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1
Goretti, Leo. "Truman's bombs and De Gasperi's hooked-nose: images of the enemy in the Communist press for young people after 18 April 1948." Modern Italy 16, no. 2 (May 2011): 159–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13532944.2011.557222.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
With the elections of 18 April 1948, for Italian Communists the prospect of coming to power in the short term vanished. In the aftermath of the elections, the sustained confrontation of the Cold War at the international level and the unfavourable political context in Italy deeply shaped the tone and content of the Communist press, including the educational magazines for young militants. This article deals with the representations of the political enemies in the press for young Communists between 18 April 1948 and the electoral campaign against the legge truffa in 1953. Attention is paid to how the Communist press portrayed, in particular by visual means, the different subjects that made up the ruling anti-Communist bloc: the US government; Christian Democrats; the Catholic Church; and, finally, the Italian business world. In particular, the analysis underlines the relevance that a ‘nation-’ and ‘gender-’ related discourse had in the construction of political enemies.
2
THORPE, ANDREW. "THE MEMBERSHIP OF THE COMMUNIST PARTY OF GREAT BRITAIN, 1920–1945." Historical Journal 43, no. 3 (September 2000): 777–800. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x99001181.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The opening of archives in recent years makes it possible to reassess the membership of the Communist Party of Great Britain (CPGB) before 1945. The revised aggregate figures, while not startling, suggest that revisions to established views of the effects of the General Strike, the shift to the ‘new line’ and the popular front, are in order. The party's membership was very predominantly male, tended to be young, often included a high proportion of unemployed people, and was heavily working class, with miners especially significant. Geographically, its membership was dominated for most of the period by London, Scotland, Lancashire, and South Wales. There was also a very high turnover of membership for much of the period. The reasons for this turnover, and explanations for the circumstances in which the party was best able to recruit, are discussed. Over time the party's membership did become less unrepresentative of Britain as a whole, enabling it to become an organic, if minor, part of British political life. CPGB membership patterns have similarities with those of other Western Communist parties and its predecessor organizations in Britain, showing how the CPGB reflected features of both international Communism and the British left.
3
Sergeev, Sergey, and Alexandra Kuznetsova. "SHARDS OF SHATTERED WORLD: NEO-STALINISTS AND NEO-TROTSKYISTS IN MODERN RUSSIA." Political Expertise: POLITEX 18, no. 2 (2022): 169–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/spbu23.2022.204.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the emergence, development, and current state of two Russian radical leftist groups often overlooked by political scholars of Russia: neo-Trotskyists and neo-Stalinists. The genesis of the neo-Trotskyist and neo-Stalinist parties and groups was of a different nature. The neo-Trotskyist movements and groups (Revolutionary Workers' Party, Russian Socialist Movement, Socialist Alternative) originated from below, under the influence of international Trotskyist organizations, and consist mainly of young people. Most of these are organizations of democratic socialists that maintain a connection with the Marxist tradition. The neo-Stalinist parties, conversely, emerged as a result of the collapse of the CPSU (All-Union Communist Party of the Bolsheviks, Russian Communist Workers' Party) or the secession from the Communist Party of the Russian Federation (Communist Party “Communists of Russia,” United Communist Party). The authors also analyze the factors that contribute to the marginalization of the Russian radical left. The socio-economic state of the Russian society is far from a severe economic crisis, which could have contributed to the popularity of left-wing radicalism. The demographic factor contributes to the decline of neo-Stalinist parties, but has little effect on neo-Trotskyist groups. The orientation towards the maximum preservation of the status quo, which is an imperative to Russian domestic policy also influences the marginalization of the Russian radical left. Perhaps one of the main factors blocking the development of the radical left in Russia is the adherence of a significant part of them to the Soviet experience and their ignorance of the experience of the Western left. The devotion to the Soviet experience allows the Russian left, both moderate and radical, to maintain its social base, however prevents them from keeping up to date and proposing new goals and new tactics to achieve them.
4
Zoffmann Rodriguez, Arturo. "From Mexico to Moscow via Madrid." History of Communism in Europe 11 (2020): 19–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.5840/hce2020112.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article traces the steps of Mikhail Borodin, the first Comintern representative in Mexico and Spain, in 1919-20. He helped create the Mexican and the Spanish communist parties. In order to do this, he latched onto pre-existing networks of transnational activism and recruited a posse of young, committed, and cosmopolitan cadre. Through them, Borodin tried to mobilise the widespread euphoria for Bolshevism that existed among sectors of the Mexican and the Spanish left. However, the potential for vigorous communist movements remained largely untapped due to the recklessness of Borodin and his aides. The Borodin mission is a telling episode in the formative months of the Communist International, pointing to the importance of contingency, individual agency, and transnational activism in the establishment of the international communist movement.
5
Ravandi-Fadai, Lana M. "Shadows in the Garden: Women Agents Underground and Communist Activism in Mid-20th Century Iran Part II." Vostok. Afro-aziatskie obshchestva: istoriia i sovremennost, no. 3 (2023): 127. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s086919080025674-8.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The second part of this article on the clandestine activities of Iranian female communists explores the case of Zuleykha Asadi, a young woman who earned a medical degree in Moscow just before the start of the Second World War. Her story can be told with unusual immediacy thanks to the preservation of her correspondence in the Russian State Archive of Social and Political History, published here for the first time. Zuleykha’s father’s letters to her in Moscow chart the difficulties and decisions his daughter faced and are suffused with a parent’s anxious concern for his daughter and a deep belief in the Soviet Union and its mission. Upon returning to Iran, ostensibly to practice medicine, Zuleykha also acted as a Soviet operative, keeping her handlers in Moscow apprised of her activities in letters that are a striking mix of ciphered intelligence reporting and emotional frankness about her personal life and experiences, such as her feelings for her newborn daughter and absent husband. She gathered intelligence about the wartime mood, conditions and activity of Nazi agents in the country, liaised with Iranian communists, and planned to set up a safe house. Within two years, for reasons unstated, Moscow decided to cut her loose. The case file of this idealistic young woman is emblematic of the magnetic pull of Communist ideals for many in the working class of Iran in the first half of the 20th Century.
6
Radzobe, Silvija. "WAS ČAKS A COMMUNIST (AT HEART)?" Culture Crossroads 8 (November 13, 2022): 218–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.55877/cc.vol8.180.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the outbreak of World War I, Aleksandrs Čaks, then still Aleksandrs Čadarainis, together with Riga Alexander-Gymnasium, where he is a student at the time, is evacuated to Russia. During the Civil War, the young man ends up in Saransk, a city in the remote Russian province, where he gets actively involved in politics. He becomes a member of the All-Union Communist (Bolshevik) Party; works as the editor-in- chief of the local newspaper “Коммунистический Путь” (The Communist Road); publishes articles of political nature in it about the current moment, signing them with his initial (A); takes the position of the director of the Agitation and Propaganda Department of the Saransk District Party Committee; organises a celebration of the Anniversary of October Revolution; in a politics study group, presents a report about the Fourth International. So far, Čaks’s publications in the Saransk periodicals have been mentioned in the public space but have not been analysed; moreover, his report, the text of which has been luckily found in the collection of the Literature Museum, has never been mentioned before. In her paper, the author will analyse these sources and focus on the link between the left-wing political views of the young poet and his art. In addition, for the first time in Čaks scholarship, it has been established that the so called Antonov’s gangs, the fight against which the poet joined with a weapon in his hand, was in fact a mass uprising of the farmers in Tambov gubernia against the heavy tax in kind imposed by the soviet power. It has been hypothesised that young A. Čadarainis was informed about the suppressing of the farmers’ insurgency, led by M. Tuhachevsky, by using a particularly inhumane means – poison gases, which, for the first time in the human history, were used to fight civilian population.
7
Foxcroft, Nigel H., and Christian Høgsbjerg. "The Earle Birney – Malcolm Lowry Connection." University of Toronto Quarterly 91, no. 2 (June 1, 2022): 49–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/utq.91.2.03.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The eminent Canadian poet, Earle Birney (1904–95), and the late modernist writer, Malcolm Lowry (1909–57), shared not only a supportive friendship in Vancouver (ignited by Sybil Hutchinson in 1947) involving the patronage of each other’s verses. Their deeper connections were rooted in shared experiences under the influence of Marxist ideas in 1930s England. A self-proclaimed “working-class boy,” Birney was radicalized toward Marxism whilst studying for a Toronto doctoral degree during the Great Depression. Attracted to the Young Communist League, he was won over to Trotskyism in 1933 by Kenneth and Sylvia Johnstone. Convinced that the Communist position was “basically unMarxist” for failing to build a united front against Adolf Hitler, he co-launched a branch of the International Left Opposition (Trotskyist) of Canada and organized political groups in Utah. Yet it was in the United Kingdom in 1934 that he joined (with Esther Heiger, C.L.R. James, and others) the Marxist group within the Independent Labour Party. His correspondence with Trotsky culminated in a visit to Norway to seek advice. His doctoral thesis, 1930s criticism, and literary works – such as Down the Long Table – were shaped by Marxist aesthetics. A Cambridge undergraduate in English in 1929–32, Lowry was aware of the appeal of Marxism to many UK intellectuals. He became involved in political debates hosted by the Haldanes at Roebuck House and contributed to The Venture and Experiment. Liaising with the “Cambridge Five,” he was impressed by Guy Burgess who lent his surname to a character in his 1930s novel, In Ballast to the White Sea (2014), a treatise on communism and revolutions of politics and the soul. Inspired by Waldo Frank, he ensured that Trotskyism and its impact on Mexico are central themes in Under the Volcano (1947).
8
Szafraniec, Krystyna, Paweł Szymborski, and Krzysztof Wasielewski. "Between the School and Labour Market. Rural Areas and Rural Youth in Poland, Romania and Russia." Eastern European Countryside 23, no. 1 (December 1, 2017): 5–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/eec-2017-0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The article analyses the process of rural youth entering the labour market in selected post-communist countries (Poland, Romania and Russia). Based on different types of local (national) and international source data, similarities and differences are discussed between the analysed countries. The article focuses on transition from education to a satisfactory job, nowadays a very complex process that takes up nearly the entire third decade of young people’s life. Although this process is just an external manifestation of general changes occurring in labour markets around the world, the experience of young people from post-communist countries in this area seems to be more traumatic than that of their peers in developed Western countries. Despite significant investments in education, it is difficult to deal with new challenges, particularly for the youth from rural areas. In all the analysed countries, chaotic career paths are typical of this population, and they are often based on temporary jobs, informal forms of employment or self-employment.
9
Borowski, Andrzej. "Hierarchy of Values of Students in Selected Countries of Middle-Eastern Europe in the Context of the Public Trust." International Letters of Social and Humanistic Sciences 38 (August 2014): 100–110. http://dx.doi.org/10.18052/www.scipress.com/ilshs.38.100.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social trust is related with phenomenon strictly, in Central Europe from over 20 years of social change getting. I have devoted problems of social trust in international investigative project 2009-2012 taking part concerning perception category social trust including country post-communist particular note and from these countries systems of values of young people. Values are declared present by students in daily life frequently definitely than in functioning social structure at the nature institutional-organizational.
10
Diószegi, Olga. "Mrs Hoffer's cat." Index on Censorship 17, no. 5 (May 1988): 31–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03064228808534421.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A Play in One Act These complaints are echoed throughout Central and Eastern Europe. The fear of new, unconventional and non-conformist work by young writers and artists is markedly bigger in Communist countries than in the West. State media officials view the young newcomers with deep suspicion especially because they often voice doubts and disillusionment, and consequently are dangerous ideological heretics. The one-act play Mrs Hoffer's Cat is Olga Diószegi's first play. An amateur theatre group at Szeged University reportedly became very enthusiastic about it at first — they even wrote music for it — but then abruptly fell silent. Miss Diószegi has a strong feeling that pressure was exerted by the local Communist and Youth organisations, a result of her connections with samizdat literature.
11
Belinska, D., V. Burganova, S. Gordienko, А. Musienko, M. Pogrebnyak, Y. Shevchenko, L. Houphouet, et al. "IV SCIENTIFIC CONFERENCE “POLITICAL PROBLEMS OF INTERNATIONAL SYSTEMS AND GLOBAL DEVELOPMENT”." International and Political Studies, no. 34 (October 21, 2021): 235–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2707-5206.2021.34.237720.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Scientific conference for young teachers and masters who study in the specialty 291 International Relations, Public Communications and Regional Studies, with the participation of the Dean of the Faculty of International Relations, Political Science and Sociology V. V. Glebov, Head of the Department of International Relations O. I. Brusylovska, lectors and guests of the University, took place on May 18, 2021 at the FIRPS ONU named after I. I. Mechnikov. Among the issues considered at the conference were: the analysis of the theory of international relations (Belinska D., Burganova V., Gordienko S., Musienko A., Pogrebnyak M., Shevchenko Y.), foreign policy of the states (Houphouet L., Navasardyan D., Novatska O., Palyonova G., Polyakova E., Zazalitinova V.), systemic transformation of post-communist and post-colonial countries (Prokhorova V., Elkhair A.).
12
Geisert, Bradley Kent. "From Conflict to Quiescence: The Kuomintang, Party Factionalism and Local Elites in Jiangsu, 1927–31." China Quarterly 108 (December 1986): 680–703. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000037139.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Historians have long recognized that Chiang Kai-shek's (Jiang Jieshi) anti-communist purge in April 1927 marked a crucial turning-point in the history of the Kuomintang. It answered with finality some very basic questions about the fate of the party. Most importantly, the purge ensured that the Chinese Communist Party would not be able to take control of the Kuomintang, something which had not been a foregone conclusion before the purge. In addition, the conflagration drove many young activists from the Kuomintang and dampened the enthusiasm of many who remained in its ranks.
13
Russu, Roman. "Threats and Challenges for young European Countries in New International Conditions, Using Ukraine and Moldova as a Case Study." Історико-політичні проблеми сучасного світу, no. 37-38 (December 12, 2018): 56–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.31861/mhpi2018.37-38.56-61.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Several mounts ago, during emergency meeting of UN Security Council, General Secretary Antonio Guterres, made a very trebling statement, that Cold war is back and it is even more dangerous than in the 60’s.
This is not news for majority of scientific community. New international conflict started in 2014 when Russia annexed Crimean peninsula. New international conflict will definitely change the balance in international relations.
The most vulnerable in these new conditions are the young democracies and countries that formed several decades ago due collapse of USSR and the whole communist bloc, Ukraine, Moldova, south Caucasian and Baltic states.
Imperial past left a lasting mark on economical, social and political life of newly form states. Soviet social experiments led to good number of problems for the former republics, ranging from political to territorial.
Russian Federation uses these problems for her advantage. Surviving in this harsh conditions and reforming their society is the main challenge of young European countries.
Key words: Ukraine, Moldova, Russia, Putin, hybrid war, post-soviet space, international security
14
Mislán, Cristina. "The imperial ‘we’: Racial justice, nationhood, and global war in Claudia Jones’ Weekly Review editorials, 1938–1943." Journalism 18, no. 10 (August 18, 2016): 1415–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1464884916664109.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During World War II, Black journalists sought to shape United States’ domestic and international policies to fight Jim Crowism and fascism. This article demonstrates how Claudia Jones, a Trinidadian-born journalist, placed ‘superexploited’ voices at the center of a conversation about nationhood, race, and war politics. Employing a historical and thematic analysis of Jones’ editorials in the Young Communist League’s Weekly Review from 1938 to 1943, the author highlights three themes. This analysis demonstrates how Jones promoted US intervention in World War II by linking Jim Crowism to fascism and promoting military service and transnational solidarity. In centering ‘superexploited’ voices, Jones employed an imperial ‘we’ discourse that intersected racial justice with the Communist Party of the USA’s Popular Front platform. Her journalism complicates historical narratives about alternative journalism, illustrating how voices like Jones at times contributed to the growth of US global power, even while they critiqued its policies.
15
FEIJÓ, RICARDO LUIS CHAVES. "The origins of anti-capitalism in the young Marx." Brazilian Journal of Political Economy 39, no. 4 (December 2019): 689–709. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0101-31572019-2967.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACT The objective is to demonstrate, based on new biographies, that the essay On the Jewish Question reveals an element of anti-Semitism that played a fundamental role in the conversion of Marx to Communism. Criticism of the Jew served to support the Marxian thesis that capitalism, identified with Judaism, is evil. New sources have reinforced the suspicion that not only is there at this time of 1843-44 an element of anti-Semitism in Marx’s writings, but that this sentiment played a key role in his conversion to communism. This is what this essay seeks to prove.
16
Kuhar, Metka, and Herwig Reiter. "Frozen transitions to adulthood of young people in Slovenia?" Sociologija 54, no. 2 (2012): 211–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1202211k.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article reviews key-indicators of youth transitions in Slovenia over the last decades and highlights some of the inherent tensions. Against the background of the metaphor of ?frozen transitions?, which tries to grasp some of the contradictions between the speed of societal change and the stagnating development of youth towards independence, the article describes and reflects the development of youth transitions in the three domains of employment, housing and parenthood. The basis is a selection of indicators available in international data sets and surveys that allow to trace the change at least over the last two decades after the breakdown of Yugoslavia. Our findings indicate that transitions in Slovenia are frozen in all three domains, which challenges the usefulness of the conventional life course framework for studying post-communist contexts.
17
Holá, Barbora, and Thijs Bouwknegt. "‘Jáchymov’s Hell’: Trekking in the Memoryscape of Czechoslovakia’s Communist Forced Labour Camps." International Criminal Law Review 22, no. 1-2 (October 26, 2021): 328–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15718123-bja10095.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract This article treks through the timeworn remnants of Czechoslovakia’s Communist forced and correctional labour uranium camps in the Ore Mountains in the northwest Bohemian region of Jáchymov. These camps held tens of thousands of detainees, largely political prisoners convicted in sham trials or individuals sent there for re-education. Conditions were deplorable. Throughout the 1950s, the young Czechoslovak Communist regime compelled detainees to hard, life threatening labour and subjected them to maltreatment and arbitrary violence. This article traces some of the visible, invisible or overgrown artefacts of the former camps, as well as public as private memories about what happened there. It reflects on the current memoryscape of these forgotten places of human suffering and describes the aesthetics of these aging sites of atrocity.
18
Ožegović, Nikola. "ZEMLJOTRES U BANJALUCI I BOSANSKOJ KRAJINI 1969. GODINE." Istorija 20. veka 40, no. 2/2022 (August 1, 2022): 495–512. http://dx.doi.org/10.29362/ist20veka.2022.2.oze.495-512.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Banja Luka and 14 other municipalities of Bosnian Krajina (western Bosnia and Herzegovina) were hit by a series of strong earthquakes on October 26 and 27, 1969. The quake area had a population of over 750,000 in 803 settlements. The total estimated damage in the entire area affected by the earthquake amounted to 7,150 million dinars and there were also human losses. Assistance to the affected area came from all over the country and from abroad. Western countries (mostly the USA, Switzerland, Italy and FR Germany) sent money and goods of five times higher value than the socialist countries. The structure of international aid shows that it was almost exclusively conditioned by the prevailing political relations. Until 1974, the question of the amount of financial resources needed for reconstruction caused a political crisis in the relations between the Prime Minister Mitja Ribičič and the leadership of the Socialist Republic of Bosnia and Herzegovina, but also within the League of Communists of Bosnia and Herzegovina, where important personnel changes took place. Under pressure from the Yugoslav President Josip Broz Tito, Bosnia and Herzegovina’s leadership has agreed to reduce the funds originally earmarked for reconstruction by one-third. This was opposed by old wartime communist cadre. This served the new, young leadership to remove Osman Karabegović, Avdo Humo, Hajro Kapetanović and Čedo Kapor from the political life. These officials opposed the confederalization of Yugoslavia and the strengthening of the statehood of the republics, which was insisted on by the new leadership, led by Branko Mikulić. The greatest intensity of reconstruction was immediately after the earthquake. At the beginning of 1976, the state settled its obligations to Bosnian Krajina.
19
Haverty-Stacke, Donna T. "“Boys Are the Backbone of Our Nation”: The Cultural Politics of Youth Parades in Urban America." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 563–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001861.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On the evening Of May 1, 1925, over two thousand people crowded into Chicago's Temple Hall for the annual Workers (Communist) Party's May Day celebration. Once the majority of the crowd had made its way into the hall, the meeting opened with singing the Internationale. A contingent from the party's Junior Section of the Young Workers League, made up of young boys and girls ranging in age from seven to fourteen, marched up the center aisle and joined their adult comrades in song. Wearing red neckerchiefs and carrying red banners, the Juniors walked onto the stage and continued to lead the assembly in revolutionary hymns, helping to set the tone for the fiery speeches that were to follow.
20
Liu, Fang. "Research on the Cultivation of International and Innovative Talents in Colleges and Universities under the context of Belt and Road Initiative." Journal of Contemporary Educational Research 4, no. 2 (February 19, 2020): 45–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.26689/jcer.v4i2.1021.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Belt and Road Initiative is a strategic initiative that aims to expand the opening up in China in recent years. The implementation and practice of the Belt and Road Initiative has proved that this strategy has played a significant role in opening up a new, comprehensive pattern. The report of the 19th National Congress of the Communist Party of China pointed out that it is necessary to train a group of high-tech leading talents, international-level strategic scientific and technological talents, young scientific and technological talents, and high-level innovation teams for the development of the country. In the context of Belt and Road Initiative, colleges and universities have more arduous missions and responsibilities. Only by constantly innovating the talent training model can we improve our competitiveness in the international market.
21
Ritzer, Nadine. "Mit Tell gegen den Kommunismus ? Geschichtsunterricht im Zeichen des Kalten Krieges." Didactica Historica 1, no. 1 (2015): 57–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2015.001.01.57.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the Cold War, discourse about the «spiritual national defence» against «the Communists» was widespread in Switzerland. To strengthen the young generation’s will to defend their country, the heroic history of successfully fought battles in the Middle Ages was seen as important. The national master narrative was taught until the 1980s. Nevertheless, history teachers agreed that contemporary and world history had to become a school subject too. Furthermore, international organizations proposed peace education through schools, for which history lessons could serve as examples.
22
Ritzer, Nadine. "Mit Tell gegen den Kommunismus? Geschichtsunterricht im Zeichen des Kalten Krieges." Didactica Historica 1, no. 1 (2015): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.33055/didacticahistorica.2015.001.01.57.long.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
During the Cold War, discourse about the « spiritual national defence » against « the Communists » was widespread in Switzerland. To strengthen the young generation’s will to defend their country, the heroic history of successfully fought battles in the Middle Ages was seen as important. The national master narrative was taught until the 1980s. Nevertheless, history teachers agreed that contemporary and world history had to become a school subject too. Furthermore, international organizations proposed peace education through schools, for which history lessons could serve as examples.
23
Stroop, Christopher. "‘A Christian solution to international tension’: Nikolai Berdyaev, the American YMCA, and Russian Orthodox influence on Western Christian anti-communism, c.1905–60." Journal of Global History 13, no. 2 (June 21, 2018): 188–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1740022818000049.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractBuilding on recent research into the religious aspects of the Cold War and the humanitarian efforts of the American Young Men’s Christian Association (YMCA) in early twentieth-century Europe, this article locates the historical origins of religious anti-communism in late imperial Russian reactions to the revolution of 1905–07. It explores the interactions of Russian Orthodox Christian intellectuals, especially Nikolai Aleksandrovich Berdyaev, with prominent YMCA leaders such as Donald A. Lowrie and Paul B. Anderson, both of whom were mainline Protestants. Using Russian and US archives, the article documents the networks and mechanisms through which Berdyaev influenced his YMCA contacts. It shows that he shaped their efforts to fight communism in the interwar period and early Cold War through the promotion of religious values, or what Anderson referred to as ‘a Christian solution to international tension’. This concept was derived from early twentieth-century Russian ideas about the opposition between Christianity and ‘nihilism’ or ‘humanism’ as integral worldviews.
24
Т, ЗАЯА. "The Kantian ideals and the Mongolian young democracy: Achieving peace and democracy through international cooperation (Кантын үзэл санаа ба Монголын залуу ардчилал: олон улсын хамтын ажиллагаагаар энх тайван ба ардчилалд хүрэх замд)". Political Studies 18, № 534 (18 лютого 2023): 15–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.22353/ps.v18i534.2200.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this article is to demonstrate how, even in the most remote from Europe country, in this case in Mongolia, the ideas of such great philosophers as Rousseau, Montesquieu and Kant went to this ancient nation to transform it entirely from a communist state to a vibrant democracy.
25
BROŽIČ, LILIANA. "“HONEST DEFENSE” BY THOMAS DURELL YOUNG." CONTEMPORARY MILITARY CHALLENGES, VOLUME 2018, ISSUE 20/3 (September 15, 2018): 97–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.33179/bsv.99.svi.11.cmc.20.3.6.y.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Last year, a new book by Dr. Thomas Durell Young was published by the British publisher Bloomsbury, entitled THE ANATOMY OF POST-COMMUNIST EUROPEAN DEFENCE INSTITUTIONS: THE MIRAGE OF MILITARY MODERNITY. The author probably does not need any special introduction for those whose work is related to security and defence matters. For all others, though, let me mention that he is a long-time lecturer at the Center for Civil-Military Relations (CCMR) from Monterey, California, USA. Prior to joining CCMR, Dr Young was a Research Professor at the Strategic Studies Institute of the US Army War College, where he focused on European politico-military issues, as well as on joint planning, execution and management of systems and procedures. He holds a Ph.D. in international economics from Geneva, and has authored several monographs. From 1989 to 2017 he was an editor of Small War and Insurgencies, and he is currently an editor of Defence and Security Analyses. An important fact is that his work has led him to travel to the majority of European countries and, as such, he is very well acquainted with their respective defence systems, defence and military history, as well as many defence and military decision-makers and experts, with whom he had shared his views and experiences. In most of these countries he has also acted as a defence adviser. Dr Young is an author whose field of research is extremely rich, both in theory and practice. It is therefore no surprise that his new book reflects his thorough knowledge of the historical background of the former communist states, their defence systems and their armed forces. The work is divided into nine chapters. In addition to the introduction and conclusion, it includes the following thematic sections: The State of Communist Defense Institutions and Armed Forces, circa 1990; NATO Exports its “New Model Army”: Why It Did Not Take; Former Soviet Republics' Defense Institutions; Former Warsaw Pact Republics' Defense Institutions; Former Yugoslav Republics' Defense Institutions; Building Defense Institutions: Sharpening the Western Mind; Reforming Western Policy and Management of Defense Reform. The concluding chapter is entitled Getting to Honest Defense. Young is very systematic and analytical when presenting the topic, and uses all the characteristics of comparative analysis. Wherever historical, political, defence and military bases are identical or highly similar, he provides a thorough explanation of the reasons for significant differences in further development, as well as those who had prevented the occurrence of changes or their sufficient implementation. He is very insightful in his attempts. The basic principle of his research or the criterion for the evaluation of defence institutions in the former communist states is the “Western Mind”, as he calls it. In short, a comparison of western and eastern thinking reveals key differences in planning, decision-making, leadership and implementation of the state’s defence function. The important criteria Young considers when implementing these policies are a review of defence institutions, the public policy framework and compliance of concepts, defence planning techniques, national-level command, the military decision-making process, and the concepts of operations, logistics and professionalism. According to his findings, these are the major areas where the former communist states differ. The differences between them are normally related to the past regimes and mind-sets in the respective countries. With time, some of the countries have managed to successfully overcome those differences and implement the “Western Mind”, while others have not been so successful. Although the author uses the Western Mind as the criterion to establish the level of development of defence systems in eastern countries, he does not claim this to be the only and the best criterion everyone should aim for. Quite the opposite: in his chapter “NATO Exports its ‘New Model Army’: Why It Did Not Take”, he provides a thorough explanation of where, when and why critical mistakes or flaws have been made, which still prevent some NATO members to perform up to their potential within the Alliance. He does not, however, miss the fact that the western democratic concepts of defence management cannot serve just as a means to simply follow the model of others. Rather, these areas must be functional and effective, as well as adapted to each separate country. In his book, the author lists several examples of bad practice, highlighting at the same time some of the unique and good solutions put forward by some countries. Nevertheless, individual chapters reveal some of the characteristics specific to a subject area or a country, which are hard to classify as good or bad. They are just special features that require new solutions with a higher level of functionality. In the conclusion, the latest monograph by Thomas Young lists proposals on how to build defence institutions using the Western Mind. These institutions first must be upgraded in order to be more effective in responding to new security threats. For young countries, which some twenty or twenty-five years ago still used communist concepts, Young proposes a new approach called “Honest Defense”, which is generally intended for all those building collective defence. The approach brings something new for amateurs of such topics, and at the same time serves as a broadly useful and helpful study material for experts who wish and are obliged to find concrete solutions and opportunities for a new and safe future. The monograph includes interesting concrete examples from individual countries, which the author professionally and critically comments on. The discussed examples comprise both good and bad practice. Additionally, they include an analysis of the development of the defence system and institutions in Slovenia, which enables a neutral external observer to understand our development as well as identify their own strengths and deficiencies.
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Sanchez-Sibony, Oscar. "Global Money and Bolshevik Authority: The NEP as the First Socialist Project." Slavic Review 78, no. 3 (2019): 694–716. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/slr.2019.230.
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The article recounts the Bolsheviks’ first attempt at organizing the economic life of their young project in peace time following the establishment of the New Economic Policy (NEP) in 1921. It argues that the Bolsheviks built their regime on a liberal foundation, concretely the gold standard; although this is often noted in passing, it has not been given the socio-economic weight this political decision deserves. In an attempt to establish their monetary authority within their territory—a sine qua non for the formation of state authority—and in international markets, they appealed to the legitimating institution of the gold standard. The prescriptions of that institution led to a set of policies and chronic political anxieties that structured much of the domestic and international policies of the Soviet Union throughout the 1920s. The study documents the thinking behind the monetary reform that tied the Communist project to the liberal world order as well as the international economic conjunctures that determined its small failures and eventual success. The analysis takes an interdisciplinary approach to the understanding of money as a social institution, and aims to renew the historiographical debate over NEP by establishing its trajectory firmly within the international context that governed it.
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Petrova, Ivanka. "Youth labor in socialist Bulgaria - from ideology to labor practices." Bulletin de l'Institut etnographique 70, no. 2 (2022): 37–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/gei2202037p.
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The research is aimed at an important part of the state policy in socialist Bulgaria - the forced engagement of young people, future intellectuals as an unpaid or low-paid labor force in various sectors of economy. Through this compulsory employment of high school and university students in summer free months the ruling elites aim to discipline the young intelligentsia and to educate them in work habits. The main form of forced labor is the participation in youth brigades, but other alternative forms of youth labor are gradually being adopted and imposed. The text presents an ethnological study of youth seasonal labor in the sector of international tourism in the 1970s and 1980s, looking at the perspective of young intellectuals working during their summer vacations in the Youth Travel Bureau ?Orbita? as part-time tour guides of foreign groups. This form of temporary employment of young people is accepted as an alternative to the participation in youth brigades and is related to intellectual work. The aim is to analyze the main features of the labor culture of part-time guides working at the International Youth Center ?Georgi Dimitrov? near Primorsko. The officially imposed principles and norms for the work of the young collaborators are presented and their application in the working life of the guides is studied. The subjects of research are the attitudes for working with tourists, the relations in the work environment, the labor practices, the difficulties in everyday working life and the ways of overcoming them, the informal aspects of the activities. The study is based on biographical interviews with former guides between the ages of 50 and 65, conducted in 2019 and 2020. As a participant for six summer seasons in this type of work, the author also relies on the method of the reflexive anthropology. The results of the study show how the discrepancy between the expectations and intentions of the ideologues of the provided tourist services, on the one hand, and the behavior and labor practices of young people actually occurs. The examples are indicative of the changes ?from below?, through everyday strategies of young people, of the initially conceived system of the international youth tourism in socialist Bulgaria.
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Harro-Loit, Halliki. "Revisiting National Journalism Cultures in Post-Communist Countries: The Influence of Academic Scholarship." Media and Communication 3, no. 4 (December 29, 2015): 5–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/mac.v3i4.387.
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The aim of this exploratory study is to develop the concept of the actor approach and journalism culture by adding a factor that has been more or less overlooked: academic scholarship. The paper also proposes to use the concept “discursive institutionalism” in order to clarify what knowledge and opinions about media are formed in the interaction of media institutions and academia with other institutions in society (e.g. educational, political and judicial). The concept “discursive institutionalism” includes the role of academia in providing new knowledge by conducting and disseminating research on the national and international levels, and this deserves greater attention. Although it is a common understanding that the role of academia is to prepare young professionals, it is less discussed how national media research and journalism education, in synergy, can create and maintain a collective understanding regarding the role and performance of national journalism in turbulent times. The paper is a meta-analysis of published research, and the empirical part of the study includes a close reading of academic articles, reports and conference presentations that are available in English about media in Central and Eastern European (CEE) countries. Examples of research from selected CEE countries provide a descriptive view of problems and tendencies concerning media performance in these countries. The proposed analytical approach aims to connect these problems and provide ideas for further research.
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Pendzey, I. "Károly Grósz: the Main Priorities of the Policy of Reforms (1987-1989)." Problems of World History, no. 6 (October 30, 2018): 118–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-6-9.
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The socio-economic reforms of the government of Károly Grósz, his activities as secretary general of the Communist Party, are analyzed. The peculiarities of the world-view vision of the Hungarian “young reformers” of the urgent problems of social development of the country and the ways of their solution proposed by them are revealed. Sharing the prevalent in Hungarian and Russian historiography of critical perception of K. Grósz’s work at the highest state and party posts, an attempt is made to give a more balanced assessment of his role in the country’s transition to a new social and political phenomenon – multiparty, parliamentary democracy, human rights, that is, the actual change of system. The article illustrates the international activity of K. Grósz, estimates of his reforms by M. Gorbachev and R. Reagan. K. Grósz’s activities are characterized by the deterioration of key indicators of the country’s development, the crisis of one-party socialism, and international challenges. Considerable attention is paid to the characterization of the process of the ideological and organizational breakdown in the ruling party, the activities of radical reformist forces, which were grouped around I. Pozsgay, clarifying the circumstances of reducing the influence of “young reformers” and removing K. Grósz from politics. He failed to overcome the inheritance of the errors of the HSWP, defending it in renewed clothes, not supported by the Hungarians in the 1990 parliamentary elections.
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Schelchkov, Andrey. "Sendero Luminoso in Peru: terror is revolution." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2023): 134. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640019687-3.
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The Soviet-Chinese rift in the international communist movement in the 1960s led to the emergence of Maoist communist parties in almost every country in the world, most of which broke away from the communist parties. In a number of places Maoism gained more support than Moscow-backed parties, notably in Peru, where the Maoist movement demonstrated mass appeal and political strength. Within this movement a radical, dogmatic wing emerged which absolutised violence as the only method of political struggle. It was the Peruvian Communist Party Sendero Luminoso (“The Shining Path”) which plunged the country into a decade-long civil war with thousands of victims. In this article the author analyses the ideology and political praxis of the movement, which was a project of militant totalitarian egalitarianism and a left-radical terrorist dictatorship. Sendero Luminoso is an extreme political project, the explanation of which requires not only a political and social but also a psychological approach. The Sendero Luminoso Party grew from a coterie exploring the ideas of José Carlos Mariátegui in the 1960s into a powerful underground insurgent movement in the 1970s and 1980s, which sometimes managed to successfully resist the Peruvian government with all its apparatus of violence, the army and the police. The tactics of the movement were based on the concept of a “protracted people's war” and the encirclement of the city by the countryside, and in practice on all-out violence, declared to be the main creative force of the revolution. The Maoist idea of “service to the people” and the self-sacrifice of revolutionaries was able to capture significant groups of young people, especially students, who devoted themselves wholeheartedly to the cause of the Senderist revolution. Excessive secrecy and rejection of the mass character of the movement made the leadership of the party, led by Abimael Guzmán, invulnerable for many years. The civil war unleashed by the Senderists did indeed bring Peru to the brink of collapse, becoming the starting point of neoliberal political and economic reforms that gained significant public support, explained only by the shock from the left-wing project proposed by the Senderists.
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Zang, Xiaowei. "Ethnic Representation in the Current Chinese Leadership." China Quarterly 153 (March 1998): 107–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000003003.
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China scholars agree that there was a leadership transition in China in the 1980s, with old revolutionary guards being replaced by a generation of young, better educated Communist officials. This leadership transition has been a subject of intensive scholarly research in the West. However, few have paid attention to ethnic representation in the post-Mao Chinese leadership. This may be a result of data limitations. Are there cadres of ethnic background in the current Chinese leadership? Who are they? Do they differ from their predecessors in Mao's China and from their Han counterparts in post-Mao China? Have the selection criteria been changed over time?
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Silvestrini, Flavio. "Democrazia operaia. La dottrina delle istituzioni rivoluzionarie nel Gramsci ordinovista." HISTORIA MAGISTRA, no. 10 (March 2013): 60–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/hm2012-010006.
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The author traces, through articles written by Gramsci during the first year and a half of release of «L'Ordine Nuovo», the development of Factory Council's doctrine. Inspired by the voluntary initiatives in Turin factories, the young Sardinian processes, since the summer of 1919, a revolutionary theory gathered on the role of working-class institutions. The extensive task of the Factory, in a materially and spiritually devastated postwar industrial society, forces the political thinker to reshape the traditional functions of the two representative proletarian institutions: Labor Union and Political Party. Only rethinking about how they work, anchored in patterns typical of the bourgeois society, it's possible to lead to success the revolutionary movement of the most aware Italian workers: from Turin industries can arise the future construction of Italian Soviet republic that, after the victory of the Revolution in all countries, will be melted in international communist society.
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Altehenger, Jennifer. "Industrial and Chinese: Exhibiting Mao’s China at the Leipzig Trade Fairs." Journal of Contemporary History 55, no. 4 (April 3, 2020): 845–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022009419888265.
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Between 1951 and 1965, the People’s Republic of China regularly exhibited at the international trade fairs in the East German city of Leipzig. One of the major attractions of the fairs, China’s grand pavilion was second in size only to the pavilion of the Soviet Union. This article examines the planning and execution of China’s exhibitions, illustrating how the young communist regime displayed its products and political system abroad and how citizens of other socialist and capitalist countries experienced China through objects, materials, images and narratives. Because the People's Republic of China was a new revolutionary state of enormous political and economic significance and yet also a state that other socialist regimes deemed too poorly developed to transition to socialism, these exhibitions were the site of constant negotiations and tension between Chinese and East German organizers and other local decision-makers and participants. As such, the People's Republic of China’s engagement with the fairs sheds further light on its international activities after 1949 and on the local history of the Sino-Soviet split. It is also a case study that calls attention to the historical significance of materiality that underpinned China’s interactions with the wider world, from minute quotidian things to grand gifts and major export goods.
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Kidron, Anat. "Between Zionism and the New Left: Israeli Leadership and Society Confronting the Young Radical Left, 1967–1973." Hebrew Union College Annual 93 (June 1, 2023): 293–340. http://dx.doi.org/10.15650/hebruniocollannu.93.2022/0293.
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A youthful protest movement arose in Israel during the late 1960s, following the Six-Day War and the emergence of the radical student revolt in the United States and Europe. These Israelis viewed themselves as part of the same New Left culture that had sparked the resistance throughout the West.1 The New Left was a cultural-political phenomenon that emerged among young socialists and intellectuals in the West as a result, on the one hand, of discontent with international Communism and social democracy and, on the other, as a response to old and new forms of imperialism and to transformations in the capitalist mode of production. As its name indicates, it challenged what it called the Old Left by demanding new ways of addressing the problems of Western society. Its rebellion sought to promote post-materialistic values, such as freedom of expression and thought, to end oppression and injustice, and to encourage self-realization and the development of an alternative culture.
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Noble-Jones, Rhian, Karl Hocking, and Melanie J. Thomas. "Children and young people with lymphoedema: a project to assess the education needs of healthcare professionals." British Journal of Community Nursing 27, Sup4 (April 1, 2022): S20—S22. http://dx.doi.org/10.12968/bjcn.2022.27.sup4.s20.
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Healthcare professionals need adequate preparatory education to treat children and young people with lymphoedema confidently and competently. This collaborative international project, based on existing literature and expert focus groups, seeks to identify the nature of that education need and in what format it could be addressed.
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Alchon, Guy. "Mary Van Kleeck and Social-Economic Planning." Journal of Policy History 3, no. 1 (January 1991): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030600004486.
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“We are, most of us,” Mary Van Kleeck said in November 1957, “getting too old to talk.” Near the end of more than two hours of interrogation by officials of the State Department's Passport Office, Van Kleeck tried to impress upon her questioners the commitment to social research and to social justice that underlay her career. The Passport Office, however, was more concerned about her Communist front and party affiliations, and she was in their offices that Thursday morning appealing their refusal to renew her passport. She was seventy-three years old and retired from public life. She wanted to travel, as had been her practice, to Holland, her ancestral home and the home of her closest friends. “I date way back of you young people,” she told her two interrogators. “I think the work of my generation and our attitudes in international affairs is one of sympathy … to developments in other countries.” But, she continued, “I don't think you people who don't know the period prior to the First World War can possibly see how deep our concern is.”
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Fedorova, Anastassiya. "STUDY OF CIVIL SOCIETY IN KAZAKHSTAN IN THE PERIOD OF GLOBAL GEOPOLITICAL TRANSFORMATION." Al-Farabi 81, no. 1 (March 15, 2023): 144–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.48010/2023.1/1999-5911.12.
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This article focuses on the problem of development of civil society in Kazakhstan in the period of contemporary global geopolitical changes and challenges. The paper investigates the specifics of civil society in post-communist nations, emphasizing that civil society was usually analyzed in the frameworks of democracy throughout the history of political thought. The study indicates several differences, which civil society can have in “young democracies” or “nations under political transit”. Furthermore, the paper traces back the history of civil society in Kazakhstan and underscores the interrelation of its development and problems it faced with changes in external environment, that is, system of international relations. The article analyzes the influence of contemporary geopolitical shift on civil society in Kazakhstan, potential changes in its components. In this investigation, the paper uses system analysis, comparative analysis, deduction and induction. The findings of the research suggest that despite huge crises and challenges, which occurred last two years, necessary preliminary conditions should exist in society to create efficient platform for vibrant civil society.
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Herman, Lise Esther. "Re-evaluating the post-communist success story: party elite loyalty, citizen mobilization and the erosion of Hungarian democracy." European Political Science Review 8, no. 2 (February 23, 2015): 251–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773914000472.
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In light of the instability of several Central Eastern European democracies following their accession to the European Union, most dramatically embodied by the ‘constitutional revolution’ taking place in Hungary since April 2010, this paper offers a critical reading of the dominant, rational-institutionalist model of democratic consolidation. Drawing on the Hungarian case, it argues that the conditions set out by this model are insufficient for ensuring a democratic regime against erosion. On this basis, the paper considers additional elements to understand Fidesz’s reforms: the importance of deeper commitments to democracy among the leadership of mainstream parties, and the pivotal role of party strategies of citizen mobilization in the consolidation of young democracies. Drawing on these insights, the paper argues for approaching democratic consolidation as an agent-led process of cultural change, emphasizing the socializing role of mainstream parties’ strategies of mobilization in the emergence of a democratic political culture. The last section concludes with methodological and empirical considerations, outlining a three-fold agenda for future research.
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Almaev, Rustam Z. "Socialization of School Youth of the Southern Urals in the 1950s - Early 1960s." RUDN Journal of Russian History 22, no. 4 (December 15, 2023): 587–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8674-2023-22-4-587-598.
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The author considers the influence of the main social institutions of the state and society on the socialization of school youth in the post-war decades. The use of archival materials and sources of private origin allows highlighting the behavior and leisure activities of adolescents aged 14-18 years. Based on the materials of the RSFSR, there is analyzed the contradictory impact of social reality on the moral and ethical standards of Soviet schoolchildren’s behavior declared by the Soviet state. At the same time, the focus is on urban school youth of the Southern Urals - the Bashkir Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic, Kurgan, Orenburg, Chelyabinsk regions during the Khrushchev Thaw. In addition to the high moral stability of the younger generation, which was required in the conditions of the ideological confrontation between the two systems, Soviet schoolchildren were seen as a powerful labor resource for restoring the economy and building the communist future. The author identifies numerous difficulties that hindered the formation of the “new man” of communist society. There are revealed the main activities of schools and out-of-school institutions for the education of Soviet youth. Special attention is paid to the study of social problems and offences among young people. The main reasons for the shift in moral and ethical standards of adolescents’ behavior are determined. It is concluded that in the conditions of contradictions of the state, society and school, a significant role in the socialization of youth was played by education in a team. The main institutions of the state and society formed in schoolchildren such moral qualities as honor, dignity, friendship, and mutual assistance.
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van der Gaag, Renske S. "The Crime–Immigration Nexus: Cultural Alignment and Structural Influences in Self-Reported Serious Youth Delinquent Offending Among Migrant and Native Youth." Journal of Contemporary Criminal Justice 35, no. 4 (November 2019): 431–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1043986219881827.
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Young people with a migrant background are often overrepresented in crime statistics. This study used data from the third International Self-Report Delinquency (ISRD3) study to examine to what extent cultural alignment—cultural resemblance between host and heritage country—and structural influences—socioeconomic starting position and related disadvantage—mediated differences in offending between native students and students of four different migrant backgrounds—Western, Post-Communist, Asian, Middle Eastern—in five Western European countries. This study showed that all migrant groups, except for the Asian group, had significantly higher lifetime serious offending rates than native students. Opposed to the expectations, however, the Western group with the highest levels of cultural alignment—suggesting easier adaptation to the host country—also had the highest offending rates. In the mediation analysis, cultural alignment and structural disadvantage did not satisfactorily explain the relatively large differences in offending between Western and native students and further research would be needed to better understand these differences. In contrast, for the Middle Eastern group, structural disadvantage fully explained differences in offending with native students, also when accounting for cultural alignment; in other words, mechanisms related to structural disadvantage—for example, exposure to risks of delinquent development—for this group appeared to be more determining in explaining differences in offending with natives than their level of cultural alignment or background. For Asian and Post-Communist students, structural disadvantage mediated the largest part of the difference in offending with natives, but cultural alignment for these groups also explained part of this difference. This finding suggests that for these two groups mechanisms related to both cultural alignment—for example, acculturation processes, higher probability of parent–child conflict, and so on—and structural disadvantage are needed to understand differences in offending with native students.
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Kamaeva (Bureeva), Elena Viktorovna. "FINANCING OF THE INTERNATIONAL ACTIVITIES OF THE KOMSOMOL IN THE 1960S-1970S." LOMONOSOV HISTORY JOURNAL 64, no. 2023, №3 (December 17, 2023): 85–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.55959/msu0130-0083-8-2023-64-3-85-96.
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In the 1960s the Komsomol began to give particular attention to its international activity, which was not only limited to participation, but also involved the organization of many different events for foreign youth and students - international friendship camps, forums, trips of foreign delegations. The creation of the Committee of Youth Organizations of the USSR (KMO USSR) and the Sputnik International Youth Tourism Bureau (BMMT) contributed to the intensification of the tourist exchange between Soviet and foreign youth. Both organizations were subordinate to the Central Committee of the Komsomol and received funding from the Komsomol budget. In 1962, additional funds started being allocated for international activities, as evidenced by a new item of expenditure that appeared in the budget of the Komsomol. Most of this money was spent by the Central Committee, with excessive expenditure on the reception of foreign delegations and gifts, which was repeatedly noted by audit checks. Twelve to thirty committees with international youth camps (out of 86 regional Komsomol committees) received money under the framework of this funding item. During the period under study, the Komsomol actively helped with the payment of organizational fees to the funds of the World Festivals of Youth and Students, and then began to provide direct material assistance to the youth organizations in Eastern Europe, Asia and Africa, which regularly applied for it. It is important to note that the annual increase of spending on international activities occurred in the context of the termination of state funding for the Komsomol, which in 1959 became fully financially self-sufficient. Based on a wide range of archival documents introduced into scientific circulation for the first time, the article presents an analysis of the financial activities of the Central Committee of the All-Union Leninist Young Communist League, its sources of funding and directions for spending the funds allocated for international activities. The relevance of the study is determined by the lack of serious scholarly investigation of this problem and the need to study the financial support of international activities in order to give a comprehensive assessment of its impact and efficiency.
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Favero, Adrian. "The influence of gender on attitudes towards the EU among the Polish ‘winners of European integration’." European Political Science Review 12, no. 1 (December 16, 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1755773919000304.
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AbstractThis paper investigates the role of gender in shaping attitudes towards the European Union (EU) among young people living in Polish cities – the so-called ‘winners of European integration’. Previously, little attention has been given to gender as an influence on views on the EU. Most studies apply the gender-based perspective on Western Europe, while Central and Eastern European countries remain understudied. Based on theories on public opinion, I employ a mixed-methods approach, conducting a survey among 815 MA students living in Polish cities, followed by 27 semi-structured interviews. This analysis of gender-related attitudes towards the EU offers nuanced insights into transitions within post-communist societies. My findings posit that the sampled well-educated women are more likely to support EU integration than men. Education, gender-based individual cost-benefit analyses, and the perceptions of national politics are possible explanations for the positive attitudes towards the EU among the sampled women.
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Cathcart, Adam, and Patricia Nash. "“To Serve Revenge for the Dead”: Chinese Communist Responses to Japanese War Crimes in the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, 1949–1956." China Quarterly 200 (December 2009): 1053–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741009990622.
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AbstractUsing newly available documents from the PRC Foreign Ministry Archive, this article traces the evolving legacies of the War of Resistance in the first seven years of the People's Republic. Analysis is offered of PRC campaigns against Japanese bacteriological war crimes, criticisms of American dealings with Japanese war criminals, and the 1956 trial of Japanese at Shenyang. Throughout, behind-the-scenes tensions with the Soviet Union and internal bureaucratic struggles over the Japanese legacy regarding these matters are revealed. The article thereby aims to shed light on how the War of Resistance affected post-war China's foreign relations, demonstrating how the young Republic advantageously used wartime legacies as diplomatic tools in relations with the superpowers and within the orchestrated clangour of domestic propaganda campaigns.
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Ewing, Richard Daniel. "Hu Jintao: The Making of a Chinese General Secretary." China Quarterly 173 (March 2003): 17–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009443903000032.
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Chinese Vice-President Hu Jintao, Jiang Zemin's heir apparent, has risen to the elite levels of Chinese politics through skill and a diverse network of political patrons. Hu's political career spans four decades, and he has been associated with China's top leaders, including Song Ping, Hu Yaobang, Deng Xiaoping and Jiang Zemin. Though marked early as a liberal by his ties to Hu Yaobang, Hu Jintao's conservative credentials were fashioned during the imposition of martial law in Tibet in 1989. Those actions endeared him to the Beijing leadership following the 4 June Tiananmen Square crackdown, and his career accelerated in the 1990s. Young, cautious and talented, Hu catapulted to the Politburo Standing Committee, the vice-presidency and the Central Military Commission. Despite recent media attention, Hu's positions on economic and foreign policy issues remain poorly defined. As the 16th Party Congress approaches, Hu is likely to be preparing to become General Secretary of the Communist Party and a force in world affairs.
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Modreanu, Cristina. "Elements of Ethics and Aesthetics in New Romanian Theatre." New Theatre Quarterly 29, no. 4 (November 2013): 385–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0266464x13000705.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Young Romanian theatre artists are very concerned to address issues from the recent past and in using collaborative art to educational and therapeutic ends. The implications of the increased ethical consciousness in their work is addressed here by Cristina Modreanu, who focuses on the productions of directors Gianina Cӑrbunariu and David Schwartz. She analyzes the relationship between ethics and aesthetics in contemporary work against the backdrop of post-Communist Romanian society and in a global context, as well as the dynamics connecting the new wave of Romanian theatre to internationall tendencies in contemporary art, as observed by authors such as Jaques Rancière and Claire Bishop. Cristina Modreanu's doctorate on Romanian theatre after 1989 is from Bucharest University of Theatre and Film, and she has also developed the subject in lectures at Tel Aviv University and Plymouth University. A Fulbright alumna and former Visiting Scholar at New York University, Performance Studies Department, Modreanu currently lectures in Contemporary Performance at Bucharest University. Her publications include articles on Romanian and Eastern European theatre for journals such as Theater, Theater der Zeit, and Alternatives Théâtrales, and for the anthology Romania after 2000: Five New Plays, edited by Martin E. Segal.
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Grachikov, E., and Zhou Xiaoyu. "National Interests of China: Connotations, Hierarchy, Balancing." World Economy and International Relations 67, no. 8 (2023): 70–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2023-67-8-70-83.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The connotations of the interests of the PRC in the official scientific and political discourse during the period of the existence of the new Chinese state first transformed from class (jieji liyi, 1949–1978) to actually national (national-state – guojia liyi, 1979–2008), and then transition to “indigenous (core) national” (hexin guojia liyi, or simply “indigenous” – hexin liyi), and this emphasis became dominant after 2012. This process reflects substantive changes in the state’s strategy. At the same time, the spatial and geographical range of his interests was expanding – from a predominant focus on domestic needs to regional and global ones. Since the 12th Chinese Communist Party Congress of 1982 declared that China would adopt foreign policy according to its national interests, the term “national interests” has been frequently used in Chinese official documents. The problems of national interests in the Chinese academic community were first raised in 1987 at the Shanghai Scientific Conference on the Theory of International Relations. In 1995, Yan Xuetong published China’s first monograph on this subject, “Analysis of China’s National Interests”, on which he worked for two years (grant from the Chinese Academy of Contemporary International Relations) after returning from the United States, where he defended his doctoral dissertation. The publication of this book even sparked a “great debate” between young scholars and traditionalists about the normative requirements for writing papers. The article shows the dynamics of changes in the national interests of the PRC, their connotations and hierarchy both in academic discourse and in the practice of Chinese diplomacy (case of Russia and Ukraine).
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Monaville, Pedro. "The political life of the dead Lumumba: Cold War histories and the Congolese student left." Africa 89, S1 (January 2019): S15—S39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000197201800089x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article examines Patrice Lumumba's afterlife among Congolese students in the 1960s. Mobilizing oral histories, it also interrogates the stakes of remembering Lumumba at different moments in Congo's postcolonial history. It shows how Lumumba's assassination became a collective and personal landmark in the biographies of a generation of student activists and clearly helped facilitate a turn towards the left in 1961 and in the years that followed. Overlooked by Cold War histories, this political process was nonetheless also a by-product of the internationalization of the Congo crisis and proved central to the historical imagination of a generation of educated Congolese. The dead Lumumba pushed young educated Congolese to revisit the meaning of decolonization. The article argues that the students’ extroverted political imagination was an important explanation for Lumumba's posthumous popularity in Congolese universities. Through their affiliation with the figure of Lumumba, young Congolese could expect to receive support and attention from real and imagined allies around the world. The international communion around Lumumba's name was sometimes the result of productive misunderstandings; nonetheless, his legacy played a crucial role in transnational mediation throughout the 1960s and made possible the circulation of new political repertoires among Congolese students.
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Michaels, Paula A. "Medical Traditions, Kazak Women, and Soviet Medical Politics to 1941*." Nationalities Papers 26, no. 3 (September 1998): 493–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905999808408579.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1929 a young Communist activist named A. Nurkhat traversed Central Asia gathering information about grassroots-level party social work and propaganda among indigenous women. An Uzbek woman who converted to Bolshevism, Nurkhat accepted the social and political reasons for the regime's push to win the support of local women in its struggle against traditional ways of life. Seeking to document these efforts, she traveled to nomadic regions and followed a “red yurt” expedition. Over one hundred red yurts operated across Kazakstan, providing literacy programs, medical treatment, and legal counseling to remote nomadic areas. When Nurkhat visited one red yurt, a Kazak man from a nearby village rushed in seeking help for his wife, who had endured more than a day in labor. The local baqsy (shaman) had been unable to induce birth and the family desperately sought help from the red yurt's nurse, an ethnic Russian, who was able successfully to deliver a healthy baby. Afterward, Nurkhat asked the red yurt's nurse, “What is the Kazak women's attitude to [Western] medical treatment?” The nurse responded,
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Arumugam, Catherine Thamarai, Mas Ayu Said, and Nik Daliana Nik Farid. "Screen-based media and young children: Review and recommendations." Malaysian Family Physician 16, no. 2 (June 4, 2021): 7–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.51866/rv1143.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Early childhood development is influenced by a child’s environmental experiences. The qualities of surrounding in which a child lives, grows up and learns are key for attaining their milestones. Increased availability of screen-based media in families leads to excessive screen time among young children, resulting in high chances of displacing parent–child interaction which is fundamental in a thriving child’s process of learning and development. Numerous publications have investigated the potential health impacts of early exposure and excessive usage of screen-based media among children, with literature suggesting links between excessive screen time and behavioural difficulties, developmental delay and increased risk of obesity, among other issues. Existing guidelines from international bodies call for limiting screen time to an hour per day for children aged two to five years old and urge that children below the age of two should not be exposed to any screen time. To spark awareness among parents and caregivers concerning the potential health impacts of screen-based media usage among young children, child media habits are recommended to be incorporated as part of toddlers’ developmental assessment in health clinics. A guideline for mindful usage of screen-based media focusing on children below the age of five tailored to a Malaysian context ought to be developed based on current evidence from research, theory and practice. A collaborative effort between concerned agencies is essential to ensuring a developmentally stimulating environment in which young children may grow up.
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Goodman, David S. G. "Revolutionary Women and Women in the Revolution: The Chinese Communist Party and Women in the War of Resistance to Japan, 1937–1945." China Quarterly 164 (December 2000): 915–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000019238.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On a late winter's day in 1989 a grey-haired, round woman of about 80 in a padded jacket and a black beanie moved across 1st May Square in the centre of Taiyuan, the capital of Shanxi province. She was presenting awards to the PLA's most recent young “model soldiers” – recruits who had just finished top of their class in basic training. This was Balu mama – the “Mother of the Eighth Route Army,” Bao Lianzi. Now the retired head of a clinic, 50 years earlier she had been part of a women's support group for soldiers during the War of Resistance to Japan, in her native Wuxiang. At that time, Wuxiang, together with Liaoxian and Licheng counties in South-east Shanxi, and Shexian in Northern Henan, was the core of the Taihang Base Area, itself the centre of the Shanxi-Hebei-Shandong-Henan Border Region and one of the major base areas behind Japanese lines. It supported the field headquarters of the Eighth Route Army under Peng Dehuai; the offices of the North China Bureau under Yang Shangkun; and Deng Xiaoping, eyes and ears for Mao Zedong on the front line.