Готові списки джерел за темами / Anglophiles

Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Anglophiles"

Автор: Grafiati

Опубліковано: 3 лютого 2024

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Статті в журналах з теми "Anglophiles"

Burgh, John. "Creating Anglophiles." English Today 1, no. 3 (July 1985): 18–19. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266078400001206.

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English Today talks to Sir John Burgh, Director-General of the British Council, about the history, evolution, policies and plans of an organization that runs a planet-wide programme of English as a second or foreign language.

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Markovich, Slobodan. "Anglophiles in Balkan Christian states (1862-1920)." Balcanica, no. 40 (2009): 95–145. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0940093m.

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The life stories of five Balkan Anglophiles emerging in the nineteenth century - two Serbs, Vladimir Jovanovic (Yovanovich) and Cedomilj Mijatovic (Chedomille Mijatovich); two Greeks, Ioannes (John) Gennadios and Eleutherios Venizelos; and one Bulgarian, Ivan Evstratiev Geshov - reflect, each in its own way, major episodes in relations between Britain and three Balkan Christian states (Serbia, the Hellenic Kingdom and Bulgaria) between the 1860s and 1920. Their education, cultural patterns, relations and models inspired by Britain are looked at, showing that they acted as intermediaries between British culture and their own and played a part in the best and worst moments in the history of mutual relations, such as the Serbian-Ottoman crisis of 1862, the Anglo-Hellenic crisis following the Dilessi murders, Bulgarian atrocities and the Eastern Crisis, unification of Bulgaria and the Serbo-Bulgarian War of 1885, the Balkan Wars 1912-13, the National Schism in Greece. Their biographies are therefore essential for understanding Anglo-Balkan relations in the period under study. The roles of two British Balkanophiles (a Bulgarophile, James David Bourchier, and a Hellenophile, Ronald Burrows) are looked at as well. In conclusion, a comparison of the Balkan Anglophiles is offered, and their Britain-inspired cultural and institutional legacy to their countries is shown in the form of a table.

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Le Breton, Jean-Marie. "Réflexions anglophiles sur la géopolitique de l'anglais." Hérodote 115, no. 4 (2004): 11. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/her.115.0011.

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Manus, Jean-Marie. "MCJ : les donneurs de sang anglophiles ne seront pas exclus." Revue Française des Laboratoires 2000, no. 320 (February 2000): 10–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s0338-9898(00)80377-7.

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Lasorak, Natacha. "INHABITING THE BRITISH COUNTRY HOUSE IN INDIA: THE INHERITANCE OF LOSS BY KIRAN DESAI." HOME-THOUGHTS, FROM ABROAD XI, no. 31 (2020): 39–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.31902/fll.31.2020.4.

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Kiran Desai’s critically acclaimed novel, The Inheritance of Loss, intertwines narratives of the lives of three characters: the judge, haunted by his past, is joined by his granddaughter Sai in his house in north-eastern India, while the son of his cook is working illegally in America. Published in 2006, the novel has mostly been analysed in the light of diaspora studies and praised for its author’s questioning of the effects of globalisation and immigration when leaving home. Yet what is also worth examining is the way in which some of the characters of the novel, including the judge, inhabit their chosen homes as foreigners or, to be more specific, as surrogate Britons in their country of origin, creating a separate community of anglophiles. The “solace of being a foreigner in [their] own country” (29) is but one of their rewards in their attempts at mimicking a British way of life. If the houses of the novel are set in independent India, this article questions the extent to which they could be read as counterparts to the British country house, relating them to values of continuity, tradition and Englishness. While anglophile characters take the British country house as model for their own Indian houses, their nostalgia is for a British home they never knew or owned. Their experiences of immigration can only lead them to create a pastiche of an English country house, which relies on a mythified vision of England. Their acceptance of English values and social hierarchy turns them into foreigners in their own country, seemingly blurring the definitions of “home” and “abroad”. Their reliance on the model of the British country house further points to the ways in which The Inheritance of Loss parodies the genre of the English manor house novel and the way it relies on colonialist norms.

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J. McDonald, John. "Psychic Occupation: Western Narrative Style in Beer in the Snooker Club and Season of Migration to the North." International Journal of Arabic-English Studies 5, no. 1 (January 1, 2004): 19–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.33806/ijaes2000.5.1.2.

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This paper compares how two Arab Novels, Waguih Ghali's Beer in the Snooker Club (1964) written in English, and Tayeb Salih 's Season of Migration .to the North (1969) written in Arabic (trans. by Denys Johnson –Davies), depict Colonialism 's influence on Arab cultural identity through narrators who are Anglophiles. While the Arabic narrative and Western voice interact cohesively, the protagonists of Salih 's and Ghali's novels experience inter-cultural and internal conflicts which result in self-hatred, physical and identity displacement, political dissidence, and acts of questionable morality. Because both identify with an occupying culture they struggle to find stability, satisfaction or redemption in the excesses and "freedoms " of the West, and in the customs of their native cultures..

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Kundu, Anwesha. "British but not a Briton: Anglophilia and Black British Identity Formation in E. R. Braithwaite." ariel: A Review of International English Literature 54, no. 3-4 (July 2023): 99–125. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ari.2023.a905711.

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Abstract: This essay re-examines Anglophilia, a quintessential conservative colonial affect, to illustrate how emotional structures that function as modes of psychic colonialism can concurrently produce unanticipated effects. E. R. Braithwaite's best-selling autobiographical novel, To Sir, With Love (1959), is a Windrush account of a Black, middle-class, Caribbean immigrant's life in Britain that, largely due to its explicit Anglophilia, has not garnered much critical attention within a conventional postcolonial framework. I use affect studies to read this text's Anglophilic affiliations as a complicated process of Black diasporic identity formation that questions the simultaneity of race and national belonging. British identity in the mid-twentieth century was understood in highly emotive, racialized terms—such as "civilized," "Christian," or "advanced"—that stood in for explicit references to whiteness. This structure had the effect of appearing to separate Britishness from whiteness in discourses about race and nationality, thus creating a space within which Braithwaite could imagine the possibility of being a Black Briton. Braithwaite's text reveals Anglophilia to be a complex affective structure that, while being invested in ideas of morality, nation, and civilization, can also unexpectedly destabilize prevalent social norms (while reinforcing others) as it participates in the process of denaturalizing automatic assumptions of racial superiority.

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HANKS, ROBERT K. "GEORGES CLEMENCEAU AND THE ENGLISH." Historical Journal 45, no. 1 (March 2002): 53–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x01002242.

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Georges Clemenceau has traditionally been portrayed as a narrow-minded French nationalist. In spite of this reputation, he had many personal friends in England and was widely considered during his lifetime to be France's most eminent anglophile. Although his biographers briefly mention these ties, no one has systematically explored their political and diplomatic implications. Making use of new archival and journalistic evidence, this article will examine Clemenceau's relationships with several English upper-class mavericks: the positivist Frederic Harrison, the head-strong and opinionated Maxse family, and the idiosyncratic social democratic leader Henry M. Hyndman. Their influence encouraged in him an attitude toward England which blended sincere anglophilia with a deep-rooted distrust of its governing classes. Only by exploring this paradox can we understand the roots of Clemenceau's ultimate disillusionment with England.

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Gates-Coon, Rebecca. "Anglophile Households and British Travellers in Late Eighteenth-Century Vienna: ‘A Very Numerous and Pleasant English Colony’." Britain and the World 12, no. 2 (September 2019): 130–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/brw.2019.0323.

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‘Anglophilia’ was a Europe-wide phenomenon during the eighteenth century, and in Austria and particularly Vienna this affinity for things and persons ‘English’ was widespread. For many British visitors in late eighteenth-century Vienna the attraction was apparently mutual. With remarkable consistency, both private correspondence and the published reports of British travelers included praise for the hospitality and openness of two Viennese households, those of the Thun and Pergen families. During several decades, until the early 1790s, a substantial if indeterminate number of British individuals and groups arrived in Vienna and received a consistently enthusiastic welcome in the residences of the countesses Thun and Pergen. Why a predilection for Vienna should have developed among visitors from the British Isles, which lacked a shared religion, dynastic connection, or ease of access to the Viennese capital, is a question that merits attention. Interactions that occurred in and around these anglophile households can serve as instructive examples of contemporary British-Austrian ‘sociability’ in action.

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Champion, C. P. "Eminent Pearsonians: Britishness, Anti-Britishness, and Canadianism." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 16, no. 1 (May 7, 2007): 319–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/015736ar.

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Abstract Britishness in mid-Twentieth century Canada is usually treated as a fading overseas tie, a foreign allegiance, or a mark of dependency and colonial immaturity. There is a tendency to assume a kind of Manichean division between pro-British and anti-British: either in favour of Canadian independence, or beholden to the British connection, and to draw too sharp a distinction between what was “British” and what was genuinely “Canadian.” However, a study of the Eminent Pearsonians – three generations of Canadians whose anglophilia and Canadianness were intermingled – suggests that they were neither purely anglophile nor quite anglophobe but a tertium quid. Britishness and Canadianism were far more interpenetrated than is commonly thought. The nationalism and internationalism of Pearson and his contemporaries adumbrated their adoptive English liberalism and British liberal imperialism. Indeed, Britishness was interwoven into the Canadianness of the actors, bit-players, and stage-hands of all classes, ethnicities and genders in the Canadian pageant. In the positive sense of the term, Canadianism was an excrescence of Britishness.

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Дисертації з теми "Anglophiles"

Andriot, Antonin. "Entre héritage national et influences britanniques : une histoire croisée du libéralisme et des libéraux français entre 1859 et 1929." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Clermont Auvergne (2021-...), 2022. http://theses.bu.uca.fr/nondiff/2022UCFAL026_ANDRIOT.pdf.

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La France est-elle, comme l’écrivait le fondateur de l’École libre des sciences politiques Émile Boutmy en 1901, plus inclinée par son histoire à réclamer la « tutelle de l’État » que son voisin britannique ? Si ce lieu commun a la vie dure, c’est essentiellement parce que des libéraux anglophiles au XIXème siècle, particulièrement lors de leur opposition au Second Empire, ont nourri et documenté une certaine admiration pour ce qu’ils considéraient comme un modèle britannique, dont les mœurs libérales seraient plus profondément ancrées, et dont il conviendrait de s’inspirer pour atteindre une forme de maturité politique. Au-delà des apparences, il s’agit de comprendre que le libéralisme français fut l’objet d’une construction croisée, entre influences transnationales et hybridations nationales, tout particulièrement des années 1860 aux années 1920, lorsque s’affirme une culture libérale-républicaine ; comment les libéraux français ont-ils travaillé à cette transition constitutionnelle, partisane, culturelle appelée de leurs vœux, quelles furent leurs réussites et leurs échecs face à d’autres aspirations concurrentes, et dans le cadre de sociétés contemporaines en pleines mutations politiques et sociales ? À travers une grille d’analyse franco-britannique, c’est un ensemble de transferts culturels autour du libéralisme qui sont à redécouvrir, afin de mieux connaître les étapes charnières du développement du régime qu’est la démocratie libérale
Is France, as the founder of the École libre des sciences politiques Émile Boutmy wrote in 1901, more inclined by its history to demand “state supervision” than its British neighbor? If this commonplace dies hard, it is essentially because Anglophile liberals in the 19th century, particularly during their opposition to the Second Empire, nurtured a certain admiration for what they considered to be a British model, with a deeply rooted liberal culture, and from which it would be appropriate to be inspired in order to reach a form of political maturity. Beyond appearances, the aim is to understand that French liberalism was the object of a cross-construction, between transnational influences and national hybridizations, particularly from the 1860s to the 1920s, when a liberal-republican culture asserted itself; how did the French liberals work for this constitutional, partisan, cultural transition called for, what were their successes and failures in the face of other competing aspirations, and within the framework of changing contemporary societies in political and social spheres? Through a Franco-British perspective, it is a set of cultural transfers around liberalism that are to be rediscovered, to better understand the development of the regime that is liberal democracy

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Kuo, Sheng-Lung. "La meilleure ennemie de la France : Guides, récits de voyage outre-Manche et considérations sur l'Angleterre pendant la monarchie de Juillet." Thesis, Sorbonne Paris Cité, 2018. http://www.theses.fr/2018USPCC197.

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Le règne de Louis-Philippe (1830-1848), le roi français le plus anglophile, commence dans une atmosphère anglomane. Différents conflits entre Paris et Londres pendant cette période réveillent néanmoins des pensées anglophobes chez certains Français. Partant de ces trois sentiments qui se distinguent et coexistent à la fois, et à la lumière des différents courants de l’époque, comme le romantisme, le nationalisme et le socialisme, ce travail consiste à étudier les représentations de l’Angleterre sous la monarchie de Juillet. Une étude des relations franco-britanniques depuis le siècle des Lumières jusqu’à la chute du dernier roi français sert de toile de fond à ce travail : elle permet d’éclaircir la vision générale qu’avaient les Français de leurs voisins au cours du temps. Les guides de voyage publiés pendant le règne du roi des Français et les écrits des voyageurs français relatant leurs découvertes et expériences de la vie à l’anglaise au sein de « l’Angleterre commerciale et industrielle » font ensuite l’objet de nos analyses. À cela s’ajoute un examen de leurs considérations relatives à l’état social de cette Angleterre industrielle, dans un contexte où la France commence à suivre elle-même la voie de l’industrialisation. Ces diverses images de la Grande-Bretagne tirées des œuvres des voyageurs semblent toutes indiquer le motif de leurs séjours outre-Manche : étudier l’Angleterre afin d’instruire leur patrie, la France, voire le monde entier
The most Anglophile French king, Louis-Philippe (1830-1848), commences his rule inan Anglomaniac atmosphere. Throughout his reign though, several conflicts opposing Parisand London are the cause of an unfolding Anglophobic spirit. Starting off from these three feelings that are both distinct and interdependent, and in the perspective of the main contemporary trends like romanticism, nationalism and socialism, this thesis aims at studyingthe various representations of England during the July Monarchy. A study of the evolving Franco-British relationship from the Age of Enlightenment until the fall of the last Frenchking, is the background to this work: it helps understanding the judgment that the French exercised on their English neighbors during this period. Guidebooks published during the“King of the French” regime and writings from French travelers who expand on their discoveries and experiences of the English life within a “commercial and industrial England”,are then an object of analysis. A final aspect of this study focuses on their considerations with respect to the social state of this “industrial England”, in a context when France is pursuing apath of industrialization. Those diverse images about Great Britain extracted from French travelers’ publications are all pointing to the true motive of their stay across the Channel: a circumspect study of England that can be used to educate their own country, France, or eventhe whole world

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Buehner, Henry Nicholas. "Mansfieldism: Law and Politics in Anglo-America, 1700-1865." Diss., Temple University Libraries, 2014. http://cdm16002.contentdm.oclc.org/cdm/ref/collection/p245801coll10/id/258169.

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History
Ph.D.
Lord Mansfield is typically remembered for his influence in common law and commercial law, and his decision in Somerset v. Stewart , which granted a slave, brought to England, habeas corpus to refuse his forced transportation out of that nation by his master. Both conditions allowed observers to praise him for what they viewed as very modern notions about economy and society (capitalism and anti-slavery, respectively). Mansfield's primary position as Chief Justice of King's Bench in England, which contributed most of the only published material from him, shielded him from any scrutiny about his wider influence in general British governance in the period of his public career, roughly 1740-1790. Throughout his career, Mansfield played a large role in the general government of the British Empire. Beginning with his role as Solicitor General in 1742 and continuing after he became Chief Justice in 1756, Mansfield interacted and advised the highest members of the British ruling elite, including the monarch. Because the nature of British governance in the 18th Century was very porous, Mansfield partook in the exercise of legislative (through his seats in the House and Commons and Lords), executive (through a formal seat on the Privy Council and later in the King's Closet), and judicial (through his roles as Solicitor and Attorney General, Chief Justice of King's Bench, and temporary positions as Lord Chancellor) power practically simultaneously throughout his career. In these capacities, Mansfield contributed to imperial policy at a critical moment. He was a champion for the British Empire as the beacon of the most perfect society at that time - a perspective he developed through his education and experiences during the crucial formative years of the British nation. He channeled his support for Britain into a seemingly rigid dogma that saw any threat or challenge to British authority or culture as inherently illegitimate. In this regard, Mansfield favored British domination over the other imperial powers, and he immediately rejected the earliest complaints of the Americans over British rule. Because of the nature of his position within British governance, Mansfield's view remained constant in a government that witnessed continual turnover. The potential of Mansfield's influence was not lost upon the public. Many factions from "true Whigs" such as John Wilkes, and American patriots viewed him as the epitome of the problem with the British government-its seemingly arbitrary, unconstitutional, and tyrannical posture toward everything. Mansfield posed a particular challenge for these groups because he was a Chief Justice, and they believed he was supposed to adhere to a strong notion of justice. Instead, they saw him continually leading their repression, and so they questioned the basis of the whole British system. Through pamphlets, newspapers, and visual prints, these groups identified Mansfield as a key conspirator, which they attributed to an anti-British disposition. In these ways, Mansfield and his opponents squared off over the definition of true Britishness internally and imperially. When these opponents gathered enough strength (Londoners during the Gordon Riots, and Americans with their War of Independence), they aimed to pull down Mansfield and his comrades for their violations. The former failed to overthrow society, but they arguably hastened a change in government. The latter succeeded in their movement to exit the Empire. The Revolution was not a total transformation for the Americans, however. They struggled to define their new nation and America had similar imperial aspirations. In this environment, Mansfield was the quintessential symbol of early national "leaders" bipolar attitudes towards Britain. Some leaders such as John Adams embraced their British heritage, and used Mansfield as a model to develop a strong, centralized, commercial nation. Other leaders such as Thomas Jefferson saw Mansfield as the chief villain to the idea of America. Jefferson coined the phrase "Mansfieldism" which he identified as a caustic relationship between law and government that favored the development of political and legal elitism that challenged the interests and participation of common citizens. Jefferson viewed Mansfield as the essential symbol of the American anti-revolution. These first-generation independent Americans both remembered Mansfield for his direct participation in the imperial crisis, but for Adams and his fellow Federalists, they had to initiate redemption for Mansfield to justify their program to create America. The redemption was successful. American institutions used Mansfield to fine-tune the balance between their British heritage and uniquely American outlook. As successive generations of Americans emerged into the political sphere, they remembered his seemingly progressive positions on law and society as presented through his court decisions over his actual participation against their independence. Especially through a selective reading of his decision in Somerset, Mansfield became the legal prophet for abolitionist nationalism. His decision arguably provided a legal precedent against the institution of slavery, but it more importantly transformed into the moral imperative of the movement. In this manner, Mansfield became fully redeemed among Americans.
Temple University--Theses

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Книги з теми "Anglophiles"

Shapiro, Laurie Gwen. The Anglophile. Don Mills, Ont: Red Dress Ink, 2005.

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Meise, Jutta. Lessings Anglophilie. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1997.

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Lessings Anglophilie. Frankfurt am Main: P. Lang, 1997.

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Kaplan, Lawrence S. Alexander Hamilton: Ambivalent Anglophile. Wilmington, Del: SR Books, 2002.

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Michael, Maurer. Aufklärung und Anglophilie in Deutschland. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987.

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Queenan, Joe. Queenan country: A reluctant Anglophile's pilgrimage to the mother country. New York: Henry Holt, 2004.

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Rosenkrantz, Linda. Beyond Charles and Diana: An anglophile's guide to baby naming. New York: St. Martin's Press, 1992.

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Accent on Privilege: English Identities and Anglophilia in the U.S. Philadelphia, Pa: Temple University Press, 2001.

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"Weder anglophil noch anglophob": Grossbritannien impolitischen Denken Konrad Adenauers : ein Beitrag zur Geschichte der deutsch-britischen Beziehungen. Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1997.

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Kämmerer, Harald. Nur um Himmels willen keine Satyren--: Deutsche Satire und Satiretheorie des 18. Jahrhunderts im Kontext von Anglophilie, Swift-Rezeption und ästhetische Theorie. Heidelberg: Universitätsverlag C. Winter, 1999.

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Частини книг з теми "Anglophiles"

Edwards, Alison. "“I’m an Anglophile, but …”." In Varieties of English Around the World, 163–86. Amsterdam: John Benjamins Publishing Company, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/veaw.g61.07edw.

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Crawford, Robert. "Anglophobia and Anglophilia." In A Companion to British Literature, 231–45. Oxford, UK: John Wiley & Sons, Ltd, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/9781118827338.ch89.

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Dahlmanns, Karsten. "Stefan George zwischen Antiamerikanismus und Anglophilie." In Geliebtes, verfluchtes Amerika, 99–114. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666306099.99.

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Roth, Guenther. "Weber the Would-Be Englishman: Anglophilia and Family History." In Studien zum Weber-Paradigma, 233–69. Wiesbaden: Springer Fachmedien Wiesbaden, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-658-33939-5_13.

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Bies, Michael. "Grenzen der Anglophilie. Charles Gore und der englische Lord in Goethes Wahlverwandtschaften." In »In unserer Liebe nicht glücklich«, 91–110. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.13109/9783666101052.91.

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Buder, Stanley. "The International Movement, 1900-1940." In Visionaries and Planners, 133–56. Oxford University PressNew York, NY, 1990. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780195061741.003.0010.

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Abstract Howard believed the Garden City’s appeal universal. “To solve the great problem of the city for England,” he wrote in 1901, “is to solve it for all of Europe, America, Asia, and Africa.” Many outside England heard his mes sage, but its ambiguity left much room for misunderstanding. The Garden City movement abroad attracted diverse groups and types. Prominent among early supporters were enthusiasts interested in the Gar den City concept as a middle path between state socialism and unbridled individualism, as well as Anglophiles entranced by visions of tasteful cottages in picturesque English settings. Urban critics found in it a comprehensive means to lessen congestion, while those desiring a more humane capital ism hoped to reconcile the classes by way of model industrial villages and tenent copartnership.

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"Anglophile." In The Fairchild Books Dictionary of Interior Design. Fairchild Books, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9781501365171.116.

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"1. The Anglophile." In The Imperial Canadian. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442632042-002.

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"Cram, the Anglophile." In Ghost Storeys, 24–66. McGill-Queen's University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9780773549906-005.

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"Anglophilic, adj." In Oxford English Dictionary. 3rd ed. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oed/7136400265.

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Stoichiţoiu Ichim, Adriana. "Remarks on the names of Romanian pre-tertiary educational institutions in the context of multiculturalism." In International Conference on Onomastics “Name and Naming”. Editura Mega, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.30816/iconn5/2019/69.

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Анотація:

The paper aims at analysing, from a multidisciplinary perspective, the most frequent strategies and patterns of naming public and private kindergartens, primary and secondary schools which function as sociocultural markers in multiethnic communities. The synchronic socio-onomastic approach of a corpus consisting of 400 official names allowed us to identify in Romanian postcommunist society (1) a local, traditional type of multiculturalism promoting cultural diversity in school naming, and (2) a globalized, modern type of multiculturalism reflecting cultural homogenization as a result of the growing Anglophilia in naming kindergartens.

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