Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Ancient Funeral rites and cerimonies"

The article analyzes the features of the funeral rites of the Alans and Persians in the context of the evolution of their religious worldview under the influence of economic, social and cultural external and internal factors. Studies of the ancient funeral rites of representatives of the all-Iranian world - Alans and Persians, allow us to better understand its deep meaning, and the revealed parallels in the ritual and spiritual practices of the Alanian and ancient Persian funeral cultures, as well as convergences in religious ideas, can contribute to the reconstruction of Indo-Iranian culture in general. The article analyzes the methods of burial among the Alans and Persians with the involvement of ethnographic, archaeological and written sources. The study of archaeological materials of ancient Persian and Alanian origin makes possible to establish a number of religious pre-Zoroastrian features of the ancient Iranians and to identify similarities in the funeral rites of the two ethnic groups. An important aspect of the problem is the influence of Zoroastrianism on cultural landmarks and religious beliefs. Some cult representations of the Indo-Iranians of the Bronze Age and the Early Iron Age, which are reflected in funeral rites, are also defined .The revealed convergences are an echo of the culture of the all-Iranian world, they may also be the result of contacts between the Persians and the Alanian elite. The article also attempts to identify a common religious interpretation of some elements of the Alanian and Persian funeral rites, as well as to establish their continuity in relation to the modern funeral practices of the peoples being studied. It is assumed that the study will contribute both to the solution of the important task of reconstructing the pan-Iranian cultural world and identifying Alan-Persian cultural contacts.

Based on ethnographic notes of the late XIX – early XX centuries, as well as modern author's field data collected in the Hutsul region, various individual (thirds, ninths, forties, anniversaries) and calendar (Christmas and New Year, Easter periods and «wonderful») are considered Saturdays) funeral services, common among locals. In this investigation, funeral rites are analyzed through the prism of action, agency, subject and motivational and semantic components. The study found that most Hutsul funeral services are based on a pious attitude towards the dead, as well as ancient manistic motivations. Most of the funeral rites and beliefs preserved among the inhabitants of the Hutsul region are marked by syncretism and reduction, as during their existence they absorbed both archaic and later Christian or modern components. A significant number of the funeral services considered are connected with the Christian-church tradition, which is reflected in the organization of funeral services, appropriate meals, readings of the Psalms. At the same time, among the Hutsuls there are ancient funeral rites, which include collective treats of symbolic cereals, feasts on the graves, as well as the gift of a certain sacrifice «for the soul» of the dead. Consideration of the many beliefs and rites associated with manistic endowments has shown that such practices are based on the reception of agents involved in the rite by symbolic representatives of the dead on earth, while the very procedure of endowing a particular object involves its mediation to the afterlife as a victim. In this context, the status of assimilation to the dead is given to the poor, widows, widowers, the elderly and children. An important element of Hutsul funeral rites are also other manistic rites, among which stand out «calling», «feeding», «drinking», «warming» souls. In general, these rites are an important feature of the cult of ancestors, as they perform a clear gilastic function: they are designed to honor and appease deceased relatives, so that they are the patrons of their descendants during the economic and production year.Key words: Hutsul region, Hutsuls, dead, funeral rites, manistic motives

For at least 700 years, the ancient Siamese and modern Thai people have been conducting funerals. These often end with the cremation of the body. The length of the Buddhist wake depends on the social status of the deceased and his or her wealth. Also, for the descendants of the Tai speakers across Southeast Asia, the words and phrases used in ancient Siamese funerals and modern Thai ones have been deeply intertwined with Tai language, Standard Thai Language, Buddhist rites, and Theravada Buddhist scripture from the Pali canon. The objective of this paper is to convey a narrative snapshot of the nature of Thai funerals as they are practiced today via personal experiences and the existing scholarship by local and farang academics. The paper concludes with the meanings that have come to attach themselves to the fascinating world of modern Thai funerals.

Introduction. Burial rites, which are a traditional object of research in archeology and ethnography, are one of most stable elements of ethnic culture. The costume and its individual elements took an important place in the funeral and memorial rites. The study of these rituals can reveal new aspects of the spiritual culture of the Mari people. Materials and Methods. The work is based on the comparison of archaeological and ethnographic materials, culturogical approach, methods of semantic, cultural and anthropological research. Results and Discussion. The reference of funeral and memorial rites to the passage rites determined the use of the elements of a wedding dress, including fur clothes and jewelry. The belt that served as a storage was an important part of the burial costume, as well as the sacrificial and ritual complexes of the ancient Mari tribes. Conclusion. Application of a culturological approach to the research of the funeral rituals of the Mari people allowed to conclude that the costume substituted the deceased, served as the embodiment of a generic body that went back to the totem. The funeral costume, like the wedding one, assumed the use of ancient symbolic codes. The belt that completed the symbolic human body was an important burial costume. The belt served as a defense in the ancient Mari sacrificial ritual complexes, enhancing their association with the world tree.

Funerals in Japan are always a highly serious and solemn affair. Japanese funerals whether they are ancient or modern are always official activities with ancient traditional practices. Often, there are no bells, whistles, drums, or fanfare. The only exception is when the Japanese Shinto Buddhist priest beats a single and mournful drum. In 1867, Emperor Komei died and it took over a month to get him buried. This was because of political upheaval and other intervening requirements. When Emperor Meiji died in July 1912, the courtiers also had to go through several weeks of preparation before the onset of public mourning. Naturally, mourning by the immediate royal family members always took precedence. Later, when Emperor Taisho’s funeral had to take place, it also took 1 month of rituals and preparations before public mourning could commence. Taisho’s funereal activities followed Emperor Meiji’s funeral model. Japanese funerals were also costly in the past as they are today. In the late 1990s and early 2000s, a single Japanese funeral would cost at least US$30,000 compared to a few thousand in Singapore and other Asian states. Funerals are even cheaper in Europe and North America. In Japan, each person or family attending a funeral wake would have to present to the widow or widower a cash gift of a few 100,000 yen. This cash gift is called koden. Japanese funeral rites are part of a set of clearly defined rituals that reflect the nature of the society and the status or class of the deceased. This article focuses on the important aspects of Japanese Shinto-Buddhist funeral rites.

At the ancient peoples, the mask is the representation of the spirit of the ancestor, of the totemic animal and is connected with rites of initiation, agrarian and funeral rites. The mask, by its power, imposes on the bearer his own will because it is endowed with his own individuality. Dances with masks take place in agrarian, nuptials, of initiation, or funeral rituals, the participants being both the living and the dead, both divinities and the protective htoniene spirits.

Among the rites (rituals) of the system of ceremonial actions, magical ideas, beliefs related to such cycles of human life as birth, marriage, and death, united by a single concept - the rituals of the life cycle, the funeral and memorial rites have always been the most religiously regulated ones and they are characterized by a certain stability and conservatism both in rural areas and in towns of Dagestan. In the funeral and memorial rites, we can conditionally distinguish three cycles. The first cycle includes the rituals observed within the period after a person’s death before the body of the deceased is carried out of the house; the rituals of the second cycle are performed when the body of the deceased is carried out of the house, on the way to the cemetery, during the burial and on the way back after the burial. The third cycle includes the rituals observed after the burial until the anniversary of the person’s death. This is also a whole system of views based on people’s beliefs and religious precepts. New religious trends (the ideas of pure Islam) and globalization and urbanization processes have not affected the foundations of the funeral and memorial rites. The changes have affected the material component: costs for funeral events and commemoration of the deceased (fixing of the headstone) have increased. Almost up to the 1980s, the body of the deceased city dweller was buried in the village that the deceased man or woman was from. In recent decades, new cemeteries have appeared in towns. In general, Islam has managed to press greatly the ancient pagan rituals that developed over many centuries, but this fact does not exclude the preservation of some ancient ideas and elements of pre-Islamic rituals in the funeral rites. Besides, the common Muslim character of the funeral rites could not completely suppress the ethnically specific features: due to some elements (as a rule, in the memorial part), every Dagestan nationality is recognized even in urban conditions.

In his 1909 work ‘Rites De Passage’, Arnold van Gennep acknowledges that a ritual often contains ‘rites within rites’. So, it was with the ancient ritual of the Irish wake, at the center of which was another ritual, that of the keen, the Irish funeral lament. The past tense is used tentatively here, as in this article the author explores the resilience of the ritual and how, rather than becoming extinct, the keen seems to spend periods of time underground before erupting again in a new form, attuning itself to a more contemporaneous social situation. Drawing on ethnographic and bibliographic research undertaken between 2010 and 2018, the author traces some of the history of the keen within the ritual of the Irish wake and funeral and gives instances of how it is being reconfigured in the 21st century. This continuation of the ritual, albeit in a new format, seems to speak to a deep emotional and spiritual need that may not be satisfied by more conventional religion in Ireland. Finally, the author considers the keen’s relevance and place in Irish society today.

This study examines the nature of the funeral rites of “Gulbongjeong󰠀chwalto” presented in the story “Garakgukgi” from the Samgukeusa. “Garakgukgi” is the mythical story of the birth of the ‘Su-ro’. Since myths are transmitted along with rituals, the character and meaning of the myths of aqueducts can be understood concretely only when the ritualistic aspects appearing in the myths of aqueducts are clearly identified. In “Garakgukgi,” the portion pertaining to the birth of “Su-ro” is subdivided into two parts: before and after the birth of Su-ro. The birth of Su-ro signifies the emergence of a new king, while simultaneously signifying the death of the former ruler. In other words, the birth of Su-ro in “Garakgukgi”contains two events: the rite for the birth of a new king and the funeral rites of the former ruler. This is also illustrated through the placement of the tomb of the ancient ruler, “Jiseokmyo,” above that of “Gujibong,” and the rite for the birth of a Su-ro being performed on Gujibong. In this study, folklore materials handed down until today were used to investigate the characteristics of the funeral rites of “Gulbongjeongchwalto.” First, we examined the relationship between the custom of “Jejeol” and “Gulbongjeongchwalto” among the funeral methods handed down in Jeju Island today. Second, we discovered the tradition of singing and dancing to pray for the birth of a new life in the funeral process through the “Dasiraegi”, a funeral method in Jindo where the ancient funeral method called “double funeral” is handed down. “Gulbongjeongchwalto” and “Gujiga” performances consist of praying for the birth of descendants and the transmission of sacredness, raising the possibility that it would be passed down to future generations.

Funeral and commemorative ritualism as a set of magical and religious rituals related to the burial of a deceased, is a rich historical and ethnographic source. These rituals are rooted in the thickness of centuries and reflect the most ancient beliefs and ideas. Despite mass Christianization, funeral and commemorative customs and rituals of the Chuvash people preserved many elements of the pre-Christian (pagan) funeral cult. Household items, including clothing and individual items play an important role in the organization of substantive processing of funeral customs and rites. Being included in the ritual action, they brought in additional information about the essence of the performed actions, enhanced their sensory perception and acted as expressive markers and symbols. In this context, magical perceptions and actions with the clothing of a deceased are of particular interest. Almost at every stage of the funeral rites, the Chuvash performed a number of purposeful actions with the clothes of a deceased that were aimed to accompany step-through the deceased from the profane to the sacred space or to the world of ancestors. In the form of rudiments, they still exist at present time.

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Missouri-Columbia, 2007.
The entire dissertation/thesis text is included in the research.pdf file; the official abstract appears in the short.pdf file (which also appears in the research.pdf); a non-technical general description, or public abstract, appears in the public.pdf file. Title from title screen of research.pdf file (viewed on January 15, 2007) Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (DPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2004.
ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This dissertation examines illustrated funerary papyri and wooden funerary stelae for information they can provide about the organization of artists in the 21st and 22nd Dynasty. It is an inquiry into the relationship between visual representation on the funerary papyri of the 21st Dynasty and wooden stelae of the 22nd Dynasty. An attempt is made to determine whether it is possible to identify the work of individual artists and workshops involved in producing the illustrated funerary papyri and wooden stelae, and in what way they may be related. This study covers a representative sample of workshops or individuals from around the beginning of the 21st Dynasty to the early 22nd Dynasty. Methodology involved undertaking the research on a descriptive and interpretative/comparative level. Panofsky's (1972: passim) model for describing pictorial works was used to interpret the iconography. The comparisons between the papyri and stelae were based upon a combination of the models developed by Freed (1996: passim) and Niwinski (1989a: passim). These models functioned as a control or corrective in order to formulate an interpretation. It was possible to definitively place 208 manuscripts out of 214 papyri into seven individual workshops. This was based upon their stylistic similarities and corresponding content. Papyri Workshop 1 is comprised of fifty-six manuscripts, and constitutes the largest group. The highest quality manuscripts were produced in this workshop, which was patronized by the high priests of Amun and their families. Papyri Workshop 2 is the smallest group consisting of only seven manuscripts. These two workshops contain the earliest manuscripts, which were generally executed in the Ramesside tradition. Papyri Workshop 3 contains the second largest grouping with fifty-two, and Papyri Workshop 4 consists of eleven. The majority of the members of this workshop belong to a homogenous, almost analogous group, in terms of content and composition. In the twenty-five manuscripts that belong to Papyri Workshop 5, it can be observed that the artists have taken complete liberties with the mass of iconography at their disposal. They have adapted and transformed the existing symbols into new compositions, so that no two manuscripts are alike. Papyri Workshop 6 is comprised of thirty manuscripts, and Papyri Workshop 7 has twenty. As opposed to Workshop 5, these two workshops display an economy of style and execution. They are also generally outlined in black. Furthermore, several subgroups are evident in the workshops, especially those that span many decades, such as Papyri Workshop 1 and 3.From a comprehensive examination of 103 stelae, it was possible to group 100 stelae into nine workshops. It is important to note that Stelae Workshop 1 is, in fact, linked to Papyri Workshop 1, to which thirteen stelae can be attributed. The stelae contain the same attributes and style of execution as the papyri. Stelae Workshop 2 consists of fifteen stelae, these are skilfully executed, and appear to be custom-made for the deceased. Workshop 3 comprises of fourteen stelae. Stelae Workshop 4 contains five, and Workshop 5 has nine. In contrast to Stelae Workshop 1, the principal representations within the stelae from Stelae Workshops 2 to 5 are generally standardized in form and format. Stelae Workshop 6 has six, while 7 and 8 are the two largest workshops with sixteen members each. These three workshops represent a general degradation of proficiency, culminating in a provincial folk-art quality of Stelae Workshop 7 and 8. Stelae Workshop 8 represents the final transition in style and format to the stelae of the Late Period. Stelae Workshop 9 is comprised of five stelae. The style of execution corresponds to the first phase of the Late Period stelae style. It is possible to observe the hand/s of individual artists or a master and student in the study selection, even within one workshop.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie tesis ondersoek ge"illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae met die oog op die inligting wat hulle oor die kunstenaarsorganisasie in die 21ste en 22ste dinastie kan verskaf. Die navorsing ondersoek die verband tussen visuele afbeeldings op die begrafnispapiri van die 21ste dinastie en hout stelae van die 22ste dinastie. Daar word gepoog om vas te stel of dit moontlik is om die werk van individuele kunstenaars en "werkswinkels" wat by die totstandkoming van die ge'illustreerde begrafnispapiri en hout stelae betrokke was, asook die wyse waarop hulle moontlik verwant is, te identifiseer. Die navorsing dek 'n verteenwoordigende korpus van die werkswinkels of individue uit die tydperk van die begin van die 21ste dinastie tot die vroee 22ste dinastie. Die metodologie het navorsing op 'n deskriptiewe en interpretatiewe! vergelykende vlak behels. Panofsky (1972: passim) se model vir die beskrywing van kunswerke is gebruik om die ikonografie te interpreteer. Die vergelykings tussen die papiri en die stelae is gebaseer op 'n kombinasie van die modelle wat deur Freed (1996: passim) en Niwinski (1989a: passim) ontwikkel is. Hierdie modelle het as 'n kontrole of korrektief gedien vir die formulering van 'n interpretasie. Dit was moontlik om 208 manuskripte uit 214 papiri met sekerheid in sewe individuele "werkswinkels" in te dee!. Die indeling is gebaseer op die stilistiese ooreenkomste en ooreenstemming in die inhoud. Papiruswerkswinkel 1 bestaan uit 56 manuskripte, en maak die grootste groep uit. Die hoogste gehalte manuskripte het in hierdie werkswinkel ontstaan en kan met die hoepriesters van Amun en hulle gesinne verbind word. Werkswinkel 2 is die kleinste groepie en bestaan uit net sewe manuskripte. Hierdie twee werkswinkels bevat die vroegste manuskripte. Papiruswerkswinkel 3 bevat die tweede grootste groepering met 52 manuskripte, en Papiruswerkswinkel 4 bestaan uit 11. Die meerderheid van die manuskripte van hierdie werkswinkel behoort aan 'n homogene, byna analoe groep, wat betref inhoud en samestelling. Uit die 25 manuskripte wat aan Papiriwerkswinkel 5 behoort, is dit duidelik dat die kunstenaars hulle vryhede veroorloof het met die massa ikonografiee tot hulle beskikking. Hulle het die bestaande simbole aangepas en tot nuwe komposisies verander, sod at nie twee manuskripte dieselfde is nie. Papiruswerkswinkel 6 en 7 is saamgestel uit onderskeidelik 30 en 20. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 5 vertoon hierdie twee werkswinkels 'n "ekonomie" van styl en uitbeelding. Hulle het ook oor die algemeen 'n swart buitelyn. Daarbenewens is dit duidelik dat daar verskeie subgroepein die werkswinkels is, in die besonder die wat oor baie dekades strek, 5005 Papiruswerkswinkels 1 en 3. Uit 'n omvattende ondersoek van 103 stelae was dit moontlik om 100 stelae in nege werkswinkels te groepeer. Dit is belangrik om daarop te let dat Werkswinkel 1 in werklikheid met Papiruswerkswinkel 1, waaraan 13 stelae toegeskryf kan word, verbind kan word. Die stelae vertoon dieselfde kenmerke en styl as die papiri. Werkswinkel 2 bestaan uit 15 stelae wat kunstig gemaak is en wat Iyk asof hulle op bestelling vir die oorledenes vervaardig is. Werkswinkel 3 bestaan uit 14 stelae. Werkswinkel 4 bevat vyf, en in Werkswinkel 5 is daar nege. In teenstelling met Werkswinkel 1 is die belangrikste afbeeldings by die stelae in Werkswinkels 2 tot 5 meestal gestandaardiseer wat betref vorm en formaat. Werkswinkel 6 het ses, terwyl 7 en 8 die twee grootste werkswinkels is met 16 stelae elk. Hierdie drie werkswinkels verteenwoordig 'n algemene degradering van vakmanskap, wat daartoe lei dat die gehalte van Werkswinkels 7 en 8 die is van 'n "provinsiale volkskuns". Werkswinkel 8 verteenwoordig die finale oorgang in styl en formaat na die stelae van die Laattyd. Werkswinkel 9 bestaan uit vyf items. Die sty I stem ooreen met die eerste fase van die styl van die stelae uit die Laattyd. Die studie toon aan dat dit wei moontlik is om die hand(e) van individuele kunstenaars of 'n meester en sy student te onderskei, selfs binne net een werkswinkel.

Le présent travail a pour objet l’étude des appels aux passants en Égypte ancienne depuis sa naissance durant la IVe dynastie jusqu’à la fin de la période pharaonique. Il s’agit ainsi de déterminer l’identité de cette formule sur trois millénaires, selon deux axes principaux : historique et phraséologique. Un premier point, « Interpeller les vivants », est consacré à la caractérisation des contextes dans lesquels les appels interviennent à travers le temps. On y dresse un panorama par périodes, en évoquant les catégories sociales qui recourent à cette inscription et les lieux de découvertes. La prise en compte des données issues de l’archéologie permet alors de présenter la mise en scène accompagnant le discours. Dans le cadre de la prise de parole du défunt, la rhétorique de l’appel s’étend à l’ensemble du support mémoriel et le decorum est au service de la capatio benevolentiae. La deuxième partie, « Commémorer sur trois millénaires », se propose d’extraire et d’évaluer la part d’historicité à l’œuvre dans la formule. La phraséologie mobilisée dans les appels est d’abord interrogée du point de vue du Sitz im Leben puis en termes d’actions rituelles attendues. Le déroulement des rites envers les défunts fait finalement l’objet d’une proposition de reconstitution se basant sur le contenu des appels. En dernier lieu, « L’appel, expression d’une société solidaire », met en avant la part idéologique de la formule. Par sa composition et les idées véhiculées, l’appel constitue un relais majeur de la Maât sociale, établissant un pont entre les générations, par-delà vie et mort. Les mécanismes humains et l’aspect dogmatique de la formule expliquent son succès et sa longévité
This Dissertation deals with the so-called “Appeal to the Living Ones” in Ancient Egypt since its beginning during the Fourth Dynasty until the end of the Pharaonic period. The identity of this formula will be sought over three millennia, in two main directions : History and Phrasæology.The first section “ Calling to the Living Ones ” will be devoted to the identification of contexts in which the appeals took place over time. It will provide an overview of the formula sorted by eras, referring to social groups who used it and its places of discovery.The archæological data will help us to survey the staging of the speech of the deceased. It seems indeed that the rhetoric of the appeals extends to the entire memorial. Furthermore, the decorum is involved in the capatio benevolentiae.In the second section, “ Commemorating over three millennia ”, we will extract and prospect the role of historicity at work in the formula. Phrasæology used in the appeals is first examined from the point of view of the Sitz im Leben. Then, we will analyse the ritual actions expected. Finally, we will try to rebuild the ritual sequences towards the dead, based on informations contained in the formula.The last section, “ The appeal, staging of a cohesive society ”, will highlight the ideological part of the formula. The appeal deals mainly with social Maat. It establishes a bridge between generations, beyond life and death. The success and the longevity of the formula seems to be connected to both mundane and ideologic preoccupations

This chapter considers ‘Women Deacons in Ancient Christian Communities: Leadership and Ordination’. Women deacons are widely attested in the Greek-speaking Catholic East during the first millennium. Ancient rites that have been preserved show that the ordination of women deacons was truly ‘sacramental’, just as that of male deacons. Their role consisted in instructing and baptizing female catechumens, guiding women at Sunday worship, taking communion to the sick, and ministering at funeral services. They belonged to the clergy in virtually every parish. They enjoyed more or less the same legal status as male deacons. As time passed, however, the female diaconate was relinquished, partly because of the diminishing of adult baptisms, partly on account of growing anxiety about female clergy possibly polluting the altar through menstruation.

A black funerary liquid is known from ancient Egypt that was used for mummification and was also poured over the coffin or wrapped body as part of the funerary rites. Analysis of this black material can identify the components used to make it and therefore, to some extent, the geographical origin of its ingredients. Examples of this liquid are known from three sites in Nubia. Analysis of the black liquid from two of these sites indicates similar geographic origins for the materials used, perhaps with the exception of some of the bitumen which may have been obtained more locally. However, the context of the black liquid in Nubia indicates that its use may have differed slightly from its use in Egypt. Keywords: Coffin, funeral, resin, bitumen, burial, canopic

Abstract Ankh-Hap lived during the dawn of the Hellenistic Age, a tumultuous period in Egyptian history. His name evokes the cult of the Apis bull, which endured the political changes of the time. The evidence for his health and everyday life is explored, followed by the mummification and funeral rites that attended his death. The Osiris myth played an important role in the latter. There is evidence that Ankh-Hap’s grave was disturbed in antiquity and that perhaps his damaged mummy was rewrapped. Ancient grave robbers posed a serious threat to every Egyptian’s afterlife. Mummies were also plundered in later eras, particularly for use as a medicine called mumia. Not only were these dead bodies ingested as a cure-all, but they were ground up in large numbers to make fish bait, aphrodisiacs, paint, and other products down to modern times.

Confucian individualism is analogous to the Western acclaim for personal individuality. The notion of individualism, which is seen as fundamental and pervasive in Western civilization, is not to be contrasted with collectivism, which is perceived in Eastern societies as the underlying social structure. The Chinese, on account of Confucius, conceive of individuals and family as subordinated to the importance of society or the state. Confucius was mindful of the essential status of individuals when he, as an individual, performed the rituals at the funeral of his mother, having individually studied the ancient history pertinent to the rites. An occasion of ontological impracticality is the fact that the exclusive attention to communal concord and harmony at the expense of personal individuality cannot have contributed to the medical advances and the breakthroughs made possible in modern medicine. Also discussed in this chapter is the contribution of Confucius in the academic sphere of the Chinese society.

Abstract Chapter 3 studies two plays by Brazilian Jorge Andrade, Pedreira das almas (1957) and As Confrarias (1969), which dramatize two historical revolts, during the mining and coffee economic cycles, respectively, in the state of Minas Gerais in colonial and imperial Brazil. The first play is based on the 1842 Liberal Revolt against the local monarchy’s concentration of power and the second on the 1789 Minas Gerais Conspiracy for independence from the Portuguese Crown. The chapter argues that Andrade’s heroines not only follow the tradition of republican motherhood initiated regionally in 1824 but also innovate political strategy in the corpus by staging their disobedience in following orders to the letter, leaving the body exposed and favoring letting others live over performing burials. These Antígonas invent a new politics as they cannibalize the ancient funeral rites, submitting the authorities to the sight of the unburied with which they tried to threaten others. Burial recedes in importance for the first time in the corpus.

Статья освещает варианты погребального обряда городского некрополя древнего Владимира, обнаруженного и исследованного в ходе охранных археологических раскопок 2016-2017 гг. на территории учебного комплекса «Патриарший сад» г. Владимира. Могильник расположен на высоком мысу, образованном южным склоном левого берега р. Клязьма и склоном рельефной впадины, на которой находится сад. Древнее кладбище локализовано на площади не менее 1000 м². Захоронения располагались в три яруса. Поздние захоронения, зафиксированные в культурном слое, выполнены по христианскому погребальному обряду, их датировка - вторая половина XIII - XV в. Ранние захоронения XII - начала XIII в. выполнены в могильных ямах, впущенных в материк. В этих захоронениях при преобладании христианской обрядности встречены черты иных вариантов погребального обряда: захоронение в бересте, захоронение с ритуальным сосудом, захоронения иной пространственной ориентировки, кремация. Разнообразие элементов погребального обряда свидетельствует о сложном и продолжительном пути становления христианской погребальной обрядности. Вариативность погребального обряда представляет население древнего Владимира как общность выходцев с разных территорий, носивших различные культурные традиции. The article highlights the funeral ceremony options of the ancient Vladimir necropolis discovered and researched during the protective archaeological excavations in 20162017 on the territory of the educational complex “The Patriarch’s garden” in Vladimir. The burial ground is located on a high promontory formed by the southern slope of the left bank of the Klyazma river and the slope of the relief depression where the garden is situated. The ancient cemetery is located on an area of at least 1000 m. Burials were located in 3 tiers. Later burials recorded in the cultural layer are made according to the christian burial ritual, it is dated by the second half of the XIII-XVth centuries. Early burials (XII-early XIIIth centuries) were made in burial pits let into the mainland. There are features of other funeral rite variants with the predominance of christian rites in these burials: burial in birch bark, burial with a ritual vessel, burial of a different spatial orientation, cremation. The variety of the funeral rite elements indicates the complex and long path of Christian funeral rites formation. The funeral rite variation represents the population of ancient Vladimir as a community of people from different territories who had different cultural traditions

Статья посвящена костюму жителей позднеантичной Фанагории, украшенному золотом. Женский убор с золотыми бляшками, типичный для варварской аристократии гуннского времени, связан с Боспором и широко известен в комплексах позднеантичного времени. Однако погребений, где элементы костюма сохранились in situ немного. В Фанагории нашивные украшения одежды происходят из девяти престижных погребальных комплексов. Эти материалы позволяют реконструировать женский погребальный костюм Боспора Киммерийского в позднеантичное время. Особую ценность имеет комплекс из северной камеры склепа 315/2019, в котором многочисленные золотые предметы найдены непотревоженными на шее и груди женщины. Они разделяются на два набора: детали ворота нижней одежды/платья и обшивку ворота верхней одежды (плаща или накидки). Великолепная сохранность этого комплекса украшений позволяет реконструировать особенности фасона одежды. Золотые детали декора женской одежды гуннского времени, скорее всего, имеют боспорское происхождение. Они близки к церемониальным изделиям из золотой и серебряной фольги, имитировавшим дорогие ременные гарнитуры и монеты в погребальном обряде позднеантичного времени. Фанагорийские материалы дают нам основания выдвинуть гипотезу о распространении в элитарной культуре эпохи Великого переселения народов на Боспоре Киммерийском женского костюма, декорированного золотыми нашивками, который с высокой долей вероятности мог быть погребальным, то есть специально изготовленным для похорон знатных и состоятельных горожанок Боспорского государства того времени. The article deals with gold-decorated clothing used by residents of late antique Phanagoria. Women’s attire with golden plaques, which is typical for the barbarian aristocracy of the Hunnic Age, was connected with Bosporos and well known in late ancient complexes. However, there are not so many burials where clothing elements survived in situ. In Phanagoria, sewn-on clothing decorations are found in nine prestigious burial complexes. These materials allow us to reconstruct women’s funeral clothing used in the Cimmerian Bosporos in Late Antiquity. A complex from the northern chamber of tomb 315/2019 is of special value, since it includes numerous golden items found undisturbed on woman’s neck and chest. They are divided into two sets: elements of underclothing/dress collar and strapping of outer cloth ing (cloak or cape) collar. Very good preservation of this decoration complex allows us to reconstruct the specific features of the clothing style. Golden elements in decorations of Hun nic Age women’s clothing are most likely of Bosporan origin. They are close to ceremonial articles made of golden and silver foil, which imitated luxurious belt fittings and coins in funeral rites of Late Antique period. The Phanagorian materials suggest that the women’s clothing decorated with golden plaques was widespread in the elite culture of the Migration Period in the Cimmerian Bosporos and could be tailor-made for funerals of noble and wealthy Bosporan townswomen of that time.

Traditionally, anthropomorphic sculptures from the necropolis of the ancient city of Gorgippia are flattened half-shapes without detailed face and body contours, merely trunks and heads. In the Northern Black Sea region such monuments are characteristic of the IV–II centuries BC, but some date back to the first centuries of the Common Era. There is a reason to believe that they were used for ceremonial purposes rather than as markers of particular burial grounds or gravestones in the conventional meaning. Faceless half-shapes in Greek necropolises are associated with rites of the worship of Persephone, who dies (as represented by faceless sculptures) and then resurrects (by sculptures with painted faces) as seasons change. They could be used like special posts – ‘cippi’ – for marking sacred places within necropolises with libations and sacrifices in honor of gods with chthonic properties. Such incarnations are observed in Persephone (Kore), Demeter, Aphrodite, Artemis and their male counterparts – Dionysus, Hercules, Hermes, Eros. Epitaphs and carved scenes related to traditions of the funeral ritual on the anthropomorphic objects turned them into tombstones dedicated to specific deceased individuals.

В статье анализируются нумизматические материалы из раскопок некрополя Фанагории в 1975–2021 гг. Интерпретация этих находок лежит в дискурсе неоднократно рассматриваемой проблемы о назначении монет в могилах античной эпохи. Впервые публикуемые здесь монетные находки из некрополя этого одного из крупнейших центров Северного Причерноморья безусловно представляют важный источник для изучения денежного обращения региона и особенностей местного погребального обряда. С другой стороны, монеты являются важным хронологическим индикатором как для датировки захоронений, так и для периодизации истории фанагорийского некрополя в целом. Считалось, что традиция класть деньги в могилу в качестве «обола Харона» появилась у греков в середине/конце 5 в. до н. э. Эту датировку подтверждали и материалы боспорских некрополей (Пантикапей и Волна 1). Однако некрополь Фанагории дал пантикапейский диобол 480–460 гг. до н. э., который является на данный момент самой ранней монетой, использованной в погребальной практике Боспора. Всего 128 монет найдено некрополе Фанагории за рассматриваемый период (не считая клада из 3695 позднебоспорских статеров, не связанного с ритуалом). Из них 8 – серебряные: 5 боспорских монет 5–1 вв. до н. э., денарий Траяна, 2 статера Рескупорида V. Все остальные монеты медные. Из 95 автономных монет, 66 отчеканены в Пан тикапее (включая кошелек с 7 монетами 3 в. до н. э.), Фанагории – 26, Ольвии – 1, Ами се – 1. Боспорским царям принадлежат 30 монет, от Полемона I до Фофорса, монеты которого являются позднейшими из боспорских. Кроме двух монет Митридата III и Котиса I с отверстиями, а также двух пробитых монет Феодосия I, использованных в качестве подвесок среди бус, все остальные монеты являются «оболами Харона», представляя важное свидетельство как местного погребального обряда, так и денежного обращения античного Боспора. Процесс исследования монет в погребальном контексте Фанагории позволяет аккумулировать информацию для правильной интерпретации данных о местном (и общегреческом) погребальном обряде. Информация, полученная при изучении монет из этого некрополя, может быть включена в пополняемую базу данных по нумизматическим материалам из других некрополей Боспора и юго-западного Крыма. Однако полная интерпретация погребальных ритуалов Фанагории, где монеты, по-видимому, играют важную роль, зависит от точности полевых наблюдений. The present article analyses numismatic materials from the excavations of the Phanagorian necropolis in 1975–2021. These finds are repeatedly discussed in light of the purpose of coins in ancient graves. Published for the first time, the coin finds from the necropolis of one of the largest centres of the Northern Black Sea region are, without doubt, an important source for studying the monetary circulation in the region and the traits of its funeral rites. Coins are also an important chronological indicator for both the dating of burials and for the historical periodization of the Phanagorian necropolis altogether. It was understood that the tradition of putting money in graves as “Charon’s obol” appeared in the Greek World during the second half of the fifth century BC. Such dating was also confirmed by archaeological finds from the Bosporan necropoleis (Panticapaeum and Volna 1). The Phanagorian necropolis, however, yielded a Panticapaean diobol dating to 480–460 BC, currently the earliest coin used in the burial practice in the Bosporos. A total of 128 coins were found at the Phanagorian necropolis during the aforementioned excavation period (excluding the hoard of 3,695 Late Bosporan staters, which are not associated with ritual practice). Eight of them are silver coins: five Bosporan coins dating to the 5th–1th centuries BC, a denarius of Trajan, two staters of Reskuporides V. The rest are copper coins. Of the 95 autonomous coins, 66 were minted in Panticapaeum (including a purse with seven coins dating to the third century BC), 26 – in Phanagoria, one in Olbia and one in Amis. Thirty coins are associated with Bosporan kings, from Polemon I to Thothorses, whose coins are dated the latest out of Bosporan coins. Except for the two perforated coins of Mithridates III and Cotys I, as well as two, also perforated, coins of Theodosius I, which were used as pendants, all other coins are “Charon’s obols”, which provides important evidence of both the local funerary rites and the monetary circulation of the ancient Bosporos. The study of coins in Phanagorian funerary context allows to accumulate information necessary for a correct interpretation of data on the local (and common Greek) funeral rites. Information obtained during the study of coins from the Phanagorian necropolis can be included in the continuously renewed numismatic “database” from other necropoleis of the Bosporos and southwestern Crimea. However, a complete interpretation of Phanagorian funerary rites, in which coins seem to play an important role, depends on the accuracy of field observations.