Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Ancient litterature"

Literature as Cynic Practice: Foucault’s Radicalization of Parrhesia and its Didactical Implications This article discusses Foucault’s view of literature as a counter-discourse, and as a specific way of truth-telling connected to Cynic practice, suggesting some didactical implications for these ideas. In his late lectures on the courage of truth, Foucault presents the concept of parrhesia (”truth-telling” or “free-spokenness”) associated with the ”true life” of the ancient Cynic practice. The Cynic motto parakharaxon to nomisma (”change the currency” or ”falsify the currency”) could be understood as a reversal of the values of truth, implying that ”true life” can only manifest itself as ”other life”. According to Foucault, the Cynic practice, and the specific mode of parrhesia associated with this, has as its modern descendants the practice of contemporary literature and art. These ideas – the reversal of truth, and of the frank, abrasive truth-telling of the Cynics – reveal new perspectives on the purpose and value of reading literature.

RESUMENEl nacimiento en la Antigua Roma de niños con rasgos sexuales masculinos y femeninos a la vez, los llamados andróginos o hermafroditas, eran considerados como un gravísimo prodigio. Su expiación, necesaria para el restablecimiento de las buenas relaciones entre los hombres y los dioses, quedó en manos exclusivamente de mujeres: ancianas, matronas y virgines.PALABRAS CLAVE: Antigua Roma, Matrona, prodigio, expiación, andróginoABSTRACTThe birth in ancient Rome of children with both male and female sexual features, so-called androgynes or hermaphrodites, was regarded as a an extraordinary phenomenon. Their expiation, necessary for the restoration of good relations between men and gods, remained exclusively in the hands of women: old women, midwives and virgines.KEY WORDS: Ancient Rome, midwife, prodigy, expiation, androgynus BIBLIOGRAFÍAAbaecherly Boyce, A. (1937), “The expiatory rites of 207 B. C.”, TAPhA, 68, 157-171.Allély, A. (2003), “Les enfants malformés et considerés comme prodigia à Rome et en Italie sous la République”, REA, 105, 1, 127-156.Allély, A. (2004), “Les enfants malformés et handicapés à Rome sous le Principat”, REA, 106, 1, 73-101.Androutsos, G. (2006), “Hermaphroditism in Greek and Roman antiquity”, Hormones, 5, 214-217.Berthelet, Y. (2010), “Expiation, par les autorités romaines, de prodiges survenus en terre alliée: Quelques réflexions sur le statut juridique des territoires et des communautés alliés, et sur le processus de romanisation”, Hypothèses, 13, 1, 169-178.Berthelet, Y. (2013), “Expiation, par Rome, de prodiges survenus dans les cités alliées du nomen latinum ou des cités alliées italiennes non latines”, L´Antiquité Classique 82, 91-109.Breglia Pulci Doria, L. (1983), Oracoli Sibillini tra rituali e propaganda (Studi su Flegonte di Tralles), Napoli, Liguori Editori.Brisson, L. (1986), “Neutrum utrumque. La bisexualité dans l´antiquité gréco-romaine”, en L´Androgyne, Paris, Albin Michel, 31-61.Brisson, L. (1997), Le sex incertain. Androgynie et hermaphroditisme dans l´Antiquité gréco-romaine, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Caerols, J. J. (1991), Los Libros Sibilinos en la historiografía latina, Madrid, Editorial Complutense.Cantarella, E. (2002), Bisexuality in the Ancient World, New Haven CT, Yale University Press.Cantarella, E. (2005), “The Androgynous and Bisexuality in Ancient Legal Codes”, Diogenes, 52, 5, 5-14.Cid López, R. M. (2007), “Las matronas y los prodigios. Prácticas religiosas femeninas en los ‘márgenes’ de la religión romana”, Norba, 20, 11-29.Cousin, J. (1942-1943), “La crise religieuse de 207 av. J.-C.”, RHR, 126, 15-41.Crifò, G. (1999), Prodigium e diritto: il caso dell’ermafrodita, Index, 27, 113-120.Champeaux, J. (1996), “Pontifes, haruspices et décemvirs. L´expiation des prodiges de 207”, REL, 74, 67-91.Dasen, V. (2005), “Blessing or portents? Multiple births in ancient Rome”, en K. Mustakallio, J. Hanska, H.-L. Sainio, V. Vuolanto (éds.), Hoping for continuity.Childhood, education and death in Antiquity and the Middle Ages (Acta Instituti Romani Finlandiae XXXIII), Rome, 72-83.Delcourt, M. (1958), Hermaphrodite. Mythes et rites de la bisexualité dans l´antiquité classique, Paris, PUF.Delcourt, M. (1966), Hermaphroditea. Recherches sur l´être double promoteur de la fertilité dans le monde classique (Coll. Latomus 86), Bruxelles, Latomus.Doroszewska, J. (2013), “Between the monstrous and the Divine: Hermaphrodites in Phlegon of Tralles´Mirabilia”, Acta Ant. Hung, 53, 379–392.Freyburger, G. (1977), “La supplication d´actions de grâces dans la religion romaine archaïque”, Latomus, 36, 283-315.Freyburger, G. (1988), “Supplication grecque et supplication romaine”, Latomus, 47, 3, 501-525.Garland, R. (1995), The Eye of the Beholder. Deformity and Disability in the Graeco-Roman World, London, Duckworth.Graumann, L. A. (2013), “Monstrous Births and Retrospective diagnosis: the case of Hermafrodites in Antiquity”, en Chr. Laes, C.F. Goodey, M. Lynn Rose (eds.), Disabilities in Roman antiquity: disparate bodies, a capite ad calcem (Mnemosyne, supplements. History and archaeology of classical antiquity, 356), Leiden-Boston, Brill, 181-210.Guittard, Ch. (2004), “Les prodiges dans le livre XXVII de Tite-Live”, Vita Latina, 170, 56-81.Halkin, L. (1953), La supplication d´action de grâces chez les Romains, Paris, Les Belles Lettres.Lake, A. K. M. (1937), “The Supplicatio and Graecus Ritus”, en R.P. Casey, S. Lake- A.K. Lake (eds.), Quantulacumque: Studies Presented to Kirsopp Lake, London, Christophers, 243-251.Louis, P. (1975), Monstres et monstruosites dans la biologie d’Aristote, en J. Bingen, G. Cambier, G. Nachtergael (éd.), Le monde grec: pensée, litterature, histoire, documents. Hommages à Claire Préaux, Bruxelles, Éditions de l´Université de Bruxelles, 277-284.Mac Bain, B. (1982), Prodigy and expiation: a study in Religion and Politics in Republican Rome (Coll. Latomus 117), Bruxelles, Latomus.Maiuri, A. (2012), “Deformità e difformità nel mondo greco-romano”, en M. Passalacqua, M. De Nonno, A. M. Morelli (a cura di), Venuste noster. Scritti offerti a Leopoldo Gamberale (Spudasmata 147), Zurich, Georg Olms Verlag, 526-547.Maiuri, A. (2013), “Il lessico latino del mostruoso”, en I. Baglioni (a cura di), Monstra. Costruzione e Percezione delle Entità Ibride e Mostruose nel Mediterraneo Antico (Religio Collana di Studi del Museo delle Religioni “Rafaele Pettazzoni”), Roma, Quasar, Vol.II, 167-177.Mazurek, T. (2004), “The decemviri sacris faciundis: supplication and prediction”, en C.F. Konrad (ed.), Augusto augurio. Rerum humanarum et divinarum commentationes in honorem Jerzy Linderski, Stuttgart, Steiner Verlag, 151-168.Mineo, B. (2000), “L´anneé 207 dans le récit livien”, Latomus, 52, 512-540.Monaca, M. (2005), La Sibilla a Roma. I libri sibillini fra religione e politica, Cosenza, Giordano.Montero, S. (1993), “Los harúspices y la moralidad de la mujer romana”, Athenaeum. 81, 647-658.Montero, S. (1994), Diosas y adivinas. Mujer y adivinación en la Roma antigua, Madrid, Trotta.Montero, S. (2008), “La supplicatio expiatoria como factor de cohesión social”, en N. Spineto (a cura di), La religione come fattore di integrazione: modelli di convivenza e di scambio religioso nel mondo antico. Atti del IV Convegno Internazionale del Gruppo di Ricerca Italo-Spagnolo di Storia delle Religioni Università degli Studi di Torino (29-30 sept. 2006), Alessandria, Edizioni dell´Orso.Moussy, C. (1977), “Esquisse de l’histoire de monstrum”, RÉL, 55, 345-369.Péter, O. M. (2001), “Olim in prodigiis nunc in deliciis. Lo status giuridico dei monstra nel diritto romano”, en G. Hamza, F. Benedek (hrsg.), Iura antiqua-Iura moderna. Festschrift für Ferenc Benedek zum 75. Geburtstag, Pecs, Dialóg Campus Kiadó, 207-216.Sandoz, L. Ch. (2008), “La survie des monstres: ethnographie fantastique et handicap à Rome, la force de l´imagination”, Latomus, 68, 21-36.Scheid, J. (1988), “Les livres Sibyllins et les archives des quindecémvirs”, en C. Moatti (ed.), La mémoire perdue. Recherches sur l´administration romaine, Paris, École Française de Rome, 11-26.Schulz, C. E. (2006), Women´s Religious Activity in the Roman Republic, Chapel Hill, University of North Carolina Press.Segarra, D. (2005), “La arboricultura y el orden del mundo: de Vertumnus al ‘Dios’ que planta e injerta”, en R. Olmos, P. Cabrera, S. Montero (eds.), Paraíso cerrado, jardín abierto: el reino vegetal en el imaginario del Mediterráneo, Madrid, Polifemo, 207-232.Segarra, D. (2006), “‘Arboricoltori sacri’. L’operato degli aruspici nella sfera vegetale”, en M. Rocchi, P. Xella, J. A. Zamora (a cura di), Gli operatori cultuali, Atti del II Incontro di studio organizzato dal “Gruppo di contatto per lo studio delle religioni mediterranee” (Roma, 10 - 11 maggio 2005), Verona, Essedue.Trentin, L. (2011), “Deformity in the Roman Imperial Court”, G&R, II S., 58, 195-208.Vallar, S. (2013), “Les hermaphrodites l’approche de la Rome antique”, RIDA, 60, 201-217.

This study is a qualitative research method. The purposes are firstly to trial production of Pha Yok Dok which is one of the local handicrafts, found in the north-eastern part of Thailand. It is the guidelines for handling core issues of the creation and must start from studying motif of design, focus on techniques the golden fabric is located at weaving with gold threads, called Yok Thong. Secondly, to improve the pattern of contemporary fabric are the synthesis of Yok Dok texti le design in making fabric. It is a complex process which requires highly skilled weavers. In researcher’s point of view, for weaving of each fabric-depending on the design and used for similar was weaving 1500 shaft/Ta-kor. Thirdly to invent textile art inspiration from Yok Dok textile design to create new works of art. The results showed that the fabric weave of the operation weave structure on motifs of Yok Dok textile design. This is an outstanding special technique. The contemporary new fabric pattern can be operated by opening and closing of the warp yarn on a draw frame. The new pattern design and process of Yok Dok textile design by fabric weave selection. It is a supplementary weft technique that is the process a nd design which is the first method of fabric craft practice use for the manual textile art inspiration from Yok Dok textile design to those who is the weaver. Textile weaving process by adding a special fabric pattern these characteristics come from the roots and identity of steps and methods of natural fabric cultivation. It is completed by delicate skill of weaving alternatives for creating a product and to serve as a guideline for further research. This handicraft highlights the significance continuation and bridge the relationship between classic fabric contemporary. Art to humanity from the ancient world until the present day. In summary the researchers plan to design and c ontemporary Yok Dok, a synthesis between classical the golden fabric of the Royal cord of Rattanakosin period and the contemporary Thai litterateur work which telling design.

<p><em>The career of Synnøve des Bouvrie at the University of Tromsø, 1972–2014: Interview and bibliography. </em>Synnøve des Bouvrie was born in Bussum near Amsterdam on 16 November 1944 as the child of a Norwegian mother and a Dutch father. After studies of classical philology at Leiden, she became one of the first lecturers at the University of Tromsø (UiT) in September 1972. A true pioneer, she has fought relentlessly for gender equality and the preservation of the so-called «small» languages at the UiT. Mastering ten languages altogether, Synnøve’s own research has always been internationally oriented. Applying an anthropological perspective on the ancient societies, she has also studied the current study of ancient tragedies from a similar, detached perspective, by means of which she has been able to single out national trends and historical contingency in cutting-edge research. Moreover, this «rare bird in Ultima Thule» is a staunch advocate for the active use of Latin in teaching and research and a prominent member of the <em>Academia Latinitati Fovendae</em>. In Tromsø too, she has been active in another academy, the cross-disciplinary <em>Academia Borealis</em>, of which she is the serving president. Moreover, she has taught and helped establish courses in various subjects outside her field of specialty at the UiT, like a cross-disciplinary course on Graeco-Roman art, archaeology, literature and history (<em>Antikkens kultur</em>) and comparative literature (<em>Allmenn litteratur</em>). The interview is highly personal, crammed with anecdotes from Synnøve’s private life and deliberations on how her upbringing may have influenced her choices as an academic. The bibliography lists her publications from 1972 to the present. In the interview she reveals that a monograph on Euripides can be expected to be published soon with an international publisher. In the appendix several illustrations are included, with captions in English.</p>

Ayurveda has bestowed positive and comprehensive healthcare to mankind since very early times. Several classical litterateurs were created since ancient times, these all are available as a source of knowledge of Ayurveda in the present scenario. Among that classical works of literature, Lolimbariija's 'Vaidyajivana' is a significant work from both a medical and literary aspect. Because of his fundamentalism, brevity, and precision in medical therapy as well as poetic merit, he has placed a higher value on uncomplicated treatments. Vajikarana is often mentioned with synonyms like Vrishya and sukrala and is defined as a procedure or drug which enhances the vigor and vitality of males. Sushruta has given the comprehensive definition by quoting 'Vajikaran tantra' as the science which deals with the treatment or management of Alpa (less), Dusta (diseased), Kshina (less potent), Vishuska (dry) Retas (semen), and also increase pleasure during sex. Vaidyajivana has documented easily accessible and very effective formulations for various ailments. In the 5th chapter of Vaidyajivana, various Vajikara herbs are mentioned for the treatment of male sexual disorders, which are easily available and very practical. Therefore, the need of the hour is critically reviewing these Vajikara herbal drugs which act on recent aphrodisiac and seminal parameters for validating and improving practice.

- Leonard Y. Andaya, H.A. Poeze, Excursies in Celebes; Een bundel bijdragen bij het afscheid van J. Noorduyn als directeur-secretaris van het Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde. Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1991, 348 pp., P. Schoorl (eds.) - Anne Booth, Adrian Clemens, Changing economy in Indonesia Volume 12b; Regional patterns in foreign trade 1911-40. Amsterdam: Royal Tropical Institute, 1992., J.Thomas Lindblad, Jeroen Touwen (eds.) - A.P. Borsboom, James F. Weiner, The empty place; Poetry space, and being among the Foi of Papua New Guinea. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1991. - Martin van Bruinessen, Ozay Mehmet, Islamic identity and development; Studies of the Islamic periphery. London and New York: Routledge, 1990 (cheap paperback edition: Kula Lumpur: Forum, 1990), 259 pp. - H.J.M. Claessen, Timothy Earle, Chiefdoms: power, economy, and ideology. A school of American research book. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. 341 pp., bibliography, maps, figs. - H.J.M. Claessen, Henk Schulte Nordholt, State, village, and ritual in Bali; A historical perspective. (Comparitive Asian studies 7.) Amsterdam: VU University press for the centre for Asian studies Amsterdam, 1991. 50 pp. - B. Dahm, Ruby R. Paredes, Philippine colonial democracy. (Monograph series 32/Yale University Southeast Asia studies.) New Haven: Yale Center for international and Asia studies, 1988, 166 pp. - Eve Danziger, Bambi B. Schieffelin, The give and take of everyday life; Language socialization of Kaluli children. (Studies in the social and cultural foundations of language 9.) Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. - Roy Ellen, David Hicks, Kinship and religion in Eastern Indonesia. (Gothenburg studies in social anthropology 12.) Gothenburg: Acta Universitatis Gothoburgensis, 1990, viii 132 pp., maps, figs, tbls. - Paul van der Grijp, Pierre Lemonnier, Guerres et festins; Paix, échanges et competition dans les highlands de Nouvelle-Guinée. (avant-propos par Maurice Godelier). Paris: Éditions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme, 1990, 189 pp. - F.G.P. Jaquet, Hans van Miert, Bevlogenheid en onvermogen; Mr. J.H. Abendanon en de Ethische Richting in het Nederlandse kolonialisme. Leiden: KITLV Uitgeverij, 1991. VI 178 pp. - Jan A. B. Jongeneel, Leendert Jan Joosse, ‘Scoone dingen sijn swaere dingen’; een onderzoek naar de motieven en activiteiten in de Nederlanden tot verbreiding van de gereformeerde religie gedurende de eerste helft van de zeventiende eeuw. Leiden: J.J. Groen en Zoon, 1992, 671 pp., - Barbara Luem, Robert W. Hefner, The political economy of Mountain Java; An interpretive history. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1990. - W. Manuhutu, Dieter Bartels, Moluccans in exile; A struggle for ethnic survival; Socialization, identity formation and emancipation among an East-Indonesian minority in The Netherlands. Leiden: Centre for the study of social conflicts and Moluccan advisory council, 1989, xiii 544 p. - J. Noorduyn, Taro Goh, Sumba bibliography, with a foreword by James J. Fox, Canberra: The Australian National University, 1991. (Occasional paper, Department of Anthropology, Research school of Pacific studies.) xi 96 pp., map, - J.G. Oosten, Veronika Gorog-Karady, D’un conte a l’autre; La variabilité dans la litterature orale/From one tale to the other; Variability in oral literature. Paris: Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, 1990 - Gert Oostindie, J.H. Galloway, The sugar cane industry: An historical geography from its origins to 1914. Cambridge (etc.): Cambridge University Press, 1989. xiii 266 pp. - J.J. Ras, Peter Carey, The British in Java, 1811-1816; A Javanese account. Oriental documents X, published for the British academy by Oxford University Press, 1992, xxii 611 pp., ills., maps. Oxford: Alden press. - Ger P. Reesink, Karl G. Heider, Landscapes of emotion; Mapping three cultures of emotion in Indonesia. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, Paris: Editions de la Maison des Sciences de l’Homme. 1991, xv 332 p. - Ger P. Reesink, H. Steinhauer, Papers on Austronesian linguistics No. 1. Canberra: Department of linguistics, Research school of Pacific studies, ANU. (Pacific linguistics series A- 81). 1991, vii 225 pp., - Janet Rodenburg, Peter J. Rimmer, The underside of Malaysian history; Pullers, prostitutes, plantation workers...Singapore: Singapore University Press, 1990, xiv 259 p., Lisa M. Allen (eds.) - A.E.D. Schmidgall-Tellings, John M. Echols, An Indonesian-English Dictionary. Third edition. Revised and edited by John U.Wolff and James T. Collins in in cooperation with Hasan Shadily. Ithaca and London: Cornell University Press, 1989. xix + 618 pp., Hasan Shadily (eds.) - Mary F. Somers Heidhues, Olaf H. Smedal, Order and difference: An ethnographic study of Orang Lom of Bangka, West Indonesia, Oslo: University of Oslo, Department of social anthropology, 1989. [Oslo Occasional Papers in Social Anthropology, Occasional Paper no. 19, 1989]. - E.Ch.L. van der Vliet, Henri J.M. Claessen, Early state economics. New Brunswick and London: Transaction Publishers, 1991 [Political and Anthropology Series volume 8]., Pieter van de Velde (eds.) - G.M. Vuyk, J. Goody, The oriental, the ancient and the primitive; Systems of marriage and the family in the pre-industrial societies of Eurasia. New York, Cambridge University Press, (Studies in literacy, family, culture and the state), 1990, 562 pp. - E.P. Wieringa, Dorothée Buur, Inventaris collectie G.P. Rouffaer. Leiden: Koninklijk Instituut voor Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde, 1990, vi 105 pp., 6 foto´s.

“Poetry is, at bottom, a criticism of life”, says Matthew Arnold. We know that literature is not only a faithful artistic representation of life but also a medicine which cures the maladies of society. The purpose of correcting the wrongs in society is taken by some litterateurs to be great responsibility. They cannot accept the wrong way life is going. That is why they try to amend the errors committed by people. This practice is seen mainly in satirical works. In all literatures of all ages, there are plenty of writers who satirises the unjust social life. Chaucer’s Canterbury Tales; Alexander Pope’s The Rape of the Lock, An Epistle to Dr. Arbuthnot; Dryden’s Absalom and Achitophel, The Medal, Mac Flecknoe; Jonathan Swift’s Gulliver’s Travels — these are all satires representing critical commentaries on the follies and vices of the mentioned writers’ respective times. However, this trend of writing satires is not a new. If we dig deep into literary history we shall discover that this practice had been there also in ancient literary jargon. The names of Juvenal, Horace and so on may be referred to in this connection. In fact the later satirists carry deep influences from these classical writers who flourished during the reign of Augustus Caesar, the nephew of Julius Caesar. Among the notable literary figures who enlightened the age of Augustus Caesar in Rome, the one whose contribution is unavoidable is Juvenal. In this paper, we are going to have an analytical study on Juvenal’s Tenth Satire.

The litterateur spontaneously clarifies his social concepts in his literature - be it political, economic, cultural, geographical, administrative in any way. Society is also the basis or the motivating factor for the creativity of a creator. Mahakavi Kalidas is a creator associated with public relations. In his creations, whether it is an epic, a short poem or a play, proper light has been thrown on each and every aspect of the contemporary society. Malavikagnimitram, Vikramorvashiyam and Abhigyanshakuntalam are considered to be his three popular theatrical creations. According to the story of the play Abhigyanshakuntalam by Mahakavi Kalidas, the administrative system of King Dushyant was very strong. It was a monarchical system. Dushyant was a patriot and an emperor ready to protect the people. He used to follow his subjects like his children. During his time, all the seven parts of the state efficiently followed their respective responsibilities. Although the king was supreme, yet the subjects had the right to question him. There was a transparent judicial system. The king was the supreme authority. The punishment was very harsh. According to the nature of the crime, it was punished with death penalty, fine, torture etc. The state had the right over the property of the childless. Under the leadership of the commander, all parts of the army used to practice regularly. One-sixth of the income was taken as tax from the subjects. Ascetics and religious places were tax free. Some administrative officers were addicted to alcohol and passion. Thus the structure of the society described in Abhijnanasakuntalam was based on the ancient polity which was based on religious norms.

Si le regard scientifique porté sur le thème de l’alimentation antique s’est matérialisé au cours des dernières décennies, il s’est pourtant détaché peu d’investigations où l’on a exploité réellement l’espace que l’aliment en lui-même détenait dans la civilisation grecque. Pour tenter de résoudre cette problématique, nous avons fait le choix de porter notre réflexion en se basant sur la comparaison de différentes sources documentaires qui nous ont permis de réaliser un catalogue des aliments les plus consommés en mettant en exergue plusieurs phases ou modes culinaires. Nous nous sommes interrogés également au sujet de certaines pratiques alimentaires et sur le rôle des cuisiniers dans ces démarches en réalisant une énumération de ces individus transmis par les sources, et en dégageant l’existence en Grèce et en Grande-Grèce de plusieurs écoles et de spécialités qu’elles enseignaient. Ce mouvement a porté à la création d’une littérature à sujet gastronomique naufragée dont on conserve pourtant le souvenir dans l’oeuvre encyclopédique d’Athénée de Naucratis. L’alimentation n’avait pas dans l’Antiquité un intérêt éminemment gastronomique mais elle s’est assignée dans les pratiques médicales dès la naissance de cette discipline comme le procédé usité afin de soigner différentes pathologies. Si les recettes au cœur de ce travail participent à distinguer les multiples usages, elles ne permettent pas d’avoir une vision globale des pratiques culinaires au sein de toutes les différents échelles de la société de Grèce et de Grande- Grèce. Maints aspects de ces traditions culinaires restent néanmoins encore d’actualité : il a été constaté, à travers une enquête sur les différents contextes géographiques mis en examen, que certaines recettes ou usages alimentaires dans le cadre culturel ou religieux du monde grec ont pu survivre au fil du temps
Scientific works on antique food have been tackled for decades. However, there are few researches that deeply treated the place that the food in itself occupied during the Greek civilization. In order to answer that question, we have decided to focus on different documentary sources by comparing them. These sources enabled us to have a typology of the most eaten food by highlighting many phases or culinary mode. We also asked ourselves about culinary methods and the place of the cook by achieving a list of the different people that appeared in the different sources. To be able to do this, we give emphasis to the existence of different schools and specialties taught in Greece and Great Greece. This movement gave way to the creation of a gastronomic literature that was forgotten and yet it could be found in the encyclopedic work of Athénée of Naucratis. During Antiquity, food did not have a gastronomic purpose. Nevertheless, it was used for medical purposes in order to cure different diseases. The different recipes that are the core of this work help us to distinguish the different use of food. However, they prevent us from having a global view on culinary methods on the different scales that constitute Greece and Great Greece’s society. Yet some aspects of this culinary tradition are still carried on. Indeed, it has been noticed in some geographical areas that some recipes or food use used in the religious or cultural context were able to survive

Par sa différence et par sa similitude, l’homme à la peau foncée interpelle les anciens qui, dès les savants grecs, ont voulu trouver des raisons géographiques et climatiques, c’est-à-dire ‘scientifiques’, à son altérité. C’est le monde romain antique qui a été choisi comme cadre du présent travail. On y utilise un corpus de textes littéraires, historiques et philosophiques latins, considérés dans un éventail chronologique large (du IIe s. av. J.-C. au Ve s. ap. J.-C.), sans s’interdire éventuellement la comparaison avec les référents grecs. Le travail s’appuie sur une démarche lexicologique, avec l’étude des mots latins de couleur et de leurs connotations, pour mener une enquête sur les interactions entre l’évocation de la couleur de peau ‘autre’ et les concepts sociaux, philosophiques, religieux du monde romain antique. On cherche quels sont les hommes à la peau foncée avec lesquels les Romains ont été en contact, qui sont venus dans la Ville, et quelle place ils y ont tenue, restreinte entre quelles limites et vouée à quelles fonctions, avec quel impact sur leur nouvel environnement — et sur eux-mêmes. On sollicite aussi, le cas échéant, la documentation iconographique. On explore le domaine de la littérature patristique, dans laquelle l’homme à la peau foncée occupe une certaine place, et l’on cherche à caractériser la dimension symbolique qu’il acquiert chez les premiers écrivains chrétiens. On retient de manière critique les apports des spécialistes précédents qui se sont occupés de la question (F. M. Snowden, L. S. Senghor), en tenant compte de la difficulté qu’éprouvent des modernes à s’abstraire de leur propre univers culturel, conceptuel et intellectuel pour étudier ces réalités du contact entre gens à la couleur de peau différente dans le monde romain de l’Antiquité
By its difference and its similarity, the man with the dark skin appeals to the elders who, from the Greek scientists, wanted to find geographical and climatic reasons, that is to say “scientific reasons”, to his otherness. It is the ancient Roman world that was chosen as the framework of this research. A corpus of literary, historical and philosophical Latin texts is used in a wide chronological range (from the 2nd century BC to the 5th century AD), however, in comparison with the Greek referents. The work is based on a lexicological approach, with the study of the Latin words of color and their different connotations, to investigate the interactions between evocation of skin color 'other' and social, philosophical, religious of the ancient Roman world. What are the dark-skinned men with whom the Romans came in contact, who came to the city, and what place they held, restricted between what limits and what functions, with what impact on their new environment - and on themselves. If necessary, the iconographic documentation is also requested. The field of patristic literature is explored, in which the dark-skinned man occupies a certain place, and we try to characterize the symbolic dimension that he acquires in the early Christian writers. The contributions of the foregoing experts (Fr. M Snowden Jr., L. S Senghor) are critically taken into account, taking into account the difficulty experienced by moderns in abstracting from their own cultural, conceptual and intellectual study these realities of contact between people with different skin color in the Roman world of antiquity

Cette thèse de doctorat cherche à étudier la place de la satire dans l'œuvre littéraire et philosophique de Sénèque. En partant d'une œuvre souvent mise à l'écart du corpus sénéquien, l'Apocoloquintose, nous nous employons à identifier les caractéristiques de l'écriture satirique chez Sénèque, afin de comprendre comment celle-ci se diffuse à l'ensemble de son œuvre et devient l'un des outils majeurs de la parénèse philosophique. Cette esthétique du mélange et de la distorsion, qui repose sur un besoin de monstration, implique la création de figures passionnées et dépréciées, les antimodèles, qui deviennent les acteurs majoritaires de la pensée sénéquienne. En effet, Sénèque a plus souvent recours aux exemples d'hommes fous, voluptueux, colériques qu'aux modèles traditionnels pour illustrer sa pensée. Il s'agit pour lui de créer des figures de repoussoir qui auront sur le lecteur une influence positive, par le dégoût ou la dérision qu'elles provoqueront. Sénèque applique également cette stratégie rhétorique dans ses développements sur la philosophie politique. Sa place à la cour et les excès tyranniques des hommes au pouvoir l'ont néanmoins obligé à jouer avec les codes de la satire pour opérer de façon plus ou moins discrète une critique des puissants, afin d'éduquer les princes et de les entraîner vers une réforme morale qui fera d'eux des hommes heureux, des sages, mais surtout de bons gouvernants
This doctoral thesis aims at studying the place of satire in Seneca's literary and philosophical works. Starting with a work that is often left out of Seneca's corpus, the Apocolocyntosis, we endeavour to identify the characteristics of Seneca's satirical writing, in order to understand how it spreads throughout his work and becomes one of the major instruments of philosophical parenesis. These aesthetics of combination and distortion, which rely on a need for monstration, involve the creation of impassioned and disparaged figures, the antimodels, who become the major protagonists of Seneca's thought. Indeed, Seneca recourses more often to the examples of mad, voluptuous, angry men, than to the traditional models, to illustrate his thought. His aim is to create repellent figures who will have a positive influence on the reader, through the disgust or derision they will provoke. Seneca also applies this rhetorical strategy to his developments on political philosophy. His position at the Roman court and the tyrannical excesses of the governing men nevertheless forced him to play with the conventions of satire in order to criticise more or less discreetly the mighty, to educate the princes and to lead them towards a moral reform that would make them happy men, wise men, but above all good rulers

Le travail a pour objet de mettre a jour, au sein des lectures et des commentaires du cantique des cantiques, divers modes d'intervention et diverses figures historiques du lecteur. La visee d'ensemble est de montrer que ce sont ces figures et la maniere dont elles sont impliquees dans l'acte de comprehension qui modulent effectivement une histoire du texte contrastee et parfois contradictoire. Par ce biais, c'est plus largement, une contribution a l'histoire de l'exegese que l'on veut apporter. Partant d'une elucidation des limites pratiques et theoriques des approches modernes du ct. Des ct. , on met a jour un deni de la subjectivite dont le jeu est precisement le principe de la lecture allegorique du texte. Cette these s'appuie sur l'analyse d'echantillons de textes temoins des fonctions et des usages du poeme a l'epoque patristique (catecheses baptismales, hymnologie, litterature epistolaire, commentaires proprement dits). Ces textes sont examines a partir des suggestions fournies par une problematique de la citation et de la paraphrase issue de la theorie de l'enonciation. Leur analyse montre que la lecture allegorique du ct. N'est pas une operation semantique, mais avant tout un acte enonciatif visant a rendre possible l'implication du lecteur dans le texte. On examine ensuite le sens de la repetition que constitue la poursuite, a travers les siecles, de cette lecture traditionnelle, en analysant des textes de guillaume de s. Thierry, de gertude d'helfta, de therese d'avila. On decouvre que l'apparence du meme recouvre une riche diversite, sur fond toutefois d'une meme attitude heritee de l'epoque patristique. Simultanement, une confrontation de la lecture chretienne avec la lecture juive, montre comment des divergences d'interpretation - seules percepti- bles pour une approche semantique - sont accessoires face a une maniere commune de concevoir la lecture et de s'y impliquer
The purpose of the work is to throw light on the various ways in which readers implicated themselves in the song of songs, as well as the historical figures those readers embodied within the readings. The overall aim is to show that it is these figures and the way in which they are implicated in the act of understanding that in reality modulate the contrasting and occasionally contradictory history of the text. From this point of view, the broader ambition is to contribute to the history of exegesis. After clarifying the practical and theoretical limits inherent in modern approaches to the song of songs, a denial of subjectivity is demonstrated whose action is the very principle of the traditional allegorical reading of the text. This thesis is supported by analysis of a sample of texts bearing witness to the functions and usages of the poem in the patristic period (baptismal catechisms, hymnology, epistolary literature, commentaries proper). These texts are examined on the basis of suggestions furnished by a problematic of quotation and paraphrase derived from the theory of enunciation. Their analysis shows that an allegorical reading of the song is not a semantic operation but above all an enunciative act seeking to make it possible to implicate the reader in the text. Subsequently, there is an examination of the meaning of the repetition, consisting of the continuation through the centuries of this traditional manner of reading, by analysing texts by guillaume of s. Thierry, gertrude of helfta and theresa of avila. It is shown how the appearance of sameness cloaks a rich diversity, against the background, nonetheless, of an unchanging attitude inherited from the patristic period. Simultaneously, a comparison of the christian with the jewish reading shows how divergences in interpretation - the only ones perceptible for a semantic approach- play a subordinate role relative to a shared way of conceiving of reading and of being implicated in it

L'approche stylistique d'ecrits a histoire redactionnelle complexe et sujets a interpolations, permet a degager des notions de contexte assez souples et adaptees aux cas particuliers. Cette approche a permis d'eclaircir quelques textes de la bible hebraique, de ses versions grecques, et du nouveau testament, dont l'interpretation est problematique (psaume 139; livre de jonas; livre de baruch grec; 11e et 16e psaume de salomon; evangile selon matthieu, chapitre 24)
With a stylistic approach of texts, characterized by a complex redactional history and wich are subject to interpolations, it is possible to extract notions of context flexible enough to fit better to each particular situation. This approach allows to shed more light on some texts of hebrew and greek bible, and of the new testament, whose interpretation is problematic (psalm 139; the book of jonah; 11. Th and 16. Th psalms of solomon; gospel according to matthew ch. 24. )

L'hiatus est produit par la rencontre de la finale vocalique d'un mot avec l'initiale vocalique du mot suivant. Dans le vers d'homere, il est ordinairement evite par la perte d'une more: la voyelle finale, si elle est breve, s'elide, si elle est longue, s'abrege. Mais cette regle generale souffre des exceptions, ou la finale breve ne s'elide pas, la finale longue ne s'abrege pas. Sur le temps fort, cette anomalie ne modifie pas la structure du vers, et nous la laisserons de cote; en revanche, sur le temps faible (apres l'une des deux breves du dactyle ou la seconde longue du spondee), elle introduit dans le vers une rupture qui semble une faute: et tel est l'objet de la presente etude. Question inextricable avant la geniale decouverte de r. Bentley: le digamma initial retabli supprime nombre d'inexplicables hiatus. Mais il en reste, d'ou les efforts de heyne, spitzner, ahrens, pour trouver une explication, ou une excuse, a ces hiatus juges fautifs: ces efforts, et ceux de leurs successeurs, demeurent inoperants. Un principe different, non point a priori, mais impose par le texte lui-meme, et constamment verifie, commande notre etude: l'hiatus, nullement "fautif", sert des fins expressives. Il exprime toujours une separation, energiquement peinte par la rupture qu'il introduit dans le vers. Idee commune se ramifiant en une foisonnante multiplicite: 1074 hiatus se repartissent, selon leurs affinites, dans les 24 chapitres de notre premiere partie. La seconde partie, en 8 chapitres, presente une etude des caracteristiques de l'hiatus et de son emploi, si constamment identique, refletant si bien un meme ideal, une meme personnalite d'artiste, que l'on se sent invite a rallier le camp des unitaires. Sept excursus enfin, avant une bibliographie, traitent de questions annexes et complementaires
The hiatus results from the encounter of the final vowel of a word and the initial vowel of the next one. In homer's verse, it is usually bypassed by dropping a more. If a short one, the final vowel is elided; if a long one, it is shortened. But this general rule admits of exceptions, when the final short vowel is not elided or the final long vowel is not shortened. When on the strong stress, this anomaly does not alter the verse structure (so we shall not mention it), whereas on a weak stress -after one of the two short syllabes of the dactyl, or the second long one of the spondee- it brings into the line a break which sounds like a mistake, and this is the subject-matter of his study. This, which was an insoluble question before bentley's brillant find, re-introducing the initial digamma, writes off a good many inexplicable hiatuses. There are some left, though; hence the endeavours of heyne, spitzner, ahrens, to account for or excuse those hiatuses judjed faulty. Their endeavours, as well as those of their successors, remain ineffec- tive. The present study is informed by a different princi- ple, one which is not an a-priori, but is imposed by the text itself, and one which is proved valid all along. Far from being "faulty", the hiatus serves expressive purposes. It alway expresses a separation, vi-

Le texte des epinicies de pindare contient parfois des ambiguites litterales volontaires, ou sont exploitees la polysemie de certains mots et les diverses possibilites d'agencement syntaxique a l'interieur d'un meme vers. Il s'agit d'ambiguites objectives, consistant dans la superposition de deux sens distincts qui, sauf exception, ne peuvent etre exprimes que par deux traductions differentes. Naturellement enclin a user de jeux verbaux et de dissimulations sur lesquelles il attire lui-meme notre attention, pindare est influence ici par une conception hermetique du langage qui traduit peut-etre l'influence des oracles. Les ambiguites apparaissent dans les passages de transition et les maximes, ou le contexte n'assure plus la discrimination entre les divers sens des termes polysemiques. Elles ont pour but de dissimuler des idees interessantes pour le destinataire de l'ode ou les connaisseurs en poesie, mais irrecevables dans un texte compose pour servir de support a une representation musicale et choregraphique, donnee devant un vaste public. Les ambiguites citees comme exemples expriment des preoccupations professionnelles (le probleme du salaire est evoque parfois de facon humoristique), mais d'autres themes peuvent etre abordes par le meme procede. Certaines d'entre elles (pythiques i, 81 sq. Et ix, 76 sq. ) reposent sur une syllepse (au sens rhetorique) entre le mot usuel kairos et le terme technique kairos ("tresse regulatrice", qui joue un role capital dans le tissage sur metier vertical). Chez pindare (mais aussi eschyle, euripide et platon. . . ), d'autres emplois difficiles de kairos sont elucides par l'hypothese d'un rapport avec le terme technique, ce qui tend a confirmer que le mot usuel en est issu directement, avec changement d'accent
The text of pindar's epinician odes occasionally reveals deliberate literal ambiguities in which the polysemy of certain particular words as well as the various possibilities of syntactic arrangement within one and the same poetic line have been exploited. These are objective ambiguities, consisting in the superimposition of two distinct meanings which, except in rare occurrences, can only be expressed in two different translations. Naturally inclined to use verbal puns or hidden meanings, to which he himself draws our attention, pindar was induced to this by a hermetic conception of language, itself possibly influenced by the oracles. The ambiguities appear in transitional passages and maxims, in which the context can no longer be trusted to suggest which sense may be assigned to polysemic terms. Their purpose is to conceal ideas that may be of interest to the recipient of the ode or connoisseurs in poetry, but are inappropriate in a text intended to serve as the medium of a musical and choreographic work performed in front of a large audience. The ambiguities quoted as examples express professional concerns (the problem of a fee is occasionally alluded to in a humorous manner), but other subjects also happen to be approached through the same device. Some of these ambiguities (pythian odes i,81 sq. And ix, 76 sq. ) are based on a syllepsis (in a rhetorical sense) of the everyday word kairos and the technical term kairos (i. E. Chainedspacing cord, which plays a vital part in warp-weighted loom weaving). In pindar (as well as in aeschylus, euripides and plato. . . ) other controversial uses of kairos are elucidated by hypothesizing a relationship with the technical term, which tends to confirm that the everyday word is in direct descent from it, with a change in accentuation

Etude des chansons (ou fragments de chansons) de la grece antique et des temoignages les concernant. Suit une conclusion dans laquelle on a tache de rassembler les elements d'une anthropologie de la grece antique que nous livrent ces chansons
Study of songs (or fragments of songs) of ancient greece and of the testimonies with, in conclusion, the elements of an anthropology of ancient greece according to these songs

Le codex fiscal d'hermopolis (debut du viie siecle), partage entre la sorbonne et la bnu de strasbourg, est un des plus grands documents sur papyrus. Les redevables de l'impot en ble y sont systematiquement enregistres en vue d'un controle ulterieur des perceptions. Simple de structure, le document met en oeuvre une terminologie speciale, demeurant en partie obscure. Il apporte de nombreuses informations sur la topographie, les institutions et la vie religieuse d'hermopolis a la fin du regime byzantin
The fiscal codex of hermopolis, dated early 7th century a. D. , is divided between the sorbonne collection and the bnu in strasbourg. It is one of the largest documents on papyrus. It consists of a systematic register of the wheat tax-payers, first step of a further control of the levies. Although structurally simple, the document utilizes a specific terminology, part of which remains obscure. It gives an important number of information about topography, institutions and religious life of hermopolis by the end of the byzantine rulle