de la wilaya III." Montpellier 3, 2004. http://www.theses.fr/2004MON30051.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ce travail sur la mémoire des combattants de la guerre d'Algérie privilégié la réflexion d'un regard rétrospectif et d'une prise en compte de la mémoire française et algérienne du conflit. Il s'agit d'interpeller les combattants de l'ALN sur l'image qu'ils construisent et sur la perception qu'ils ont des combattants français. Cette approche permet de prendre en compte l'opinion, le jugement de l'autre, celui contre lequel le combattant français s'est battu. La vision des combattants français relève autant de la stratégie que de l'évolution des consciences. Elle reflète un certain état des mentalités, mais surtout, elles est dans la lutte un moyen privilégié de propagande. La représentation de l'adversaire est liée au rejet du système colonial. Le sentiment d'altérité est influencé par le caractère politique de la guerre. Ce travail de reconstruction dont la mémoire constitue l'un des apports privilégiés comprend un corpus de 79 témoignages d'anciens combattants de l'A. L. N, réalisés en Algérie et plus précisément en kabylie (ancienne wilaya III), entre 1999 et 2002This work on fighters' memory of the algerian war underlines the reflexion (thought) of a restrocpective look from a french point of view and from the algerian perception of the conflict. We try to confront fighters of the “ ALN ” with the image they convey and with the perception they have of the french combatants. This approach allows to take in account the opinion, the judgment of the other side, the same judgement against witch the french combatant fought. The vision of the french combatants is as much a matter of strategy as a matter of the evolution of the conscience. It reveals a certain state of the mind but above all, it constitutes in times of fighting a privilegied means of propaganda. The representation of the enemy (opponent) is linked to the rejection of the colonial system. The feeling of otherness (alterity) is influenced by the political nature of war. This work of reconstruction whose recollection makes up on the privilegied contributions of this thesis, comprises a corpus of seventy-nine testimonies from veterans of the “ ALN ”, recorded in Algeria and more particulary in Kabylia (the old wilaya III) between 1999 and 2002
Книги з теми "Armies, colonial – history"
1
Karl, Hack, and Rettig Tobias, eds. Colonial armies in Southeast Asia. New York, NY: Routledge, 2005.
Знайти повний текст джерела
2
Ubah, C. N. Colonial army and society in northern Nigeria. [Kaduna, Nigeria: Baraka Press], 1998.
Знайти повний текст джерела
3
Pierre, Rosière, ed. Les spahis sénégalais: Une cavalerie africaine aux origines de l'expansion coloniale. Gorée [Sénégal]: Éditions du Musée historique du Sénégal (Gorée), IFAN Ch.A.Diop, 2007.
Знайти повний текст джерела
4
Taylor, Rosa Vesta López. El "ejército" en la Nueva España y México (1768-1836): Una historia a partir de los conceptos. Guadalajara, México: Universidad de Guadalajara, 2018.
Знайти повний текст джерела
5
Eric, Deroo, ed. Histoire des tirailleurs. Paris: Seuil, 2010.
Знайти повний текст джерела
6
Frémeaux, Jacques. Intervention et humanisme: Le style des armees francaises en Afrique au XIXe siecle. Paris: Economica, 2006.
Знайти повний текст джерела
7
Frémeaux, Jacques. Intervention et humanisme: Le style des armées françaises en Afrique au XIXe siècle. Paris: Economica, 2006.
Знайти повний текст джерела
8
Afonso, Aniceto. Guerra colonial. Lisboa: Editorial Notícias, 2000.
Знайти повний текст джерела
9
Les armes retournées: Colonisation et décolonisation françaises : essai. Paris: Belin, 2005.
Знайти повний текст джерела
10
Bayly, C. A. Forgotten armies: The fall of British Asia, 1941-1945. Cambridge, Mass: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 2005.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Armies, colonial – history"
1
Krause, Jonathan, and Miles Larmer. "Beyond the State/Rebel Dichotomy in Twentieth Century African Warfare." In The Oxford Handbook of Late Colonial Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies, 27–43. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198866787.013.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Understanding of the history of armed conflict in twentieth-century Africa has often been limited by a focus on the state affiliations of armed forces. Histories of ‘imperial’ conquest and resistance often did little to explain the underlying motivations of indigenous forces fighting on either side. Likewise, the ostensible dichotomy between armed liberation movements and the ‘loyalist’ troops of colonial armies often disguised shared military practices and instances in which ‘rebels’ became loyalists. Decolonization theoretically legitimized the establishment of new nation-state armies, but many post-colonial regimes were undermined by continuing contestation of national identities involving conflicts between state armies that occupied ‘rebel’ areas, and rebel movements that aspired to take control of states. From the 1990s, studies of warfare in Africa increasingly recognized the extent to which the division between state and rebel forces, for example in the Congo Wars, masked the considerable interaction, interchange, and similarities between these armed forces, to the extent that they may best be understood as mutually constituted. This chapter aims to challenge established understandings of conflict in modern African history and to contribute to the wider historiographical analysis of conflict between states and insurgents in the wider (post-)colonial world.
2
Young, Nigel. "Socialism, Internationalism, and Peace." In The Oxford Handbook of Peace History, C38.S1—C38.N40. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197549087.013.38.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Looking back from the late nineteenth century, this chapter explains how socialism played an important role in promoting anti-militarism and anti-conscriptionism, including draft refusal. Scholars have largely neglected the role of socialism in peace history and its ties to internationalism as the age of industrialization reached global proportions. Socialists considered the pursuit of economic gain through nationalistic rivalries and colonial exploitation as fundamental causes of intense state competition and military conflict. Wars for profit between competing nations led to an internationalist and socialist ethic critical of the capitalistic way of life. Accompanying the rise of organized labor in the nineteenth century socialists, as part of the working masses within industrialized states, encouraged non-military forms of resistance in the name of labor solidarity and human rights. Approaching the topic from a chronological perspective, this chapter examines the ways socialists sought to stop war particularly in the years leading up to the First World War through the general strike to respond to the growth of mass armies and industrialized warfare.
3
Nag, Sajal, and R. Lalsangpuii. "Reversing of Gender." In Gender in Modern India, 79–98. Oxford University PressOxford, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198900788.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Northeast India experienced some of the most violent resistance movements in India against British colonialism. Led by the tribes of the region, these movements were not all male endeavours, even though the regional tribal polities were fiercely patriarchal. There were several female chieftains who took up arms against the colonial military forces to thwart attempts to overrun the tribal habitats and subvert their sovereignty. This chapter discusses the role of such women chieftains among the Lushai (Mizo) tribe of Northeast India who surfaced once their chieftain husbands, brothers, and sons had been eliminated by the British forces. It reconstructs the histories of such female chieftains, rebels, and warriors who not only led their armies but also entered diplomatic negotiations with the colonial state. They mobilized people, formed militia, and tried to preserve their sovereignty by resisting the British invasion. It is interesting to note that the colonial state was viewed by the tribes as a brute masculine power against whom their resistance crumbled. However, when the female tribal chieftains fought against the colonial state, they were seen as masculine powers taking on another masculine entity. Women’s leadership of such anti-colonial movements momentarily reversed the gendered nature of politics in the related patriarchal tribal communities. However, such acts did not lead to any changes in the patriarchal structure of their societies. Their heroic resistance was neither celebrated nor recorded in the regional folklore and history, while Lushai chronicles are full of stories of the achievements of their male chiefs.
4
Moussy, Hugues. "Medical topography as an instrument of colonial management in French Algeria, 1830–71." In The Anthropological Demography of Health, 85–102. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198862437.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The role played by medicine in colonial history has been underestimated, and even misunderstood. This chapter shows that, contrary to some prevailing assumptions, the main impact of medicine in the colonization process was perhaps not so much at the level of bodies as at another level: space. A different, population-based historiography is therefore necessary. This chapter proposes that because of its fundamental interest in the environment and space, Western medicine—contemporary with the colonial imperative—contributed to the domination of the European powers by making it possible to think of the fundamental spatial continuity of the world and therefore its conquest. Medical topographies, in the context of the conquest of Algeria by French armies from 1830, provide an exemplary source in which to explore this proposition. Algeria occupied a prominent place in French medico-topographical production: forty-one topographies were devoted to it, amounting to 7 per cent of all medical topographies handwritten and printed following the conquest, more than any other area of French territory. Medical topographers first began in those areas for which they were specialists, and which seemed reserved particularly for them: water and air. They then turned to mortality. Finally, I demonstrate that topographies were an ideological and legitimizing instrument. They demonstrate a marked imbalance between their concern with the health of the French soldiers and later of the colonists, and the health of the local population.
5
McNeill, J. R. "Disease Environments in the Caribbean to 1850." In Sea and Land, 130—C2.P182. Oxford University PressNew York, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197555446.003.0003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This chapter summarizes the health and disease history of the Caribbean over the 7,000 years, from the first human habitation until the end of the slave plantation regime. It takes up three main subjects: the pre-Columbian disease regime, the post-Columbian (c.1492–1600) disease and demographic catastrophe among the Indigenous population, and the disease regime of plantation society (c.1650–1850). It borrows the concept of syndemics from medical anthropology to underscore the relationships among epidemics and social conditions. Judging from bioarchaeological and paleogenomic evidence, Indigenous populations of the Caribbean suffered little, by global standards, from infectious disease prior to 1492. Transatlantic connections after 1492 unleashed a first Caribbean syndemic of multiple, overlapping epidemics and colonial violence, the exceptional fury of which is examined and tentatively explained. After a brief interlude of comparatively good health (c.1600–40), plantations and sugar production in particular created a second enduring Caribbean syndemic involving new epidemics in combination with the deprivation and violence characteristic of plantation slavery. Here the chapter considers the disease regimes of plantations, port cities, and armies.
6
Glatthaar, Joseph T. "1. Citizen soldier and sailor vs. standing armed forces." In American Military History: A Very Short Introduction, 1–23. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/actrade/9780199859252.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
“Citizen soldier and sailor vs. standing armed forces” covers the establishment of the first militias in the colonies. Colonists inherited a British sense of military obligation but were opposed to standing armies. British wars drew in American forces, fostering Anglo-American discord. Stylized European warfare did not translate to the American landscape. Indigenous groups required, and indirectly taught, newer tactics. Americans under George Washington achieved independence through strategic alliances and contributions from the Continental Army, the militia, and partisans. The Navy also developed during the Revolutionary War. After the war, Republicans and Federalists disagreed on the best approach to the military.
7
Staniland, Paul. "Pakistan." In Ordering Violence, 147–97. Cornell University Press, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.7591/cornell/9781501761102.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter evaluates Pakistan's history of armed politics. The combination of a contested but powerful articulation of Muslim nationalism stretching back to the colonial period with the Pakistan Army's particular version of this project has led to a relatively consistent threat perception and corresponding pattern of armed politics. The state's security managers have viewed ethno-linguistic separatists as ideologically opposed, while having a complex but ultimately more sympathetic view of Islamist armed actors as existing in the gray zone or being ideologically aligned. The chapter thematically explores state responses to linguistic/regional armed groups, strategies toward “Islamist” actors, and electoral violence. It then offers a deeper discussion of patterns of discrimination in targeting of armed groups in Pakistan's Northwest between 2002 and 2015. Finally, the chapter concludes with implications for understanding Pakistani nationalism and security policy.
8
van Dijk, Boyd. "Internationalizing Civil and Colonial Wars." In Preparing for War, 99–146. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868071.003.0004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Chapter 3 provides a new genealogy of Common Article 3, which regulates wars within states and empires (what were termed “non-international armed conflicts”). This was the first binding international legal provision in history that challenged states’ absolute sovereignty in their domestic and colonial affairs for humanitarian purposes. The book revives the neglected history of how this central provision, which has received both praise and criticism since 1949, unexpectedly came into being. In reconstructing the contingencies through which the article emerged, this chapter complicates some of the subsequent perspectives that have grown up around it. While some have branded Common Article 3 a failure, for many it remains the most innovative outcome of the entire drafting process. Moving beyond these dichotomies, this chapter provides an in-depth analysis of how attempts to internationalize so-called internal wars were profoundly shaped by the dynamics of imperialism and the Cold War.
9
Tague, Jo. "African Peace Traditions and Resistance to Colonial Rule." In The Oxford Handbook of Peace History, C8.P1—C8.N66. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780197549087.013.8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This chapter examines the many, diverse peace traditions that African men and women practiced between the sixteenth and early twentieth centuries. It discusses the ways in which these traditions were based on a set of consistent protocols that not only helped shape local social organization but enabled political elites to maintain peaceful relations, settle disputes, and avoid armed conflict (with neighboring African communities as well as with early European travelers, missionaries, explorers, and eventually colonial officials). It argues that these diplomatic protocols impacted gender norms and relations, religion, trade, and mobility in various African societies throughout the continent. It concludes with a discussion of the ways in which African men and women adjusted these peace traditions by the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, as they looked to international law and other myriad institutions in response to European imperialism.
10
Chi Man, Kwong. "Introduction." In Hongkongers in the British Armed Forces, 1860-1997, 1–13. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192845740.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The first chapter discusses the subject of the book, ‘Hong Kong servicemen’, and explains the topic’s importance. It first defines terms such as ‘Hong Kong servicemen’, ‘Chinese’, ‘Eurasians’, and ‘Hongkongers’, and suggests the use of the term ‘Chinese’ often risks omitting the diversity of Hong Kong Chinese. It also highlights the diverse ethnic, cultural, and social backgrounds of the Hongkongers, who had a distinctive historical experience during the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. This chapter then puts the Hong Kong servicemen in the context of the age of New Imperialism (1870–1914), when multi-ethnic and multicultural colonial armed forces were the norm. It explains the reasons for the colonial empires to enlist the subject people in their armed forces, although the primary purpose of such a force was to police the colonial population. It also discusses the experience of other colonial soldiers, stressing that while many faced a similar problem of split loyalties to the colonial power and their people, their experience could differ considerably and should be studied case by case. The chapter then puts the Hong Kong servicemen in the context of modern Chinese history and the Chinese diaspora. It points out that Chinese nationalist narratives that stress unification and homogeneity have often overshadowed the historical experience of Hongkongers.