Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Argentina – History – Dirty War, 1976-1983"

In December 2001, Argentina underwent the worst socio-economic crisis in its history. Strong criticisms were raised by society against almost all the social injustices encouraged by the policies promoted by the former governments. Forgiveness of the crimes committed by the dictatorship during the “Dirty War” which took place in the late 70’s, and reconciliation between the members of the dictatorship and society, was the position held by the post-dictatorship governments. However, the official discourse has radically changed since 2003, because of the administration of elected president Nestor Kirchner (2003–2007). The aim of this paper is to explore some of the changes in relation to the creation of two time-frames (TF1/TF2) to represent actors from the past and the present, and reinforce the current exceptionality of Néstor Kirchner’s political stance. To do this, I will analyse four political speeches given by ex- president Néstor Kirchner to commemorate the anniversary of the coup d’état of March 24th, 1976, the date which marks the beginning of the 1976–1983 military dictatorship.

The U.S. Human Rights Policy Towards Argentina During the “Dirty War” 1976-1983 The paper aims to provide an analysis of the question of violations of human rights during the last military dictatorship in Argentina (1976-1983) and the impact of this problem on bilateral relations with the United States. The article will focus mostly on the presidency of James “Jimmy” Earl Carter. The political line adopted by him, known as “the Carter doctrine” or “human rights policy” was the basis of restrictive attitude towards the Argentine dictators. In order to provide a complete analysis, the topic of the paper was treated broadly, covering not only bilateral, American-Argentine issues, but also multilateral forms of exerting pressure on Argentina, mainly at the United Nations and Organization of American States. The article also provides an analysis of the human rights policy itself, as well as of the state terror introduced by the Argentine military, known as the “Dirty War””.

Em agosto de 1976 um golpe militar derrubou Isabel Perón e instalou um dos regimes militares mais violentos da América do Sul (1976-1983). A política internacional do Estado argentino sofreu alterações relevantes, tais como o alinhamento com o “Mundo Ocidental Cristão”, o qual era capitaneado pelos Estados Unidos. Em poucos anos, a Argentina se tornou um “pivot” de diversos momentos de tensão e de conflito no Cone Sul, como o litígio de Itaipu-Corpus, o conflito argentino-chileno pelo controle do canal de Beagle e a Guerra das Malvinas/Falklands (1982). Como resultado dessa estratégia, o país se isolou profundamente do restante da sociedade internacional. O presente texto apresenta os eixos das relações exteriores argentinas entre 1976 e 1983, com ênfase nas tensões entre a Argentina e os países contíguos, com objetivo de analisar criticamente a atuação internacional da Casa Rosada a partir da ótica do realismo clássico.Palavras-Chave: Argentina; Política externa argentina; História da Argentina. ABSTRACTIn August 1976 a military coup overthrew President Isabel Perón, installing one of the most violent military regimes in South America (1976-1983). When compared to previous Peronist governments, the international policy of the Argentine State has undergone relevant changes, such as an alignment with the Western Christian World. In a few years, Argentina has become a pivot of different moments of tension and conflict in the Southern Cone, such as the dispute over Itaipu-Corpus, the Argentine-Chilean conflict over the Beagle channel and the Malvinas/Falklands War (1982). As a result of this strategy, the country has profoundly isolated itself from the rest of international society. This text presents the axes of Argentine foreign relations between 1976 and 1983, with an emphasis on tensions between Argentina and the contiguous countries, with the aim of critically analyzing the international performance of Casa Rosada from the perspective of classical realism.Keywords: Argentina; Argentine foreign policy; History of Argentina. Recebido em: 12/08/2020 | Aceito em: 10/02/2021.

A political transformation that has started in Argentina in 1983 put an end on the reign of military junta, but at the same time it was related with a number of challenges for both first democratic governments and the argentine society as a whole. One of the most problematic issues resulting from the confrontation with the crimes from 1976 – 1983 was so called transitional justice and the problem of identity and collective memory of societies coming out of the period of trauma, which are characterized by a high polarization due to different, even contradictory at times interpretations and ideas about the past. The article attempts to analyze the difficult process of settlement of the dirty war period, including the characteristics of the preceding events, the policy of the first democratic governments and the original strategies developed by the argentine movement for human rights, which on the one hand aimed to combat with the impunity of the perpetrators, and on the other hand to counteract the social amnesia and to keep the memory about the tragic past events alive.

The article examines the South Atlantic Conflict the Falklands (Malvinas) War between Great Britain and Argentina in 1982 in terms of geopolitics as the military regime in Argentina (1976-1983) considered that geopolitical motives were very important in foreign policy. According to military elite the South Atlantic was an ocean of increasing strategic and the growing economic importance. The Falklands (Malvinas), South Georgia and the South Sandwich Islands were much more than islands for Argentina. They represented the basis of her maritime domain and had economic importance due to their wealth in fish, oil and minerals. Without access to the South Atlantic it would not be possible far Argentina to transform into regional power. This was the reason that made Argentina occupy the islands on April 2,1982.

I argue that fictional representations of the Dirty Wars in Argentina (1976-1983) and Chile (1973-1990) allow for the possibility of forgiveness and healing, while non-fictional representations such as testimonies and conversations do not. Focusing on a variety of fictional and non-fictional texts, I analyze why and how state repression inflicts trauma and violence upon its victims and survivors. The novels I analyze are no place for heroes by Laura Restrepo, El Angel’s Last Conquest by Elvira Orphée and Bedside manners by Luisa Valenzuela. The non–fictional works I analyze are Nunca Mas: A Report By Argentina’s National Commission on Disappeared People, That Inferno: Conversations of Five Women Survivors of an Argentine Torture Camp, Circle Over Death: Testimonies of the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo and We, Chile: Personal Testimonies of the Chilean Arpilleristas. The theoretical underpinnings of my arguments are Paul Ricouer’s Memory, History, Forgetting (2004) and Avishai Margalit’s The Ethics of Memory (2002), both of which attempt to think through the relationship between forgetting and forgiving.

RESUMENEl objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar sobre los mecanismos de financiación y de control de las instituciones religiosas por los laicos en las primeras décadas de la conquista y colonización de Hispanoamérica. Investigar sobre la inversión laica en lo sagrado supone en un primer lugar aclarar la historiografía sobre laicos, religión y dinero en las sociedades de Antiguo Régimen y su trasposición en América, planteando una mirada desde el punto de vista de las motivaciones múltiples de los actores seglares. A través del ejemplo de restituciones, donaciones y legados en losAndes, se explora el papel de los laicos españoles, y también de las poblaciones indígenas, en el establecimiento de la densa red de instituciones católicas que se construye entonces. La propuesta postula el protagonismo de actores laicos en la construcción de un espacio cristiano en los Andes peruanos en el siglo XVI y principios del XVII, donde la inversión económica permite contribuir a la transición de una sociedad de guerra y conquista a una sociedad corporativa pacificada.PALABRAS CLAVE: Hispanoamérica-Andes, religión, economía, encomienda, siglos XVI y XVII.ABSTRACTThis article aims to reflect on the mechanisms of financing and control of religious institutions by the laity in the first decades of the conquest and colonization of Spanish America. Investigating lay investment in the sacred sphere means first of all to clarifying historiography on laity, religion and money within Ancien Régime societies and their transposition to America, taking into account the multiple motivations of secular actors. 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Can religious leaders who oppose state violence reduce its use? Communal elites, such as religious leaders, may oppose human rights violations. This article argues that these leaders, part of institutions embedded in local communities and with influence based on traditional power, reduce repression when they oppose dictatorships. The argument’s main implication is tested in Argentina during the Dirty War of its 1976–1983 military dictatorship, using original archival data on the country’s Catholic bishops. Opposed bishops are associated with reduced disappearances and killings. A variety of evidence is consistent with opposed bishops taking two types of actions to resist repression: assisting likeminded local agents and participating in human rights advocacy campaigns. The findings point to the importance of influential civil society actors in reducing state violence.

AbstractWhether religious groups advance or limit human rights has been a topic of recent debate among human rights scholars. This article studies the conditions under which religious leaders advance human rights in the context of Argentina's Jewish community during the country's 1976–1983 military dictatorship. Three major influences on religious support for human rights—autonomy from a religious community's establishment, a missionary‐reformer identity, and congregational mobilization—are highlighted. Original archival research from the papers of U.S.‐born rabbi Marshall T. Meyer illustrates his defense of human rights in Argentina, contrasting his work with the inaction of a major established Jewish organization. Quantitative cross‐national analysis extends the case study findings by showing a relationship between religious institutions’ autonomy from the state and defense of human rights.

This chapter examines the failure of the UCEDE in Argentina, and compares it to the success of the UDI in Chile. The first section discusses the long history of conservative party weakness in Argentina. The second section asks why no “Argentine UDI” emerged from the 1976–1983 military regime, arguing that its poor governing performance—including, notably, its defeat in the 1982 Falklands/Malvinas War—made the formation of such a party unviable. The third section examines the emergence of the UCEDE, emphasizing its much weaker starting position relative to the UDI. The fourth section discusses the fall of the UCEDE, which suffered a series of schisms and a sharp drop in electoral support after newly elected President Carlos Menem (1989–1999), a Peronist, began to implement much of its economic program. While the proximate cause of the UCEDE’s collapse was the Menem government, the chapter argues that the deeper cause was the party’s various built-in weaknesses.