Статті в журналах: "Women in politics Australia"

1

Manning, Haydon. "Women and Union Politics in Australia." Policy, Organisation and Society 9, no. 1 (December 1994): 38–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10349952.1994.11876803.

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2

VARNEY, DENISE. "Identity Politics in Australian Context." Theatre Research International 37, no. 1 (January 26, 2012): 71–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883311000794.

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Identity mobilises feminist politics in Australia and shapes discursive and theatrical practices. Energised by the affirmative politics of hope, celebration and unity, Australian feminism is also motivated by injustice, prejudice and loss, particularly among Indigenous women and minorities. During the 1970s, when feminist theatre opened up creative spaces on the margins of Australian theatre, women identified with each other on the basis of an unproblematized gender identity, a commitment to socialist collectivism and theatre as a mode of self-representation. The emphasis on shared experience, collectivism and gender unity gave way in the 1980s to a more nuanced critical awareness of inequalities and divisions among women based on sexuality, class, race and ethnicity. My discussion spans broadly the period from the 1970s to the present and concludes with some commentary on recent twists and turns in identity politics.

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3

Haines, Janine. "A woman's place: Women and politics in Australia." Women's Studies International Forum 17, no. 5 (September 1994): 556–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/0277-5395(94)90061-2.

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4

Lake, Marilyn. "Women and Nation in Australia: The Politics of Representation." Australian Journal of Politics & History 43, no. 1 (June 28, 2008): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-8497.1997.tb01377.x.

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5

Irving, Helen. "The Republic is a Feminist Issue." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 87–101. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.9.

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The growth during the 1990s of a republican movement in Australia has stimulated among other things a feminist examination of both the gendered nature of republicanism and the under-representation of women in senior positions in republican organizations. Feminists have adopted several critical perspectives on Australian republicanism: one involves the claim for the redesign of Australian political institutions in order to maximize the representation of women and women's interests; another suggests that the neglected history of women's involvement in constitutional politics during the last century needs to be understood to throw light on ways in which republicanism can be made more meaningful for women now, while a third argues that republicanism is not essentially a feminist issue and should not be pursued as such. The article challenges this conclusion.

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6

Tibe-Bonifacio, Glenda Lynna Anne. "Filipino Women in Australia: Practising Citizenship at Work." Asian and Pacific Migration Journal 14, no. 3 (September 2005): 293–326. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/011719680501400303.

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Filipino women comprise more than half of the Philippine-born population in Australia. They adopt Australian citizenship readily and have high labor force participation. In this article, I examined Filipino women's practice of Australian citizenship in the world of work. Based on in-depth interviews with 36 Filipino women, I adopted feminist conception of citizenship which considers paid work as well as caring work in the domestic sphere. Findings from the study suggest that becoming an Australian citizenship not only provides Filipino women membership in the political community. More importantly, it empowers them to negotiate their subject position as racialized immigrant women in the labor market. Negotiating gender roles in the family, however, is a different arena.

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7

Foley, Meraiah, Sue Williamson, and Sarah Mosseri. "Women, work and industrial relations in Australia in 2019." Journal of Industrial Relations 62, no. 3 (March 18, 2020): 365–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022185620909402.

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Interest in women’s labour force participation, economic security and pay equity received substantial media and public policy attention throughout 2019, largely attributable to the federal election and the Australian Labor Party platform, which included a comprehensive suite of policies aimed at advancing workplace gender equality. Following the Australian Labor Party’s unexpected loss at the polls, however, workplace gender equality largely faded from the political agenda. In this annual review, we cover key gender equality indicators in Australia, examine key election promises made by both major parties, discuss the implications of the Royal Commission into Aged Care Quality and Safety for the female-dominated aged care workforce, and provide a gendered analysis on recent debates and developments surrounding the ‘future of work’ in Australia.

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8

Mina, Hao. "Feminism Is Still Relevant in Australia." Studies in Social Science Research 2, no. 3 (July 15, 2021): p26. http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/sssr.v2n3p26.

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Feminist movements had been pervasive in the 20th century. It helped women to earn civil rights globally, welcomed by most civilized citizens. Then in the 21st century, it seems to have no reason to exist since there are no apparently observable and unpleasant unequal treatments towards women. Feminism, hence, is regarded as a word of the past by some people. Nevertheless, it is not the fact. By studying the situation in Australia, women in this nation have become the study object. Working opportunities in politics and business have been counted, combined with the study of relevant government policies towards different gender. The male’s changing attitude towards female in gender role has also exposed the socialization process in Australia. Through close scrutiny, it is found that feminism is still very much relevant in Australia.

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9

Misztal, Barbara A. "Migrant women in Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 12, no. 2 (January 1991): 15–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256868.1991.9963376.

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10

Skorobogatykh, N. S. "Aboriginal women in Australia: from domestic workers to big politics. Part 1. For public service." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 194–208. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-194-208.

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The article attempts to give an overview of the women participation in the aboriginal human rights movement in Australia. It traces the path of women activists and their role in the social and political life of this country. In Part 1 the main attention is paid to the sphere of public service, which became the meaning of the life for the first generation of aboriginal women human rights defenders.

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11

Jenkins, Cathy. "Women in Australian politics: Mothers only need apply." Pacific Journalism Review : Te Koakoa 12, no. 1 (April 1, 2006): 54–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.24135/pjr.v12i1.845.

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When Julia Gillard considered running for the leadership of the Australian Labor Party in early 2005, her political enemies immediately raised three reasons for opposing her: she is female, single and without children. These criticisms prompted a flurry of discussion in the media about the relevance of a person’s family situation to their ability to work effectively in politics. This article examines the treatment of female politicians by the press over the more than 80 years since the first woman appeared in any Australian parliament. It finds that there continues to be pressure on women to continue in the traditional roles of wife and mother, while more recently, female politicians have had to contend with an extra layer of coverage concentrating on their sexual attributes.

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12

McAllister, Ian. "The gender gap in political knowledge revisited: Australia’s Julia Gillard as a natural experiment." European Journal of Politics and Gender 2, no. 2 (June 1, 2019): 197–220. http://dx.doi.org/10.1332/251510818x15272520831148.

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Surveys have found a persistent gender gap in political knowledge, with women knowing less about politics than men. This article tests the explanations for the gap using surveys collected in Australia between 2001 and 2016. The results show that the gender gap in knowledge was stable between 2001 and 2007, but declined significantly in 2010, and returning to trend in 2013 and 2016. The decline in 2010 is largely accounted for by the election of Australia’s first female prime minister, Julia Gillard, which resulted in women displaying greater media attentiveness. The results confirm other research suggesting that enhanced descriptive representation of women may help to close the gender gap in political knowledge.

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13

Fensham, Rachel. "Farce or Failure? Feminist Tendencies in Mainstream Australian Theatre." Theatre Research International 26, no. 1 (March 2001): 82–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0307883301000086.

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A feminist analysis of the repertoire written and directed by women within mainstream Australian theatre at the end of the millennium reveals that, in spite of thirty years of active feminism in Australia, as well as feminist theatre criticism and practice, the mainstream has only partially absorbed the influence of feminist ideas. A survey of all the mainland state theatre companies reveals the number of women making work for the mainstream and discusses the production politics that frames their representation as repertoire. Although theatre has become increasingly feminized, closer analysis reveals that women's theatre is either contained or diminished by its presence within the mainstream or utilizes conventional theatrical genres and dramatic narratives. Feminist theatre criticism, thus, needs to become more concerned with the material politics of mainstream culture, in which gender relations are being reconstructed under the power of a new economic and social order.

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14

Grace, Margaret, and June Lennie. "Constructing and Reconstructing Rural Women in Australia: The Politics of Change, Diversity and Identity." Sociologia Ruralis 38, no. 3 (December 1998): 351–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-9523.00083.

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15

Plumb, Alison. "The substantive representation of women on ‘morality politics’ issues in Australia and the UK." Political Science 68, no. 1 (June 2016): 22–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0032318716647208.

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16

Skorobogatykh, N. S. "Aboriginal women in Australia: from domestic workers to big politics. Part 2. Political arena." South East Asia: Actual problems of Development, no. 1(46) (2020): 426–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.31696/2072-8271-2020-1-1-46-426-440.

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In this part of the article analyzes the participation of aboriginal women in the political life of their country and their activity on the parliamentary arena. The main character is Linda Burney, whose life and work vividly embodies the main features of the modern stage in the Australian indigenous peoples’ human rights movement

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17

Chartrand, Vicki. "Penal and colonial politics over life: women and penal release schemes in NSW, Australia." Settler Colonial Studies 4, no. 3 (January 6, 2014): 305–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/2201473x.2013.864548.

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18

Palmer, Catherine. "Soccer and the politics of identity for young Muslim refugee women in South Australia." Soccer & Society 10, no. 1 (December 3, 2008): 27–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14660970802472643.

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19

Jung, Kyungja. "The Politics of ‘Speaking Out’: NESB Women and the Discourse of Sexual Assault in Australia." Asian Journal of Women's Studies 4, no. 3 (January 1998): 109–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/12259276.1998.11665827.

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20

T., Dune，, Stewart, J., Tronc, W., Lee, V., Mapedzahama, V., Firdaus, R., and Mekonnen, T. "Resilience in the Face of Adversity: Narratives from Ageing Indigenous Women in Australia." International Journal of Social Science Studies 6, no. 3 (February 12, 2018): 63. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/ijsss.v6i3.3025.

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There is an increasing body of work identifying and analyzing notions of resilience from indigenous perspectives. Notwithstanding the utility of this research for the Australian context (some parallels may be cautiously inferred for some Indigenous Australian groups), critical knowledge gaps exist in our understanding of how Australian Indigenous peoples, particularly Indigenous women, construct, perform and express resilience. This paper addresses this gap by presenting data from focus group discussions with 11 Indigenous Australian women, which highlights how the women confront the everyday challenges of ‘being Indigenous’. The women spoke of not only of a strong sense of identity in the face of negative stereotypes but also demonstrated their ability to adapt to change, rebound from negative historical socio-cultural and political systemic changes and ways to keep their identities and cultures strong within contemporary Australia. We contend that a focus on Indigenous resilience is more significant for social change because it not only moves away from deficit-discourses about Indigenous Australian groups, it highlights their remarkable strengths in adapting, recovering and continuing in white-centric, antagonistic conditions.

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21

Smart, Judith. "The Politics of the Small Purse: The Mobilization of Housewives in Interwar Australia." International Labor and Working-Class History 77, no. 1 (2010): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s014754790999024x.

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AbstractThe Housewives' Associations were the largest women's organizations in Australia during the interwar years and were the first consumer-watch agencies. This article examines the gendered economic identity they cultivated in successfully mobilizing women under the banner of free-market economics against the protectionism of the mainstream political parties and the labor movement. In challenging the dominant economic discourse, they asserted the claims of consumption to the same status and recognition in the functioning of the economic system as the overwhelmingly masculine forces of capital and labor. In the process, they also threw into question the relevance of class as a basis for women's political activism.

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22

Chan, Henry. "The Identity of the Chinese in Australian History." Queensland Review 6, no. 2 (November 1999): 1–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600001100.

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Theorising about identity has become fashionable. During 1999 alone several conferences and seminars were dedicated to identities in Australia: “Alter/Asians: Exploring Asian/Australian Identities, Cultures and Politics in an Age of Crisis” held in Sydney in February, the one-day conference “Cultural Passports” on the concept and representations of “home” held at the University of Sydney in June, and “Asian-Australian Identities: The Asian Diaspora in Australia” at the Australian National University in September. To me as a Chinese who had his childhood and education in New Zealand this concern with identity is not exceptional: I remain a keen reader of New Zealand fiction and poetry in which Pakeha New Zealanders have agonised and problematised their search for identity as an island people living among an aggressive indigenous population and in an insecure dependent economy. New Zealand identity has always been problematised as has Chinese identity: what does it mean to be Chinese? Now Asian identity has become the current issue: “We're not Asians” was the title of the paper by Lily Kong on identity among Singaporean students in Australia. White Australians appear much more content and complacent with their identity and do not indulge as much in navel gazing. And yet it may be that it is the “Australian identity” that needs to be challenged and contested so that it becomes less an exclusively WASP-ish male mateship and more inclusive of women, Aborigines and Asians.

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23

Larbalestier, Jan. "The politics of representation: Australian aboriginal women and feminism." Anthropological Forum 6, no. 2 (January 1990): 143–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00664677.1990.9967404.

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24

Hall, Dianne. "Irish republican women in Australia: Kathleen Barry and Linda Kearns's tour in 1924–5." Irish Historical Studies 43, no. 163 (May 2019): 73–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/ihs.2019.5.

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AbstractThe 1924–5 fundraising tour in Australia by republican activists, Kathleen Barry and Linda Kearns, although successful, has received little attention from historians, more focused on the controversial tour of Fr Michael O'Flanagan and J. J. O'Kelly the previous year. While O'Flanagan and O'Kelly's tour ended with their deportation, Barry and Kearns successfully navigated the different agendas of Irish-Australian political and social groups to organise speaking engagements and raise considerable funds for the Irish Republican Prisoners’ Dependants' Fund. The women were experienced republican activists, however on their Australian tour they placed themselves firmly in traditional female patriotic roles, as nurturers and supporters of men fighting for Irish freedom. This article analyses their strategic use of gendered expectations to allay suspicions about their political agenda to successfully raise money and negotiate with political and ecclesiastical leaders.

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25

Matthews, Julie, and Lucinda Aberdeen. "Reconnecting: Women and reconciliation in Australia." Women's Studies International Forum 31, no. 2 (March 2008): 89–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.wsif.2008.03.001.

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26

Darian-Smith, Kate. "The ‘girls’: women press photographers and the representation of women in Australian newspapers." Media International Australia 161, no. 1 (September 26, 2016): 48–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x16665002.

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In 1975, Fairfax News commemorated International Women’s Year by appointing Lorrie Graham as its first female cadet photographer. Women only joined the photographic staff of newspapers in significant numbers from the 1980s and were more likely to be employed on regional newspapers than the metropolitan dailies. This article draws on interviews with male and female press photographers collected for the National Library of Australia’s oral history programme. It provides an overview of the history of women press photographers in Australia, situating their working lives within an overtly masculine newspaper culture where gender inequity was entrenched. It also examines the gendered and evolving photographic representations of women in the Australian press, including those of women in positions of social and political leadership. Although women press photographers have achieved greater recognition in the 2000s, the transformation of the media industry has impacted the working practices and employment of press photographers.

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27

Spender, Peta. "Gender Quotas on Boards - Is It Time for Australia to Lean In?" Deakin Law Review 20, no. 1 (September 18, 2015): 95. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2015vol20no1art496.

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This article examines whether Australia should introduce a gender quota on ASX 200 boards. Although existing institutional arrangements favour voluntary initiatives, Australia may be at a critical juncture where two factors — the public, pragmatic nature of the statutory regulation of corporations in Australia and the current salience of gender as a political issue —may favour the introduction of a quota. In particular, Australian policy-makers may be amenable to change by observing initiatives from other jurisdictions. It is argued that we should maintain a healthy scepticism about functionalist arguments such as the business case for women on boards. Rather, we should invoke enduring justifications such as equality, parity and democratic legitimacy to support a quota. The optimal design of an Australian gender board quota will be also be explored.

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28

Allen, Felicity. "Feminism and Behaviourism in Academia: Strategies for Change." Behaviour Change 8, no. 1 (March 1991): 10–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0813483900006860.

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This paper considers the employment of women academics in Australia and describes ideological sources of individual cognitions about the acceptability of the jobs typically performed by women in academia. A cognitive-behavioural model is used to explore the role of certain group behaviours in maintaining power divisions between the sexes. It is suggested that women can control aspects of their interactions with others in ways that might facilitate their promotion. The importance of time and resource management in making these changes is emphasised. The questions of reconciling the issues of feminism and behaviourism in dealing with co-workers in tertiary education are discussed. The context is not a client/therapist interaction and the model of behaviour change underlying this article is participant rather than administrative, in that it assumes that at least some members of both sexes within Australian universities will take responsibility for self-directed behaviour change. The purpose of this paper is to consider the areas of academic politics, both micro and macro, which might be susceptible to change by people using self-directed behaviour modification techniques.

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29

Macioti, P. G., Eurydice Aroney, Calum Bennachie, Anne E. Fehrenbacher, Calogero Giametta, Heidi Hoefinger, Nicola Mai, and Jennifer Musto. "Framing the Mother Tac: The Racialised, Sexualised and Gendered Politics of Modern Slavery in Australia." Social Sciences 9, no. 11 (October 28, 2020): 192. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/socsci9110192.

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Centred on the slavery trial “Crown vs. Rungnapha Kanbut” heard in Sydney, New South Wales, between 10 April and 15 May 2019, this article seeks to frame the figure of the “Mother Tac” or the “mother of contract”, also called “mama tac” or “mae tac”—a term used amongst Thai migrants to describe a woman who hosts, collects debts from, and organises work for Thai migrant sex workers in their destination country. It proposes that this largely unexplored figure has come to assume a disproportionate role in the “modern slavery” approach to human trafficking, with its emphasis on absolute victims and individual offenders. The harms suffered by Kanbut’s victims are put into context by referring to existing literature on women accused of trafficking; interviews with Thai migrant sex workers, including Kanbut’s primary victim, and with members from the Australian Federal Police Human Trafficking Unit; and ethnographic field notes. The article unveils how constructions of both victim and offender, as well as definitions of slavery, are racialised, gendered, and sexualised and rely on the victims’ subjective accounts of bounded exploitation. By documenting these and other limitations involved in a criminal justice approach, the authors reveal its shortfalls. For instance, while harsh sentences are meant as a deterrence to others, the complex and structural roots of migrant labour exploitation remain unaffected. This research finds that improved legal migration pathways, the decriminalisation of the sex industry, and improved access to information and support for migrant sex workers are key to reducing heavier forms of labour exploitation, including human trafficking, in the Australian sex industry.

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30

Bramley, Nicolette. "‘How not to answer a question’ revisited." Australian Review of Applied Linguistics 20, no. 1 (January 1, 1997): 105–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/aral.20.1.06bra.

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Abstract Women in politics in Australia have been in the spotlight recently as their numbers have increased over the last decade particularly with the unprecedented number of women elected in the 1996 General election and also with the 1994 promise of the ALP to increase the number of women preselected in winnable seats to 35% by 2002. Recent research on language and gender has shown that women and men use different discourse strategies when they speak and that women tend to be more ‘cooperative’ in their speech while men are more ‘adversarial’ (Tannen 1993). The context of this paper will be the highly public forum of the political media interview. The hypothesis that women avoid answering questions less than men is tested, showing that women do avoid answering questions less than men. The gendered use of different avoidance strategies is also examined but with no significant difference in the way questions are avoided. The use of prefered and disprefered answers, however, showed a gender difference with women using significantly more prefered answers than men. To define different types of answer and avoidance, the notion of topic used by Gardner (1987) and the Gricean Maxims (1975) are used.

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31

Toffoletti, Kim, and Catherine Palmer. "Women and Sport in Australia—New Times?" Journal of Australian Studies 43, no. 1 (January 2, 2019): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2019.1579081.

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32

Ramsay, Georgina. "Forced Childlessness and Ruptured Personhood: The Politics of Motherhood for Central African Refugee Women Resettled in Australia." Anthropological Quarterly 90, no. 3 (2017): 743–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/anq.2017.0042.

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Scutt, Jocelynne Annette. "‘CHANGE THE CONSTITUTION? INTERPRETATION, (MIS)CALCULATION, WRONGS RIGHTED OR REACTION & REITERATION’." Denning Law Journal 30, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 121–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v30i2.1701.

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Since the United States adopted a written constitution as a consequence of the War of Independence, it is fair to say that most Western democracies with written constitutions have taken some guidance from that founding document. Inevitably, a key provision for any written constitution is ‘how can it be amended’. Even where there is an unwritten constitution (as for the United Kingdom, Aotearoa/New Zealand and Israel), the ‘rules’ established by convention or custom or some other means cannot be immutable: the passage of time or changing ideas require some means of altering or updating the rules. Changing a constitution is a matter of law, yet one inescapably imbued with politics. This article explores the way constitutional change has come, and how the rules have worked, in Australia (the 1951 referendum to ban the Australian Communist Party – unsuccessful, and the 1967 referendum to recognise rights of Indigenous Australians – successful) and the United States (the Equal Rights Amendment – situation ongoing), with a foray into the referendum process in United Kingdom (the 2017 ‘Brexit’ vote). It explores, too, the ‘change’ to a constitution where there is no change to the words of the document, but a change in interpretation – this in the context of Canada in 1929. There, consistent with judgments in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, the Canadian Supreme Court interpreted ‘person’ as appearing in the North America Act as not including women, denying women any entitlement to be appointed to the Canadian Senate. As related here, women were finally acknowledged as ‘persons’ when the Privy Council pronounced this to be so, an unanticipated outcome from a judicial body considered by both Canada and Australia to be so hidebound as not to be ‘right’ as the final court of appeal for Britain’s former colonies.

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34

Grimshaw, Patricia. "Comparative Perspectives on White and Indigenous Women's Political Citizenship in Queensland: The 1905 Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899." Queensland Review 12, no. 2 (November 2005): 9–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1321816600004062.

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The centenary of the passage in early 1905 of the Act to Amend the Elections Acts, 1885 to 1899, which extended the right to vote to white women in Queensland, marks a moment of great importance in the political and social history of Australia. The high ground of the history of women's suffrage in Australia is undoubtedly the passage of the 1902 Commonwealth Franchise Act that gave all white women in Australia political citizenship: the right to vote and to stand for parliamentary office at the federal level. Obviously this attracted the most attention internationally, given that it placed Australia on the short list of communities that had done so to date; most women in the world had to await the aftermath of the First or Second World Wars for similar rights.

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35

Abdo, Nahla, and Victoria Katherine Burbank. "Fighting Women: Anger and Aggression in Aboriginal Australia." Canadian Journal of Sociology / Cahiers canadiens de sociologie 21, no. 2 (1996): 261. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/3341982.

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36

Johnson, Carol. "Negotiating the Politics of Inclusion: Women and Australian Labor Governments 1983 to 1995." Feminist Review 52, no. 1 (March 1996): 102–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/fr.1996.10.

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The Hawke and Keating Labor governments have tended to practise a politics of inclusion in which women, along with other social groups, are seen to have an important part to play in building the new, internationally competitive Australian economy of the twenty-first century, Australian politics have therefore had a very different nature from that of the more exclusionary politics practised by British Conservative governments. While the politics of inclusion have given feminists room for manoeuvre, and facilitated some positive developments in areas such as affirmative action and childcare policies, feminists have had little success in challenging the overall direction of the governments’ right-wing economic policies. Furthermore, the ‘economic’ has functioned as a meta-category which dissolves difference and conflict. The Australian experience therefore has both practical and theoretical implications for British feminists who may be experiencing a Labour government themselves before too long.

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37

Markovic, Milica, Mridula Bandyopadhyay, Lenore Manderson, Pascale Allotey, Sally Murray, and Trang Vu. "Day Surgery in Australia." Journal of Sociology 40, no. 1 (March 2004): 74–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1440783304040454.

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The article explores the experiences of patients undergoing day surgery in an Australian public hospital for women. We draw primarily on interviews with these patients to identify the factors arising from the specific context which compromised their well-being.

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38

Zeweri, Helena. "Beyond Response and Representation: Muslim Australian Women Reimagining Anti-Islamophobia Politics." Feminist Formations 32, no. 2 (2020): 111–35. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/ff.2020.0027.

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39

Gronow, Alexandra. "Identifying victims of sexual harassment in the age of #MeToo: Time for the media to prioritise a victim’s right to privacy." Alternative Law Journal 46, no. 2 (March 25, 2021): 120–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1037969x211003681.

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This article explores the practice of the media to unreasonably intrude on victims' privacy in Australia by reference to three women whose sexual harassment grievances were published by the media without their consent. This article argues that the protection of a victim’s privacy is a fundamental human right which should trump competing public interest considerations in the Australian context. In the absence of an established tort of privacy or bill or charter of human rights in Australia, the media must apply ethical journalism standards and abstain from identifying victims of sexual harassment without their consent.

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40

Poynting, Scott. "The ‘Lost’ Girls: Muslim Young Women in Australia." Journal of Intercultural Studies 30, no. 4 (November 2009): 373–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/07256860903214123.

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41

Best, Susan. "What is a feminist exhibition? ConsideringContemporary Australia: Women." Journal of Australian Studies 40, no. 2 (April 2, 2016): 190–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2016.1154588.

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42

Paddle, Sarah. "“To Save the Women of China from Fear, Opium and Bound Feet”: Australian Women Missionaries in Early Twentieth-Century China." Itinerario 34, no. 3 (December 2010): 67–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115310000690.

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This article explores the experiences of Western women missionaries in a faith mission and their relationships with the women and children of China in the early years of the twentieth century. In a period of twenty years of unprecedented social and political revolution missionaries were forced to reconceptualise their work against a changing discourse of Chinese womanhood. In this context, emerging models of the Chinese New Woman and the New Girl challenged older mission constructions of gender. The Chinese reformation also provided missionaries with troubling reflections on their own roles as independent young women, against debates about modern women at home, and the emerging rights of white women as newly enfranchised citizens in the new nation of Australia.

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43

Nguyen, Nathalie Huynh Chau. "'My Husband was also a Refugee': Cross-Cultural Love in the Postwar Narratives of Vietnamese Women." PORTAL Journal of Multidisciplinary International Studies 15, no. 1-2 (June 12, 2018): 53–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.5130/portal.v15i1-2.5848.

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This article explores the representation of cross-cultural love in the postwar narratives of Vietnamese women. The end of the Vietnam War in 1975 and Vietnam’s reunification under a communist regime led to one of the most visible diasporas of the late twentieth century, in which more than two million Vietnamese left their homeland in order to seek refuge overseas. The main countries of resettlement were the United States, Australia, Canada and France. Vietnamese women in Australia who chose to marry outside their culture constitute a minority not only within the diaspora but also within Australian society and the Vietnamese Australian community. In contrast to the largely negative representations of cross-cultural relationships in novels and memoirs of colonial and wartime Vietnam, these women’s accounts highlight underlying commonalities between themselves and their European partners such as a shared understanding of political asylum or war. The narratives of these women illustrate cross-cultural rencontres that were made possible by the refugee or migration experience, and that signify a distinct shift in the representation of exogamous relationships for Vietnamese women. Oral history provides these women with the opportunity to narrate not only the self but also the interaction between the self and the other, and to frame and structure their experiences of intermarriage in a positive light. Cet article explore la représentation de l’amour interculturel dans les récits de l’après-guerre des femmes vietnamiennes. La fin de la guerre du Vietnam en 1975 et la réunification du Vietnam sous un régime communiste mena à une des diasporas les plus visibles de la fin du vingtième siècle, pendant laquelle plus de deux millions de Vietnamiens quittèrent leur pays pour se réfugier à l’étranger. Les pays principaux de réinstallation furent les Etats-Unis, l’Australie, le Canada et la France. Les femmes vietnamiennes en Australie qui ont choisi de se marier à l’extérieur de leur culture constituent une minorité non seulement dans la diaspora mais aussi en Australie ainsi que la communité vietnamienne en Australie. Contrairement à la représentation largement négative des relations interculturelles dans les romans et les mémoires du Vietnam colonial et en temps de guerre, les récits de ces femmes surlignent les points communs entre elles et leurs compagnons européens telle une compréhension mutuelle de l’asile politique ou de la guerre. Les récits de ces femmes illustrent des rencontres interculturelles rendues possible par l’expérience d’être réfugié ou migrant, et qui signalent un changement net de position dans la représentation des relations exogames concernant les femmes vietnamiennes. L’histoire orale permet à ces femmes de raconter non seulement le moi mais aussi l’interaction entre le moi et l’autre, et de structurer et d’encadrer leurs expériences de mariage interculturel de manière positive.

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44

Carey, Hilary M., and Anne O'Brien. "God's Willing Workers: Women and Religion in Australia." Labour History, no. 91 (2006): 217. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/27516171.

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45

Franzway, Suzanne. "‘They See You Coming'. A Comparative Study of Sexual Politics and Women Union Officials in (English) Canada and Australia." Labour & Industry: a journal of the social and economic relations of work 10, no. 2 (December 1999): 147–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10301763.1999.10669219.

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46

Curtin, Jennifer. "Women and Proportional Representation in Australia and New Zealand." Policy and Society 22, no. 1 (January 2003): 48–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1449-4035(03)70013-7.

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47

Stevenson, Deborah. "Community views: women and the politics of neighbourhood in an Australian suburb." Journal of Sociology 35, no. 2 (August 1999): 213–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/144078339903500206.

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GOODALL, HEATHER, and DEVLEENA GHOSH. "Reimagining Asia: Indian and Australian women crossing borders." Modern Asian Studies 53, no. 04 (December 7, 2018): 1183–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0026749x17000920.

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AbstractThe decades from the 1940s to the 1960s were ones of increasing contacts between women of India and Australia. These were not built on a shared British colonial history, but on commitments to visions circulating globally of equality between races, sexes, and classes. Kapila Khandvala from Bombay and Lucy Woodcock from Sydney were two women who met during such campaigns. Interacting roughly on an equal footing, they were aware of each other's activism in the Second World War and the emerging Cold War. Khandvala and Woodcock both made major contributions to the women's movements of their countries, yet have been largely forgotten in recent histories, as have links between their countries. We analyse their interactions, views, and practices on issues to which they devoted their lives: women's rights, progressive education, and peace. Their beliefs and practices on each were shaped by their respective local contexts, although they shared ideologies that were circulating internationally. These kept them in contact over many years, during which Kapila built networks that brought Australians into the sphere of Indian women's awareness, while Lucy, in addition to her continuing contacts with Kapila, travelled to China and consolidated links between Australian and Chinese women in Sydney. Their activist world was centred not in Western Europe, but in a new Asia that linked Australia and India. Our comparative study of the work and interactions of these two activist women offers strategies for working on global histories, where collaborative research and analysis is conducted in both colonizing and colonized countries.

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Felton, Emma. "A f/oxymoron?: Women, creativity and the suburbs - CORRIGENDUM." Queensland Review 23, no. 1 (February 5, 2016): 110. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/qre.2016.1.

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In the opening of the above-mentioned article, the line ‘Donald Horne famously wrote, ‘Australia was born urban and quickly grew suburban’ (1964)’, should read: ‘Graeme Davison famously wrote, ‘Australia was born urban and quickly grew suburban’ (1994:98).’The author would like to apologise for the oversight.

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50

Viney, Hannah. "“Women are born diplomats”: Women, Politics and the Cold War in the Australian Women’s Weekly, 1950–1959." Journal of Australian Studies 44, no. 3 (July 2, 2020): 367–83. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14443058.2020.1788116.

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