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Статті в журналах з теми "Aboriginal Australians. Government relations"
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Osmond, Gary, Murray G. Phillips, and Alistair Harvey. "Fighting Colonialism: Olympic Boxing and Australian Race Relations." Journal of Olympic Studies 3, no. 1 (May 1, 2022): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/26396025.3.1.05.
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Abstract Australian Aboriginal boxer Adrian Blair was one of three Indigenous Australians to compete in the 1964 Tokyo Olympic Games. To that point, no Indigenous Australians had ever participated in the Olympics, not for want of sporting talent but because the racist legislation that stripped them of their basic human rights extended to limited sporting opportunities. The state of Queensland, where Blair lived, had the most repressive laws governing Indigenous people of any state in Australia. The Cherbourg Aboriginal Settlement, a government reserve where Blair grew up as a ward of the state, epitomized the oppressive control exerted over Indigenous people. In this article, we examine Blair's selection for the Olympic Games through the lens of government legislation and changing policy toward Indigenous people. We chart a growing trajectory of boxing in Cherbourg, from the reserve's foundation in 1904 to Blair's appearance in Tokyo sixty years later, which corresponds to policy shifts from “protection” to informal assimilation and, finally, to formal assimilation in the 1960s. The analysis of how Cherbourg boxing developed in these changing periods illustrates the power of sport history for analyzing race relations in settler colonial countries.
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Morgan, George. "Assimilation and resistance: housing indigenous Australians in the 1970s." Journal of Sociology 36, no. 2 (August 2000): 187–204. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078330003600204.
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During the early 1970s, large numbers of Aboriginal people became tenants of the Housing Commission of New South Wales under the Housing for Aborigines program. Most moved from government reserves or dilapidated and overcrowded private rental dwellings to broadacre suburban estates. As public housing tenants, they encountered considerable pressures to become 'respectable' citizens, to build their lives around privacy, sobriety, moral restraint, the nuclear family, conventional gender roles and wage labour. For many indigenous Australians, these expectations-which were based as much on class relations as on colonialism— represented a threat to their conventional ways of life and their obligations to extended family and community. This paper explores the patterns of conformity and resistance amongst Aboriginal tenants. It draws on the sociological and cultural studies literature on youth subcultural resistance and compares anthropological theory about indigenous responses to the pressures of modernity.
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Kartika Bintarsari, Nuriyeni. "The Cultural Genocide in Australia: A Case Study of the Forced Removal of Aborigine Children from 1912-1962." SHS Web of Conferences 54 (2018): 05002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/20185405002.
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This paper will discuss the Forced Removal Policy of Aborigine children in Australia from 1912 to 1962. The Forced Removal Policy is a Government sponsored policy to forcibly removed Aborigine children from their parent’s homes and get them educated in white people households and institutions. There was a people’s movement in Sydney, Australia, and London, Englandin 1998to bring about “Sorry Books.” Australia’s “Sorry Books” was a movement initiated by the advocacy organization Australian for Native Title (ANT) to address the failure of The Australian government in making proper apologies toward the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander population. The objective of this paper is to examine the extent of cultural genocide imposed by the Australian government towards its Aborigine population in the past and its modern-day implication. This paper is the result of qualitative research using literature reviews of relevant materials. The effect of the study is in highlighting mainly two things. First, the debate on the genocidal intention of the policy itself is still ongoing. Secondly, to discuss the effect of past government policies in forming the shape of national identities, in this case, the relations between the Australian government and its Aborigine population.
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Ingamells, Ann. "Closing the Gap: some unsettling assumptions." Journal of Social Inclusion 1, no. 1 (April 27, 2010): 7–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.36251/josi2.
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A remote region case study Australian governments are committed to closing the gap between Indigenous and other Australians, yet progress is slow. This paper draws links between these policy efforts and a study of a remote shire in Western Queensland where indicators suggest better than usual socioeconomic outcomes for Aboriginal people. The study conducted over a three year period, and with significant input from Aboriginal people, examines the pathway through which these outcomes have been achieved. Local accounts suggest relations between long term families of both cultures have been a significant factor and are the outcome of an iterative dynamic between people, place and resources, that has a long history, and path dependence. Despite almost full engagement of Aboriginal people in employment over the past 100 years however, indicators do not yet converge, suggesting policy targets are ambitious. The persistent ‘gap’ may be the effect of insistence on making equality conditional on acceptance of settler norms, at significant cost to the lived expression of Aboriginal culture. Whilst this community has managed these tensions, nevertheless their experiences imply that access to community services in remote areas, rather than being a right, is precariously dependent on the vicissitudes of relationship, and these may often depend on the choices Aboriginal people make in response to assimilatory pressures.
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Paisley, Fiona. "Citizens of their World: Australian Feminism and Indigenous Rights in the International Context, 1920s and 1930s." Feminist Review 58, no. 1 (February 1998): 66–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/014177898339596.
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Inter-war Australia saw the emergence of a feminist campaign for indigenous rights. Led by women activists who were members of various key Australian women's organizations affiliated with the British Commonwealth League, this campaign proposed a revitalized White Australia as a progressive force towards improving ‘world’ race relations. Drawing upon League of Nations conventions and the increasing role for the Dominions within the British Commonwealth, these women claimed to speak on behalf of Australian Aborigines in asserting their right to reparation as a usurped people and the need to overhaul government policy. Opposing inter-war policies of biological assimilation, they argued for a humane national Aboriginal policy including citizenship and rights in the person. Where white men had failed in their duty towards indigenous peoples, world women might bring about a new era of civilized relations between the races.
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De Villiers, Bertus. "An Ancient People Struggling to Find a Modern Voice – Experiences of Australia’s Indigenous People with Advisory Bodies." International Journal on Minority and Group Rights 26, no. 4 (August 30, 2019): 600–619. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718115-02604004.
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The Aboriginal People of Australia are arguably the oldest uninterrupted community of indigenous peoples in the world, but they have not yet been heard in the corridors of power. Recently, a proposal arose from Aboriginal People to give them a ‘voice’ that would be elected to give advice to the federal government and promote their rights and interests. Several attempts have been made in the past to create an advisory body for Aboriginal People, but they have all failed. The question considered in this article is what lessons can be learnt from previous failed attempts, and what can be done to ensure the success of the proposed Voice.
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Grimshaw, Patricia. "“That we may obtain our religious liberty…”: Aboriginal Women, Faith and Rights in Early Twentieth Century Victoria, Australia*." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 19, no. 2 (July 23, 2009): 24–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/037747ar.
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Abstract The paper, focused on a few years at the end of the First World War, explores the request of a group of Aborigines in the Australian state of Victoria for freedom of religion. Given that the colony and now state of Victoria had been a stronghold of liberalism, the need for Indigenous Victorians to petition for the removal of outside restrictions on their religious beliefs or practices might seem surprising indeed. But with a Pentecostal revival in train on the mission stations to which many Aborigines were confined, members of the government agency, the Board for the Protection of the Aborigines, preferred the decorum of mainstream Protestant church services to potentially unsettling expressions of charismatic and experiential spirituality. The circumstances surrounding the revivalists’ resistance to the restriction of Aboriginal Christians’ choice of religious expression offer insight into the intersections of faith and gender within the historically created relations of power in this colonial site. Though the revival was extinguished, it stood as a notable instance of Indigenous Victorian women deploying the language of Christian human rights to assert the claims to just treatment and social justice that would characterize later successful Indigenous activism.
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Greer, Susan. "“In the interests of the children”: accounting in the control of Aboriginal family endowment payments." Accounting History 14, no. 1-2 (January 20, 2009): 166–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1032373208098557.
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This article contributes to an expanding literature concerned with the instrumentality of accounting and the consequences of its use within government—Indigenous relations. It examines a single case of how accounting was employed within the Australian state of New South Wales to manipulate the income and spending of Aboriginal women. The article explores how ccounting was integral to the control and administration of the New South Wales Family Endowment Payments; a policy intended to reconstitute Aboriginal women according to particular norms of citizenship. The article not only allows us to better understand the roles of accounting in such historical practices of social engineering, but also illustrates that the objectives for such programmes are not simple and that often they attempt to satisfy the competing interests of the social and the economic.
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Fleay, Jesse John, and Barry Judd. "The Uluru statement." International Journal of Critical Indigenous Studies 12, no. 1 (January 24, 2019): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.5204/ijcis.v12i1.532.
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From every State and Territory of Australia, including the islands of the Torres Strait over 200 delegates gathered at the 2017 First Nations National Constitutional Convention in Uluru, which has stood on Anangu Pitjantjatjara country in the Northern Territory since time immemorial, to discuss the issue of constitutional recognition. Delegates agreed that tokenistic recognition would not be enough, and that recognition bearing legal substance must stand, with the possibility to make multiple treaties between Aboriginal peoples and Torres Strait Islanders and the Commonwealth Government of Australia. In this paper, we look at the roadmap beyond such a potential change. We make the case for a redistributive approach to capital, and propose key outcomes for social reconstruction, should a voice to parliament, a Makarrata[1] Commission and multiple treaties be enabled through a successful referendum. We conclude that an alteration of the Commonwealth Constitution (Cth) is the preliminary overture of a suite of changes: the constitutional change itself is not the end of the road, but simply the beginning of years of legal change, which seeks provide a socio-economic future for Australia’s First Peoples, and the oldest continuing cultures in the world. Constitutional change seeks to transform the discourse about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander relations with the Australian state from one centred on distributive justice to one that is primarily informed by retributive justice. This paper concerns the future generations of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander children, and their right to labour in a market that honours their cultural contributions to humanity at large.
[1] Yolŋu ceremony for coming together after a struggle.
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P Marchildon, Gregory. "Canadian health system reforms: lessons for Australia?" Australian Health Review 29, no. 1 (2005): 105. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ah050105.
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This paper analyses recent health reform agenda in Canada. From 1988 until 1997, the first phase of reforms focused on service integration through regionalisation and a rebalancing of services from illness care to prevention and wellness. The second phase, which has been layered onto the ongoing first phase, is concerned with fiscal sustainability from a provincial perspective, and the fundamental nature of the system from a national perspective. Despite numerous commissions and studies, some questions remain concerning the future direction of the public system. The Canadian reform experience is compared with recent Australian health reform initiatives in terms of service integration through regionalisation, primary care reform, Aboriginal health, the public?private debate, intergovernmental relations and the role of the federal government.
Дисертації з теми "Aboriginal Australians. Government relations"
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Brady, Wendy. "Indigenous Australians and non-indigenous education in New South Wales, 1788-1968." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/12822.
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Muldoon, Paul (Paul Alexander) 1966. "Under the eye of the master : the colonisation of aboriginality, 1770-1870." Monash University, Dept. of Politics, 1998. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/8552.
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Doohan, Kim. "One family, different country : the development and persistence of an Aboriginal community at Finke, Northern Territory." Master's thesis, University of Western Australia, 1989. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/274429.
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Burridge, Nina. "The implementation of the policy of Reconciliation in NSW schools." Phd thesis, Australia : Macquarie University, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.14/25954.
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"November 2003".Thesis (PhD)--Macquarie University, Australian Centre for Educational Studies, School of Education, 2004.
Bibliography: leaves 243-267.
Introduction -- Literature review -- Meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation in the Australian socio-political context -- An explanation of the research method -- Meanings of Reconciliation in the school context -- Survey results -- The role of education in the Reconciliation process -- Obstacles and barriers to Reconciliation -- Teaching for Reconciliation: best practice in teaching resources -- Conclusion.
The research detailed in this thesis investigated how schools in NSW responded to the social and political project of Reconciliation at the end of the 1990s. -- The research used a multi-method research approach which included a survey instrument, focus group interviews and key informants interviews with Aboriginal and non Aboriginal teachers, elders and educators, to gather qualitative as well as quantitative data. Differing research methodologies, including Indigenous research paradigms, are presented and discussed within the context of this research. From the initial research questions a number of sub-questions emerged which included: -The exploration of meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation evident in both the school and wider communities contexts and the extent to which these meanings and perspectives were transposed from the community to the school sector. -The perceived level of support for Reconciliation in school communities and what factors impacted on this level of support. -Responses of school communities to Reconciliation in terms of school programs and teaching strategies including factors which enhanced the teaching of Reconciliation issues in the classroom and factors which acted as barriers. -- Firstly in order to provide the context for the research study, the thesis provides a brief historical overview of the creation of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation. It then builds a framework through which the discourses of Reconciliation are presented and deconstructed. These various meanings and perspectives of Reconciliation are placed within a linear spectrum of typologies, from 'hard', 'genuine' or 'substantive' Reconciliation advocated by the Left, comprising a strong social justice agenda, first nation rights and compensation for past injustices, to the assimiliationist typologies desired by members of the Right which suggest that Reconciliation is best achieved through the total integration of Aboriginal people into the mainstream community, with Aboriginal people accepting the reality of their dispossession. -- In between these two extremes lie degrees of interpretations of what constitutes Reconciliation, including John Howard's current Federal Government interpretation of 'practical' Reconciliation. In this context "Left" and "Right" are defined less by political ideological lines of the Labor and Liberal parties than by attitudes to human rights and social justice. Secondly, and within the socio-political context presented above, the thesis reports on research conducted with Indigenous and non Indigenous educators, students and elders in the context of the NSW school system to decipher meanings and perspectives on Reconciliation as reflected in that sector. It then makes comparisons with research conducted on behalf of the Council for Aboriginal Reconciliation during the 1990s on attitudes to Reconciliation in the community. Perceived differences are analysed and discussed.
The research further explores how schools approached the teaching of Reconciliation through a series of survey questions designed to document the types of activities undertaken by the schools with Reconciliation as the main aim. -- Research findings indicated that while both the community at large and the education community are overwhelmingly supportive of Reconciliation, both as a concept and as a government policy, when questioned further as to the depth and details of this commitment to Reconciliation and the extent to which they may be supportive of the 'hard' issues of Reconciliation, their views and level of support were more wide ranging and deflective. -- Findings indicated that, in general, educators have a more multi-layered understanding of the issues related to Reconciliation than the general community, and a proportion of them do articulate more clearly those harder, more controversial aspects of the Reconciliation process (eg just compensation, land and sea rights, customary laws). However, they are in the main, unsure of its meaning beyond the 'soft' symbolic acts and gatherings which occur in schools. In the late 1990s, when Reconciliation was at the forefront of the national agenda, research findings indicate that while schools were organising cultural and curriculum activities in their teaching of Indigenous history or Aboriginal studies - they did not specifically focus on Reconciliation in their teaching programs as an issue in the community. Teachers did not have a clearly defined view of what Reconciliation entailed and schools were not teaching about Reconciliation directly within their curriculum programs. -- The research also sought to identify facotrs which acted as enhancers of a Reconciliation program in schools and factors which were seen as barriers. Research findings clearly pointed to community and parental attitudes as important barriers with time and an overcrowded curriculum as further barriers to the implementation of teaching programs. Factors which promoted Reconciliation in schools often related to human agency and human relationships such as supportive executive leadership, the work of committed teachers and a responsive staff and community.
Mode of access: World Wide Web.
xvi, 286 leaves ill
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McGregor, Russell Edward. "Answering the native question: the dispossession of the Aborigines of the Fitzroy District, West Kimberley, 1880-1905." Thesis, University of North Queensland, 1985. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/268851.
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Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.
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Paul, David. "Casting shadows and struggling for control : silence, resistance and negotiation in Australian Aboriginal health." University of Western Australia. School of Primary, Aboriginal and Rural Health Care, 2007. http://theses.library.uwa.edu.au/adt-WU2008.0015.
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Self determination has been recognised as a basic human right both internationally and, to an extent, locally, but it is yet to be fully realised for Aboriginal Peoples in Australia. The assertion of Aboriginal community control in Aboriginal health has been at the forefront of Aboriginal peoples' advocacy for self determination for more than thirty years. Aboriginal Community Controlled Health Services and their representative organisations have been the site of considerable resistance and contestation in the struggles involved in trying to improve Aboriginal health experiences. Drawing on some of these experiences I explore the apparent inability of policy and decision makers to listen to systematic voices calling for change from the Aboriginal Community Controlled Health sector. It is government inability to act more fully on clear and repeated messages that is a source of much disquiet within representative Aboriginal organisations. Such disquiet is grounded in a belief that colonial notions continue to influence decision making at policy, practice and research levels resulting in a significant impediment to the realisation of self determination and associated human rights in Aboriginal health matters and Aboriginal Affairs more broadly.
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Malbon, Justin Law Faculty of Law UNSW. "Indigenous rights under the Australian constitution : a reconciliation perspective." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Law, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19044.
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This thesis examines the possibilities for building a reconciliatory jurisprudence for the protection of indigenous rights under the Australian Constitution. The thesis first examines what could be meant by the term ???reconciliation??? in a legal context and argues that it requires (1) acknowledgement of and atonement for past wrongdoing, (2) the provision of recompense, and (3) the establishment of legal and constitutional structures designed to ensure that similar wrongs are not repeated in the future. The thesis focuses on the last of these three requirements. It is further argued that developing a reconciliatory jurisprudence first requires the courts to free themselves from the dominant paradigm of strict positivism so that they are liberated to pay due regard to questions of morality. Given this framework, the thesis then sets out to examine the purpose and scope of the race power (section 51(xxvi)) of the Australian Constitution, with particular regard to the case of Kartinyeri v Commonwealth in which the High Court directly considered the power. The thesis concludes that the majority of the Court had not, for various reasons, properly considered the nature of the power. An appropriate ruling, it is argued, should find that the power does not enable Parliament to discriminate adversely against racial minorities. The thesis then proceeds to consider whether there are implied terms under the Constitution that protect fundamental rights. It is argued that these rights are indeed protected because the Constitution is based upon the rule of law. In addition constitutional provisions are to be interpreted subject to the presumption that its terms are not to be understood as undermining fundamental rights unless a constitutional provision expressly states otherwise. The thesis also considers whether there is an implied right to equality under the Constitution. The conclusion drawn is that such a right exists and that it is both procedural and substantive in nature.
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De, Costa Ravindra Noel John, and decosta@mcmaster ca. "New relationships, old certainties : Australia's reconciliation and treaty-making in British Colombia." Swinburne University of Technology, 2002. http://adt.lib.swin.edu.au./public/adt-VSWT20050627.092937.
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This thesis investigates the search for new relationships between indigenous and settler peoples in Australia and Canada. Both reconciliation and the treaty-making process in British Columbia are understood as attempts to build such relationships. Yetthese are policies that have arisen in response to the persistence of indigenous claims for recognition of rights and respect for identity. Consequently, I consider what the purpose of new relationships might be: is the creation of new relationships to be the means by which settlers recognise and respect indigenous rights and identities, or is
there some other goal? To answer this, I analyse the two policies as the opening of negotiations over indigenous claims for recognition. That is, the opening of new political spaces in which indigenous people�s voices and claims may be heard. Reconciliation opened a space to rethink Australian attitudes to history and culture, to renegotiate Australian identity. Treaties in British Columbia primarily seek to renegotiate ownership and control of lands and resources. Both policies attempt to relegitimise the polities in which they operate, by making new relationships that provide for mutual recognition. However, the thesis establishes that these new spaces are not nearly as expansive or inclusive as they are made out to be. They are in fact defined by the internal struggles of settler society to make life more certain: to resume identities that are secure and satisfying, and to restore territorial control and economic security. This takes place with little regard for the legitimate claims of indigenous peoples to be recognised as people and to enjoy dynamic, flourishing identities of their own. Building new relationships becomes the path to entrenching old certainties.
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Ingelbrecht, Suzanne. "Sorry : a play in two acts ; Shame and apology in the nation-state : reflections and remembrance ; We're ready (short story)." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2012. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/491.
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"Sorry" is a play in two acts, exploring how collective memory of the past, including traumatic memory of being taken from one's family, affects the present in complex and surprising ways. The Stolen Generations' episode of Australian history, when mixed heritage Aboriginal Australians were taken from their families as a result of governmental policy, casts its shadow over four generations of Almadi Paice Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage family members. Against a thematic backdrop of shame, apology and (hoped for) forgiveness, the 'living' family members struggle for empowerment and agency against the forces of government bureaucracy, the Law and their own emotional demons.
"Shame and Apology in the Nation-State: Reflections and Remembrance" is an exegesis which explores theoretical concepts related to collective memory, shame, performative apology and forgiveness, interlinked with Jan Patočka's notion of individual responsibility towards action. Using reciprocal interview material with a number of Aboriginal-Afghan-Anglo mixed heritage participants, who have either had direct experience of being "stolen" or who are related to "stolen" family members, this exegesis explores alternative modes of remembering their past and present in creative art works. In addition, I theorise that in our contemporary "age of apology" political apology to particular wronged groups of national communities may be problematic not only for their ubiquity and their tendency to alibi but because they do not address other important issues such as reparation and guarantees against repetition; nor do they deny the sovereignty of the nation-state apparatus to ‘do’ apology in a manner and at a time of its own choosing. The exegesis explores the importance of national commemoration, such as ANZAC Day, in promoting national collective memory, and theorises that a collective annual commemoration on behalf of the nation’s "stolen" people would be a much more compelling reconciliatory act than a single apology by a particular prime minister. My short story, "We’re Ready", which immediately follows the exegesis is my creative attempt to demonstrate the towards action and towards national reconciliation gestured by annual commemorative performance.
Книги з теми "Aboriginal Australians. Government relations"
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Suter, Keith. Aboriginal Australians. London: Minority Rights Group, 1988.
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Australia. Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Commission. Engaging with aboriginal Western Australians. Perth: Dept. of Indigenous Affairs, 2004.
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Tim, Rowse. White flour, white power: From rations to citizenship in central Australia. Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University Press, 1998.
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Healey, Justin. Aboriginal reconciliation. Thirroul, NSW: Spinney Press, 2006.
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Mathews, Russell L. Towards aboriginal self-government. [Melbourne]: CEDA, 1993.
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Haebich, Anna. For their own good: Aborigines and government in the southwest of Western Australia, 1900-1940. Nedlands, W.A: Published by the University of Western Australia Press for the Charles and Joy Staples South West Region Publications Fund Committee, 1988.
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Haebich, Anna. For their own good: Aborigines and government in the south west of Western Australia, 1900-1940. 2nd ed. Nedlands, W.A: Published by the University of Western Australia Press for the Charles and Joy Staples South West Region Publications Fund, 1992.
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Aboriginal political life. Canberra: Australian Institute of Aboriginal Studies, 1986.
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Prentis, Malcolm D. A study in black and white: The Aborigines in Australian history. 3rd ed. Dural, N.S.W: Rosenberg, 2009.
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Prentis, Malcolm D. A study in black and white: The Aborigines in Australian history. 3rd ed. Dural, N.S.W: Rosenberg, 2009.
Знайти повний текст джерелаЧастини книг з теми "Aboriginal Australians. Government relations"
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Laurie, Timothy. "After Belonging: Aileen Moreton-Robinson’s ‘I Still Call Australia Home’." In Using Social Theory in Higher Education, 49–65. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-031-39817-9_4.
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AbstractA classroom can be a place to belong. Students become settled, ideas become familiar, relations become belongings. Teachers attentive to belonging can support critical conversations without fear that students will accidentally stumble onto alienating terrain. But the desire to settle, to make familiar, and to belong is not without its own ambivalence. For example, should non-Indigenous Australian students feel they ‘belong’ when engaging with the legacies of settler colonialism? Is learning about Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander cultures and communities a desirable way for non-Indigenous students to feel settled in Australia? Aileen Moreton-Robinson’s work interrogates two impulses towards belonging among non-Indigenous Australians. On the one hand, she considers the erasure of Indigenous belonging through the legal fallacy of terra nullius and its subsequent variations in myths of British belonging to Australia. On the other hand, the essay questions non-Indigenous appeals to Indigenous communities as potential partners in national projects of collective belonging. Moreton-Robinson shows that non-Indigenous Australians ‘possess’ their symbolic home in the nation-state at the expense of Indigenous belonging. In what ways can non-Indigenous students be invited to question practices of belonging? What new classroom might this produce, and would everyone need to belong?
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"Concrete relations between Aboriginal- and Anglo- Australians." In Routledge Revivals: Understanding Interaction in Central Australia (1985), 230–68. Routledge, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781315180915-16.
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Joyce, Rosemary A. "Indelible Messages from Newgrange to Kakadu Park." In The Future of Nuclear Waste, 136–62. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190888138.003.0008.
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This chapter examines the diverse features cited to justify the idea that inscriptions on the surfaces of the monoliths could convey meanings into the future. Experts and government agencies changed their cited models multiple times, finally arriving at the Athenian Acropolis and Australian aboriginal rock art as unlikely paired models, after considering the tomb at Newgrange and Spanish Levantine rock art. All the archaeological sites mentioned were either named or nominated as UNESCO World Heritage sites, suggesting a shared common sense about archaeological sites. In addressing these varied analogues of the marker, the experts employed specific theories of communication based on presumed universals in the use of pictographs and narratives, understood today to be questionable. The chapter ends with an interlude considering Australian response to plans to place nuclear waste repositories in aboriginal land, and how aboriginal art can be understood in relation to such planning.
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"3. Police-Government Relations in the Context of State-Aboriginal Relations." In Police and Government Relations, edited by Margaret E. Beare and Tonita Murray. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/9781442684690-007.
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Ryan, John Charles. "Literary Ethnobotany in Aboriginal Australia." In Handbook of Research on Deconstructing Culture and Communication in the Global South, 36–57. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-8093-9.ch003.
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Aboriginal rights activist, poet, educator, and environmentalist Oodgeroo Noonuccal became the first Indigenous Australian to publish a collection of poetry. Noonuccal's work can be understood as “literary ethnobotany” that gives prominence to the plant-based cultural knowledge of Indigenous people. Her work expresses the idea of plants—and the multidimensional knowledge systems surrounding them—as embodied figures exerting material agencies in discourse with other beings and elements. This chapter reinterprets Noonuccal's poetry as literary ethnobotany that boldly asserts the vibrant materialities of the botanical world. In its emphasis on Indigenous Australian traditions of plants, her writing exemplifies biocultural activism in which native plants serve as potent reagents of cultural sovereignty for Indigenous Australians. Going beyond the dominant Western view of plants as mute objects of appropriation, Noonuccal's narratives of botanical life thus contribute to the revitalization of human-flora relations in Australia.
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Layton, Robert. "Relating to the Country in the Western Desert." In The Anthropology of Landscape, 210–31. Oxford University PressOxford, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198278801.003.0010.
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Abstract At the time I conducted eleven months’ fieldwork in the region ofUluru (Ayers Rock, Australian Western Desert) between 1977 and 1979, half a century had passed since colonization by pastoralists had irrevocably changed the indigenous way of life. Uluru itself had been subject to tourism for twenty years. East of Uluru lay cattle stations while to the west and south, the Petermann and Musgrave Ranges were former Aboriginal reserves which once again belonged to their traditional Aboriginal owners since passage of the Northern Territory Land Rights Act in 1976. One of the purposes of my research was to obtain evidence for a land claim on Uluru and Katatjuta (the Olgas). Much of this claim was unable to proceed because the Federal Government transferred ownership to the Australian National Parks and Wildlife Service before the claim came to court. Surrounding areas were none the less granted to the claimants and title to the Park area was returned to its traditional owners in 1985. The senior men and women with whom I worked were already young adults when they first came into lasting contact with White people. During their adult lives, however, they have seen their way of life transformed in many ways. Although men still hunt regularly, imported flour has largely replaced the wild vegetable foods, traditionally gathered by women, which once provided 80 per cent of the diet. Children are born in hospital rather than in the bush, a change which has created major difficulties for maintaining personal affiliation to the land. Life on settlements has curtailed some ceremonies, while the introduction of motor vehicles has greatly expanded the opportunities for maintaining ceremonial links between communities.
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Kelso, Robert. "Inter-Governmental Relations in the Provision of Local E-Services." In Global Information Technologies, 2439–51. IGI Global, 2008. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-59904-939-7.ch177.
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Australia is a nation of 20 million citizens occupying approximately the same land mass as the continental U.S. More than 80% of the population lives in the state capitals where the majority of state and federal government offices and employees are based. The heavily populated areas on the Eastern seaboard, including all of the six state capitals have advanced ICT capability and infrastructure and Australians readily adopt new technologies. However, there is recognition of a digital divide which corresponds with the “great dividing” mountain range separating the sparsely populated arid interior from the populated coastal regions (Trebeck, 2000). A common theme in political commentary is that Australians are “over-governed” with three levels of government, federal, state, and local. Many of the citizens living in isolated regions would say “over-governed” and “underserviced.” Most of the state and local governments, “… have experienced difficulties in managing the relative dis-economies of scale associated with their small and often scattered populations.” Rural and isolated regions are the first to suffer cutbacks in government services in periods of economic stringency. (O’Faircheallaigh, Wanna, & Weller, 1999, p. 98). Australia has, in addition to the Commonwealth government in Canberra, two territory governments, six state governments, and about 700 local governments. All three levels of government, federal, state, and local, have employed ICTs to address the “tyranny of distance” (Blainey, 1967), a term modified and used for nearly 40 years to describe the isolation and disadvantage experienced by residents in remote and regional Australia. While the three levels of Australian governments have been working co-operatively since federation in 1901 with the federal government progressively increasing its power over that time, their agencies and departments generally maintain high levels of separation; the Queensland Government Agent Program is the exception.
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"GOVERNMENT POLICY AND THE HEALTH STATUS OF ABORIGINAL AUSTRALIANS IN THE NORTHERN TERRITORY, 1945–72." In Migrants, Minorities & Health, 137–58. Routledge, 2002. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780203208175-8.
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Witcomb, Andrea. "Curating relations between ‘us’ and ‘them’: the changing role of migration museums in Australia1." In Curatopia, 262–78. Manchester University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.7228/manchester/9781526118196.003.0017.
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Australia’s first Migration Museum in Adelaide recognised from its inception in 1986, that representing migration history could not be done without acknowledging its intimate association with colonisation and the dispossession of indigenous people. Their first move therefore, was to create a distinction between all migrants, a category that included British ‘settlers’, and Indigenous Australians. This was significant not only because it implicated colonisation within migration history but because it made all non-Indigenous Australians migrants. The move though, was not easy to establish, largely because, in the public imagination, migrants were the other to mainstream or ‘British Australia’. In the mid-1990s, however, it seemed to work as Australia was indeed seen as a country that was relatively successful in integrating various waves of migration into its historical narratives while valuing cultural diversity and recognising the prior occupation of the land by Aboriginal people. The ‘War on terror’, the arrival of asylum seekers and the threat of internal terrorist attacks, along with changes in immigration policy and a general climate of fear has changed that, and migration museums are now working to combat a new wave of racism. To do so, I argue, they have developed a new set of curatorial strategies that aim to facilitate an exploration of the complexity of contemporary forms of identity. This chapter provides a history of the development of curatorial strategies that have helped to change the ways in which relations between ‘us and them’ have changed over the years in response to changes in the wider public discourse. My focus will be on both collecting and display practices, from changes to what is collected and how it is displayed, to the changing role of personal stories, the relationship between curators and the communities they work with, and the role of exhibition design in structuring the visitor experience.
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S. Chiru, Dr Samson. "THE INDIGENOUS PEOPLES’ ECOLOGY SUSTAINABLE AND INTEGRATED POLICY." In Futuristic Trends in Social Sciences Volume 3 Book 13, 53–88. Iterative International Publishers, Selfypage Developers Pvt Ltd, 2024. http://dx.doi.org/10.58532/v3bkso13p3ch1.
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Indigenous/aboriginal/tribal people (IP) are the most important part of the ecosystems and environmental dialogue and praxis. They are inextricably linked to nature: practices among the Andean peoples’ world is divided into the human and domesticated: the wild—species, ecosystems, water; and the sacred and ancestral. Their goal is holistic wellbeing, which is achieved through balance between these three worlds. However, with the globalization there are direct impact factors on environment: 1. Population, 2. Consumption, and 3. Technology which decide how much spacious and resources are used and how much waste is produced to meet consumption needs. The direct impact factors on environment which is enjoyed in the current lifestyle of the developed countries if it were to be by everyone, more than three additional planets would be required. That is why Mahatma Gandhi said that the earth has everything but not enough to satisfy the greed of man. Thus, if the world is following the consumption pattern of greedy developed countries three additional planets are required. In my view, these additional planets can be the Mars, the Moon, and another planet may be explored. Are we ready for it, folks? The earth has water in abundance unlike other planets. Perhaps the Mars and the Moon are expected to have existed with the hope of water bodies. These planets are already attempted to be conquered with the countries’ flags pitched so far in different locations as moon imperialism and exploration, especially as the Chandrayan 3 soon lands on South Pole of the moon, Indian would be the fourth country to be there. As to the earth earth, land or more aptly homeland is attached with nationalism so are other planets in the process of colonization and imperialism. Land turns into territory only insofar as it is “monopolized” and ‘captured by any state and/or nation.’ Territory, unlike land, has a few characteristics. Territory is an object of ownership and ‘colonization’, while land is not. In any ‘communal mode of power’ as one’s entitlement to land follows from one’s membership to a particular community. Scientific movies are made depicting Aliens/ indigenous people on Mars. Collective ownership of land gives one only authority of using but not owning it. Then land belongs to community or community belongs to land? Here ethnographic and ecological interpretation on mode of use of land surfaces. Maurice Godelier identified land use in the hills as patterned after ‘kinship relations’ within the community in terms of its exchange and actual utility. There is a sort of segregating between land and labour apparently establishes a regime of individual ownership within the community that gives rise to an inevitable landless section. However, the protection of freedom to preserve land (land and territory borderline definition in mind) is enshrined in Indian constitution called Sixth Schedule for the tribes of Northeast India that recognizes traditional custom regulating outsiders access to land and its resources belonging to a community of a tribe per se. Many indigenous peoples live in forests that have become their traditional territories. Their way of life and traditional knowledge has developed in tune with the forests on their lands and territories. Unfortunately, forest policies commonly treat forests as empty lands controlled (Khas land) by the State that are available for ‘development,’ such as logging, plantations, dams, mines, oil and gas wells and pipelines and agribusiness. These encroachments often force indigenous peoples out of their forest homes and has led to the need to define why and for whom is ecological conservation and development important for. The work piece seeks to study how the policy of sustainable forest management seeks to addressing sustainable development through the diverse interest of protecting the human rights of indigenous people to inhabit their natural dwellings of forest, conserving the ecological concerns and sustaining development. The indigenous peoples’ place is rural in most cases. The care giving of the ecosystem is done by these people in terms of ecological balance in the integrated system of framework theoretical implication which is empirically practiced. Therefore, their welfare and survivalists approach to maintain ecosystem is of prime importance. After all they are human beings not animals. But even certain animals are considered as endangered species, why cannot be the case of these people? Indeed they deserve special law to preserve them so that the ecology and cosmological implications on earth can be maintained sustainably. Thus, ecology, bio-linguistic, and bio-cultural diversities play environmental solutions that transcend national boundaries as a feature of international politics. Ecology is the study of these relationships between plants, animals, people, and their environment. Among these, particularly indigenous people maintain ecological balance through their interaction by their constant touch with nature. But this kind of interaction between indigenous people and nature has been disturbed with the advent of globalization/government/corporate interference in the name of development in indigenous heartlands. Particularly with this came exploitation of their land and resources for the greedy capitalists/communists (they both are imperialists: neo-colonialism). Where land and resources are taken over by the corporate or otherwise and as such the indigenous people’s survival is threatened at the detriment of the ecological balance affected as they are inextricably linked.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Aboriginal Australians. Government relations"
1
Watkin Lui, Dr Felecia. "Now you see us, now you don’t: How government policy re-defined the boundaries of inclusion for Indigenous Australians." In Annual International Conference on Political Science, Sociology and International Relations. Global Science & Technology Forum (GSTF), 2011. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2251-2403_pssir60.
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