Статті в журналах: "Whites – relations with indians"

1

Marrow, Helen B., Linda R. Tropp, Meta van der Linden, Dina G. Okamoto, and Michael Jones-Correa. "HOW DOES INTERRACIAL CONTACT AMONG THE U.S.-BORN SHAPE WHITE AND BLACK RECEPTIVITY TOWARD IMMIGRANTS?" Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 16, no. 2 (2019): 385–416. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742058x19000249.

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AbstractA notable increase in immigration into the United States over the past half century, coupled with its recent geographic dispersion into new communities nationwide, has fueled contact among a wider set of individuals and groups than ever before. Past research has helped us understand Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward immigrants and immigration, and even how contact between Blacks and Whites have shaped their attitudes toward one another. Nevertheless, how contact between Blacks and Whites may correspond with attitudes toward immigrants is not as well understood. Drawing on an original representative survey, we examine U.S.-born Whites’ and Blacks’ attitudes toward Mexican and South Asian Indian immigrants within the context of ongoing relations between the former two U.S.-born communities. Informed by research on the secondary transfer effect (STE), we model how the frequency of contact between U.S.-born Whites and Blacks predicts each group’s receptivity toward two differentially positioned immigrant groups, first-generation Mexicans and South Asian Indians. Multivariate analysis indicates that, among Whites, more frequent contact with Blacks is positively associated with greater receptivity toward both immigrant outgroups, even after controlling for Whites’ individual perceptions of threat, their direct contact with the two immigrant groups, and the perceived quality of such contact. Among Blacks, however, we find less consistent evidence that frequent contact with Whites is associated with attitudes toward either immigrant group. While varied literatures across multiple disciplines have suggested that interracial relations among the U.S.-born may be associated with receptivity toward immigrant newcomers, our results uniquely highlight the importance of considering how U.S.-born groups are positioned in relation to immigrants and to each other when examining such effects.

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2

Derounian-Stodola, Kathryn Zabelle. "“Many persons say I am a ‘Mono Maniac’”: Three Letters from Dakota Conflict Captive Sarah F. Wakefield to Missionary Stephen R. Riggs." Prospects 29 (October 2005): 1–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0361233300001678.

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“The other Civil War” is how many Minnesotans think of the U.S.-Dakota Conflict of 1862, fought for six weeks in the recently established state as the Civil War raged elsewhere (Nichols). These hostilities between groups of Dakota Indians and the U.S. government were triggered by a containable incident near Acton, Minnesota, in which four hungry young Dakotas apparently challenged five white settlers over food and then killed them. But some Indians decided against containment, and the Conflict instead escalated into a contest for traditional Dakota cultural identity and cohesion. Of course, the Dakotas' sense of siege had been exacerbated for years by “the historically familiar rapacious traders, ethnocentric missionaries, white men's decimating diseases, inept Indian Bureau officials, equivocating United States government representatives, and deplorably conflicting military policies,” as well the growing number of “land-hungry settlers” (Russo, 99). When the war ended in late September 1862, about five hundred whites and a considerable, but unknown, number of Dakotas and crossbloods were dead (Anderson and Woolworth, 1). The U.S. government unilaterally abrogated treaties with the Dakotas – regardless of individuals' actual involvement in the Conflict – removed or imprisoned them, conducted hasty and illegal trials, and sent thirtyeight to the gallows in Mankato, Minnesota, on December 26, 1862. It is believed to be the largest mass execution in American history. Although little known outside the state, this short but intense war has been called “a microcosm of the tragedy of Indian–white relations in America,” and its repercussions still resonate over a century later (Nichols, 4).

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3

Rausch, Jane M. "Church-State Relations on the Colombian Frontier: The National Intendancy of Meta, 1909-1930." Americas 49, no. 1 (July 1992): 49–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1006884.

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On November 27, 1902 Colombia signed an agreement with the Vatican that established parameters for the evolution of the mission as a frontier institution in the twentieth century. Renewed in 1928 and again in 1953, the Convenio sobre Misiones granted to religious orders chosen by the Vatican absolute authority to govern, police, educate, and control the Indians in the peripheral regions of the republic, which at that time accounted for sixty-five percent of the national domain but only two percent of the population. An exchange for substantial state subsidies, the orders were to carry out such government functions as administering a rudimentary judicial apparatus, providing primary education for whites as well as Indians, and promoting colonization through unlimited access to public lands. Another provision assured the ascendancy of the religious over civilian authorities by granting the former the right to reject nominees for positions in civil government if they regarded the candidates as unsuitable or as threatening to the Indians or the missionaries. Under these terms, the Augustinian Recoletos (Candelarios) in Casanare and the Capuchins in Putumayo expanded their operations, while between 1903 and 1918 the Montfort Fathers, Lazarists, Claretians, Carmelites, and Jesuits took control of apostolic prefectures and vicariates in other parts of the country.

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4

Starna, William A., William C. Sturtevant, and Wilcomb E. Washburn. "Handbook of North American Indians. Volume 4: History of Indian-White Relations." William and Mary Quarterly 47, no. 3 (July 1990): 435. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2938099.

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5

Anderson, Gary Clayton, and Wilcomb E. Washburn. "Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 4: History of Indian-White Relations." Journal of American History 77, no. 4 (March 1991): 1451. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2078422.

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6

Hoxie, Frederick E., and Wilcomb E. Washburn. "Handbook of North American Indians, Vol. 4: History of Indian-White Relations." American Indian Quarterly 15, no. 4 (1991): 523. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185368.

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7

Merrell, James H., and Wilcomb E. Washburn. "Handbook of North American Indians. Vol. 4, History of Indian-White Relations." Ethnohistory 38, no. 1 (1991): 76. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482794.

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8

Schiefer, David, and Barbara Krahé. "Ethnic Identity and Orientation to White American Culture Are Linked to Well-Being Among American Indians – But in Different Ways." Social Psychology 45, no. 1 (June 1, 2014): 1–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.1027/1864-9335/a000155.

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This study examined the relationship between ethnic identity, orientation toward the White mainstream culture, and psychological well-being among American Indians. In the light of the unique history of American Indians, we investigated the relationship between identification with the American Indian ingroup, orientation toward the dominant White American culture (in terms of showing behavior typical for White mainstream culture as well as positive attitudes and feelings of belonging to White American culture), and self-efficacy and learned helplessness as indicators of psychological well-being. Structural equation analyses with an adolescent and an adult sample revealed a positive relationship between ethnic identity and self-efficacy but no link with learned helplessness. The tendency to show behavior typical for White mainstream culture was associated with higher self-efficacy in both samples and with lower helplessness in the adult subsample. White American orientation in the form of positive attitudes and sense of belonging were associated with higher helplessness in both samples and with lower self-efficacy among adults. The findings are discussed in terms of the role of both ethnic identity and the orientation toward the mainstream culture for well-being among American Indians, focusing on the distinct relations of White American behavior versus White American affiliation with well-being in American Indians.

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9

Abbas, Abbas. "The Racist Fact against American-Indians in Steinbeck’s The Pearl." ELS Journal on Interdisciplinary Studies in Humanities 3, no. 3 (September 25, 2020): 376–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.34050/elsjish.v3i3.11347.

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the social conditions of Indians as Native Americans for the treatment of white people who are immigrants from Europe in America. This research explores aspects of the reality of Indian relations with European immigrants in America that have an impact on discriminatory actions against Indians in John Steinbeck's novel The Pearl. Social facts are traced through fiction as part of the genetics of literary works. The research method used is genetic structuralism, a literary research method that traces the origin of the author's imagination in his fiction. The imagination is considered a social reality that reflects events in people's lives. The research data consist of primary data in the form of literary works, and secondary data are some references that document the background of the author's life and social reality. The results of this research indicate that racist acts as part of American social facts are documented in literary works. The situation of poor Indians and displaced people in slums is a social fact witnessed by John Steinbeck as the author of the novel The Pearl through an Indian fictional character named Kino. Racism is an act of white sentiment that discriminates against Native Americans, namely the Indian community.

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10

Smith, Dwight L., and Peter Charles Hoffer. "Indians and Europeans: Selected Articles on Indian-White Relations in Colonial North America." American Indian Quarterly 14, no. 1 (1990): 54. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185008.

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11

Schneider, Khal. "A Square Deal in Lake County: Anderson v. Mathews (1917), California Indian Communities, and Indian Citizenship." Journal of the Gilded Age and Progressive Era 18, no. 03 (July 2019): 263–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1537781419000069.

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AbstractIn 1917, California's Supreme Court upheld the Eastern Pomo man Ethan Anderson's right to vote. The court recognized that Anderson lived and worked like his white neighbors and, most importantly, did not live in “tribal relations” and was subject to local jurisdiction. But Anderson, his lawyers, the opposing counsel, and the court never denied that he was a member of an Indian community. In fact, local authorities and the federal government had long acknowledged that Indian communities existed in Lake County, and they had both legitimized small Indian community landholdings as the homes of self-sufficient Indian laborers. Now, as Indian citizenship seemed to signal to local and federal authorities more claims on the state, both denied responsibility for those communities. Although citizenship seemed to stand as the categorical opposite of “Indians, not taxed,” Anderson's vindicated voting rights was not an end point of a successful program of assimilation, but one aspect of Indians’ ongoing pursuit of community security through their engagements with local and federal authorities.

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12

Cole, Daniel, and Imre Sutton. "A Cartographic History of Indian-White Government Relations during the Past 400 Years." American Indian Culture and Research Journal 37, no. 1 (January 1, 2013): 5–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.17953/aicr.37.1.260063l870g66191.

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This is a historical cartographic analysis of Indian and Euro-American relations in the United States. We explore the threefold roles of government, academic, and tribal mapping, and bring them together with some findings. As can be seen, government and academia have shared cartographic data; both have learned from the tribes, and in turn, the tribes have learned from the others, not always to their well-being. All of these issues are involved in the affairs of Indians in our country and are discussed to analyze the ongoing spatial activities across the dynamic landscape of Native America.

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13

Smith, Christopher Carroll. "The Whites Want Every Thing: Indian-Mormon Relations, 1847–1877." Utah Historical Quarterly 89, no. 2 (April 1, 2021): 160–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/utahhistquar.89.2.0160.

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14

King, Farina. "The Whites Want Every Thing: Indian-Mormon Relations, 1847–1877." Journal of Mormon History 47, no. 4 (October 1, 2021): 142–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/jmormhist.47.4.0142.

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15

Phillips, Katrina. "“The Whites Want Every Thing”: Indian-Mormon Relations, 1847–1877." Mormon Studies Review 8 (January 1, 2021): 105–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/mormstudrevi.8.2021.0105.

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16

Zimmerman, Larry J. "Public Heritage, a Desire for a “White” History for America, and Some Impacts of the Kennewick Man/ Ancient One Decision." International Journal of Cultural Property 12, no. 2 (May 2005): 265–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0940739105050113.

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The most recent opinion in the so-called Kennewick Man or Ancient One (as many American Indians choose to call the skeleton) case by the United States Court of Appeals for the Ninth Circuit unfortunately resurrects some very old and contentious issues in America. Indians mostly view the opinion as one more echo of the same old story of Native American property issues raised in the courts, but they also understand that some implications may be broader. The most direct impact of the opinion is that the Umatilla people will not be allowed to return the Ancient One to the earth, but others could be portents of a larger resurgence of anti-Indian sentiment and scientific colonialism in America. Specifically, though not directly stated as such, the court's opinion supports a notion that archaeological materials are a public heritage, no matter their culture of origin. In addition, by affirming the plaintiffs' position, the court essentially declared archaeologists and associated scientists to be the primary stewards of that heritage, much to the chagrin of many American Indian people. Along the way, the court reinforced the idea that scientifically generated evidence has greater validity than oral tradition in court, outright denying oral tradition's validity and undercutting a major intention of the Native American Graves Protection and Repatriation Act (NAGPRA). Worse still, the court reflects—and by its decision supports—an idea that there may be a “white” or European history for the Americas that predates the arrival of Indians. The most damaging and long-term impact is that the decision reinforces fundamentally erroneous definitions and stereotypes about Indians as tribes, which has plagued Indian-white relations for generations.

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17

Jorgensen, Joseph G. ": Handbook of North American Indians, Volume 4: History of Indian-White Relations . Wilcomb E. Washburn." American Anthropologist 92, no. 4 (December 1990): 1039–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/aa.1990.92.4.02a00360.

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18

RUNDSTROM, ROBERT A. "The Role of Ethics, Mapping, and the Meaning of Place in Relations Between Indians and Whites in the United States." Cartographica: The International Journal for Geographic Information and Geovisualization 30, no. 1 (October 1993): 21–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/2362-p365-2g88-1p65.

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19

Patel, Trishula. "From the Subcontinent with Love." Comparative Studies of South Asia, Africa and the Middle East 41, no. 3 (December 1, 2021): 455–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/1089201x-9408002.

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Abstract “Africa weaves a magic spell around even a temporary visitor,” wrote the former Indian high commissioner to East and Central Africa, Apa Pant, in 1987, echoing the allure that the continent had over him and other fellow Indian diplomats. But the diplomatic roles of men like Pant and the history of Indian engagement with Rhodesia has not, until now, been explored. This article argues that the central role of India in the colonial world ensured that London reined in the white settler Rhodesian government from enacting discriminatory legislation against its minority Indian populations. After Indian independence in 1947, the postcolonial government shifted from advocating specifically for the rights of Indians overseas to ideological support for the independence of oppressed peoples across the British colonial world, a mission with which it tasked its diplomatic representatives. But after India left its post in Salisbury in 1965, Indian public rhetorical support for African nationalist movements in Rhodesia was not matched by its private support for British settlement plans that were largely opposed by the leading African political parties in the country, colored by private patronizing attitudes by India's representatives toward African nationalists and the assumption that they were not yet ready to govern themselves.

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20

Hacker, Barton C. "White Man's War, Coloured Man's Labour. Working for the British Army on the Western Front." Itinerario 38, no. 3 (December 2014): 27–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115314000515.

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The Great War was indeed a world war. Imperial powers like Great Britain drew on their far-flung empires not only for resources but also for manpower. This essay examines one important (though still inadequately studied) aspect of British wartime exigency, the voluntary and coerced participation of the British Empire's coloured subjects and allies in military operations on the Western Front. With the exception of the Indian Army in the first year of the war, that participation did not include combat. Instead coloured troops, later joined by contract labourers, played major roles behind the lines. From 1916 onwards, well over a quarter million Chinese, Egyptians, Indians, South Africans, West Indians, New Zealand Maoris, Black Canadians, and Pacific Islanders worked the docks, built roads and railways, maintained equipment, produced munitions, dug trenches, and even buried the dead. Only in recent years has the magnitude of their contribution to Allied victory begun to be more fully acknowledged. Yet the greatest impact of British labour policies in France might lie elsewhere entirely. Chinese workers seem likely to have carried the virus that caused the Great Flu pandemic of 1918-19, which may have killed more people around the world than the war itself.

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21

Roberts, Julia. "“A Mixed Assemblage of Persons”: Race and Tavern Space in Upper Canada." Canadian Historical Review 102, s2 (July 1, 2021): s427—s450. http://dx.doi.org/10.3138/chr-102-s2-006.

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This tavern story about an 1832 Saturday night on the town in Brantford, Upper Canada, addresses the complexities of racialized relations in “public places” generally and the tavern’s bar room in particular. It juxtaposes tavern-goers who engaged in “heterogenous” sociability with the “‘high pressure’ prejudice” of a “‘Yankee’” barkeeper. It challenges us to understand what such moments of multiracial public life meant in a society permeated by racialized thought and practice. There was a strange contradiction between White settlers’ marginalization of Black and First Nations peoples and the sometimes easy accommodation afforded them in the public houses. Although accommodation to people of colour was also illegally, and sometimes violently, denied, tavern stories complicate historical interpretations focusing on conflict. Without questioning these analyses, or the evidence supporting them, the stories suggest that something more subtle was also going on. They invite serious attention to the colony’s many taverns as sites where people chose to relax racial boundaries as often as they chose to enforce them. Maybe it was just the whiskey and the wine; without comparable work on other public spaces, the typicality of a tavern-based history will remain an open question. But because “Indians” as well as the “blacks and whites” all went there, the taverns show how race, as one socially constructed category, shaped ordinary, everyday human interactions.

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22

Carter, Sarah, and Ken S. Coates. "Best Left as Indians: Native-White Relations in the Yukon Territory, 1840-1973." Western Historical Quarterly 24, no. 3 (August 1993): 427. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/970785.

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23

Simeone, William E., and Ren S. Coats. "Best Left as Indians: Native-White Relations in the Yukon Territory, 1840-1973." American Indian Quarterly 18, no. 1 (1994): 114. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1185751.

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24

Henry, Wade A. "Imagining the Great White Mother and the Great King: Aboriginal Tradition and Royal Representation at the “Great Pow-wow” of 1901." Journal of the Canadian Historical Association 11, no. 1 (February 9, 2006): 87–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.7202/031132ar.

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Abstract The 1901 Royal Visit to Canada of the Duke and Duchess of Cornwall and York (the future George V and Queen Mary) was marked by a series of ceremonies, not the least of which was the “Great Pow-wow”, staged by more than 2,000 Natives on a wide plateau outside Calgary. More than just an entertaining spectacle, the Great Pow-wow of 1901 was a hegemonic site in which competing representations of Natives, whites, and royalty converged. Officials from the Department of Indian Affairs sought to repress the expression of traditional Aboriginal culture, while other members of the state and a large segment of the press supported the participation of Natives as living examples of the heritage of British justice in Canada. For white Canadians, the pow-wow was an opportunity to define their own identity and imagine their place, and that of Natives, within the nation. At the same time, Natives used the opportunity to resist symbolic control and to ensure their presence and influence within Canada. Like other royal ceremonies, the Great Pow-wow of 1901 served as a contested site in Indian-white relations as both groups structured, manipulated, and imagined representations of themselves, each other, and above all, the monarchy, in order to both maintain and challenge the hegemonic order.

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May, Andrew J. "British India, White Australia: Overseas Indians, Intercolonial Relations and the Empire British India, White Australia: Overseas Indians, Intercolonial Relations and the Empire By Kama Maclean. Sydney: UNSW Press, 2020. Pp. 336. A$39.99paper." Australian Historical Studies 55, no. 1 (January 2, 2024): 212–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1031461x.2024.2287261.

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26

Lawson, Chappell, Gabriel S. Lenz, Andy Baker, and Michael Myers. "Looking Like a Winner: Candidate Appearance and Electoral Success in New Democracies." World Politics 62, no. 4 (October 2010): 561–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0043887110000195.

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A flurry of recent studies indicates that candidates who simply look more capable or attractive are more likely to win elections. In this article, the authors investigate whether voters' snap judgments of appearance travel across cultures and whether they influence elections in new democracies. They show unlabeled, black-and-white pictures of Mexican and Brazilian candidates' faces to subjects living in America and India, asking them which candidates would be better elected officials. Despite cultural, ethnic, and racial differences, Americans and Indians agree about which candidates are superficially appealing (correlations ranging from .70 to .87). Moreover, these superficial judgments appear to have a profound influence on Mexican and Brazilian voters, as the American and Indian judgments predict actual election returns with surprising accuracy. These effects, the results also suggest, may depend on the rules of the electoral game, with institutions exacerbating or mitigating the effects of appearance.

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27

Thorp, Daniel. "Going native in New Zealand and America: Comparing Pakeha Maori and white Indians." Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 31, no. 3 (September 2003): 1–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03086530310001705686.

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Duin, Pieter Van. "White Building Workers and Coloured Competition in the South African Labour Market, c. 1890–1940." International Review of Social History 37, no. 1 (April 1992): 59–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020859000110934.

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SummaryThe article deals with “racial” aspects of the labour market and labour relations in South Africa's building industry, focussing largely, though not exclusively, on skilled building workers on the Witwatersrand (Southern Transvaal). Different trade-union strategies are examined, as pursued by building trade unions in the Transvaal as well as the Eastern Cape and Natal, in order to add a comparative dimension. In the latter areas, shortly after World War I, a white-exclusionist organizing policy was replaced in some urban centres by a pragmatic strategy of incorporating “coloured” artisans (Africans and Indians continued to be excluded). In the Transvaal, on the other hand, the relatively strong position of white building workers and a deeply-ingrained racism ensured the maintenance of racially-exclusive trade unionism in the building industry.

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Canessa, Andrew. "El indio desde adentro, el indio desde afuera: ciudadanía, raza y sexo en una comunidad boliviana." La Manzana de la Discordia 2, no. 2 (March 11, 2016): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.25100/lamanzanadeladiscordia.v2i2.1398.

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Resumen: En este artículo exploro las relaciones entre ciudadanía,raza y sexo en la comunidad de Pocobaya, aldeaandina de Bolivia, tomando en cuenta diversos aspectosde las relaciones entre hombres y mujeres. En relacióncon las imágenes sobre lo hispánico y lo indio, seanalizan las representaciones hegemónicas de género,el papel de la escolarización, y la feminización de loindígena en general y de los varones en particular comojustificación de la dominación de los blancos, y laracialización de tanto la dominación de género como ladominación política. Se analiza el papel nacionalizantey masculinizante tanto del ejército, mediante el serviciomilitar obligatorio, como de las minas. El contacto delos varones con la prostitución y la pornografía lespermite comparar su imagen de la sexualidad de losblancos con la típica de pocobayeños y pocobayeñas.La falta de contacto de las mujeres con la lengua castellanay la cultura «blanca» las hace doblemente alejadasde lo que se valora en la ciudadanía boliviana. Las ideashegemónicas de raza y género se reproducen a variosniveles en las vidas de los campesinos, lo cual crea tensionesya que diferentes modelos normativos de géneroentran en conflicto. En algunas ocasiones los hombresreproducen las jerarquías de género y raza en instanciasde violencia conyugal, tratando a sus esposas como«indias sucias».Palabras clave: Indígena, indio, género, ciudadanía,raza, sexualidad, BoliviaAbstract: In this article I explore the relations between citizenship,race and sex in the Andean village of Pocobaya,in Bolivia. The relationships that men and women shareare considered against the background of hegemonicideas of gender, discourses surrounding the ‘indian’, aswell as the role of schools; and the racialization of bothgender and political domination. The role of both theArmy and men’s work in the mines is analyzed as anationalizing and masculinizing influence. Men’s contactwith prostitution and pornography allows them tocompare their image of white sexuality with that typicalof Pocobayans. Women’s lack of contact with Spanishlanguage and with the white culture makes them doublyremoved from what is valued in Bolivian citizenship.Hegemonic ideas of race and gender are reproduced ona number of levels within the lives of villagers whichcreates tensions as different normative gender modelsare in conflict. On some occasions men reproduce theraced and gendered hierarchies in instances of conjugalviolence where they cast their wives as ‘dirty indians’.Keywords: Indigenous, Indian, gender, citizenship,race, sexuality, Bolivia

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30

Gradie, Charlotte M. "Discovering the Chichimecas." Americas 51, no. 1 (July 1994): 67–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1008356.

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The European practice of conceptualizing their enemies so that they could dispose of them in ways that were not in accord with their own Christian principles is well documented. In the Americas, this began with Columbus's designation of certain Indians as man-eaters and was continued by those Spanish who also wished to enslave the natives or eliminate them altogether. The word “cannibal” was invented to describe such people, and the Spanish were legally free to treat cannibals in ways that were forbidden to them in their relations with other people. By the late fifteenth century the word cannibal had assumed a place in the languages of Europe as the latest concept by which Europeans sought to categorize the “other.” As David Gordon White has shown, by the time the Spanish discovered America, barbarians were an established component of European mythology, history and theology as well as popular thought, and the categories Europeans employed to describe outsiders date as far back as the Greeks and the Egyptians before them. Therefore, it is not surprising that when they reached Mexico the Spanish easily adopted a word from Nahuatl to describe the Indian peoples of the north whom they believed to be barbarians. This word, chichimeca, which both designated and defined in a very particular way the native peoples of the north Mexican frontier, assumed in Spanish the credibility of longstanding native use, although as we shall see, this was not entirely justified.

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LADITKA, SARAH B., JAMES N. LADITKA, RUI LIU, ANNA E. PRICE, DANIELA B. FRIEDMAN, BEI WU, LUCINDA L. BRYANT, SARA J. CORWIN, and SUSAN L. IVEY. "How do older people describe others with cognitive impairment? A multiethnic study in the United States." Ageing and Society 33, no. 3 (January 3, 2012): 369–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x11001255.

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ABSTRACTWe studied how older people describe others with cognitive impairment. Forty-two focus groups represented African Americans, American Indians, Chinese Americans, Latinos, Vietnamese Americans, and Whites other than Latinos (Whites) (N = 396, ages 50+), in nine locations in the United States of America. Axial coding connected categories and identified themes. The constant comparison method compared themes across ethnic groups. African Americans, American Indians and Whites emphasised memory loss. African Americans, American Indians, Latinos and Whites stressed withdrawal, isolation and repetitive speech. African Americans, American Indians, Vietnamese Americans and Whites emphasised ‘slow thinking’. Only Whites described mood swings and personality changes. Many participants attributed dementia to stress. Terms describing others with dementia included ‘Alzheimer's’, ‘dementia’, ‘senile’ and ‘crazy’. Euphemisms were common (‘senior moment’, ‘old timer's disease’). Responses focused on memory, with limited mention of other cognitive functions. Differences among ethnic groups in descriptions of cognitive health and cognitive impairment underscore the need to tailor public health messages about cognitive health to ways that people construe its loss, and to their interest in maintaining it, so that messages and terms used are familiar, understandable and relevant to the groups for which they are designed. Health promotion efforts should develop ethnically sensitive ways to address the widely held misperception that even serious cognitive impairment is a normal characteristic of ageing and also to address stigma associated with cognitive impairment.

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Kato, Tsukasa. "Measurement Invariance in the Center for Epidemiologic Studies-Depression (CES-D) Scale among English-Speaking Whites and Asians." International Journal of Environmental Research and Public Health 18, no. 10 (May 16, 2021): 5298. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/ijerph18105298.

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The Center for Epidemiologic Studies Depression (CES-D) Scale has been widely used to measure depressive symptoms. This study compared the measurement invariances for one-, two-, three-, and four-factor models of the CES-D across English-speaking Whites and Asians: White Americans, White Australians, Indians, Filipinos, and Singaporeans. White Americans and Australians, Indians, Filipinos, and Singaporeans English speakers (782 men and 824 women) whose ages ranged from 20 to 79 years, completed the CES-D. They were recruited from the data pool of the 2013 and 2014 Coping and Health Survey. Confirmatory factor analyses indicated that the original four-factor model showed the best fit, compared to the other models. Mean and covariance structure analyses showed that the factor means of the CES-D subscales among Whites were significantly lower than were those among Asians; the score gap was particularly high between Whites and Indians. Additionally, Indians scored the highest on all subscales of the CES-D compared to all other countries. Overall, CES-D scores among Whites were lower than those among Asians.

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scott, nina m. "Measuring Ingredients: Food and Domesticity in Mexican Casta Paintings." Gastronomica 5, no. 1 (2005): 70–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2005.5.1.70.

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Measuring Ingredients: Food and Domesticity in Mexican Casta Paintings Mexican casta paintings flourished as a popular art form in the eighteenth century. No one is sure of the exact origin of this type of painting, which depicted racial mixtures accompanied by local foods; most likely it was an export item for wealthy Spaniards who were returning home and wanted a souvenir of colorful and exotic Mexico. Casta paintings were generally created in sets of sixteen canvases, and depicted all manner of racial hybridization among Whites, Blacks and Amerindians. The common trope was to portray a father, a mother, and an offspring, beginning with the Spanish male with Indian and Black consorts, and ending with an Indian couple, groupings which reflected social hierarchies of the colonial world. Most were painted by anonymous artists, though the canvases analyzed in this study are by known painters. Because of the emphasis on domestic relations, couples were often portrayed in kitchens or markets, which gives us valuable information on this aspect of daily life. The foods associated with the different castes also reflected socio-economic hierarchies, as well as reinforced the idea of America as land of bounty. Colonial artists generally imitated European models, but with the casta paintings Mexican artists were instead urged to paint what distinguished their country from Spain, hereby contributing to a growing sense of independence from the metropolis.

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Zhang, Tao. "The Chinese in the Initiation of America's Pan-Indianism." Historical Reflections/Réflexions Historiques 45, no. 1 (March 1, 2019): 70–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/hrrh.2019.450105.

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Despite some scholarly attention, the Native-American–Chinese association is mainly studied from the White perspective. One may get the impression that connections between the two similarly marginalized groups are either imagined or promoted by Whites for their own benefit. But, as a matter of fact, American Indians, joined by their White friends, did initiate associations with the Chinese out of their own racial considerations. One case in point is Pan-Indians’ reference to the Chinese in the process of forging a united and unique identity for the Indian race at the turn of the twentieth century. With those allusions, Native Americans were constructed into a group that was exceptional and progressive, benevolent and cosmopolitan—in short, a group that Whites should accept and respect as fellow Americans. Passively involved in proving Indians’ eligibility for American nationality, the Chinese emerged as racialized but less repugnant than they had been in Whites’ racist depictions. Pan-Indians’ citation of the Chinese thus registers the caution with which they navigated the constraints imposed by American racism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.

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Pike, Fredrick B. "Latin America and the Inversion of United States Stereotypes in the 1920s and 1930s: The Case of Culture and Nature." Americas 42, no. 2 (October 1985): 131–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1007206.

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In this essay I describe some often ignored North American modes of perceiving Latin Americans; and I suggest that a change in these modes contributed to the Good Neighbor era (1933-1945). I do not presume to argue that shifting attitudes and perceptions should be seen as the principal factors in shaping the Good Neighbor policy. Anyone concerned with the primary determinants of that policy must turn to security and economic considerations. Still, an intellectual—and, really, a psychological—phenomenon of shifting perceptions and stereotypes among North Americans accounted for some of the enthusiasm with which they greeted what they took to be a new approach to Latin America.In its central thrust this essay suggests that in hemispheric relations, seen from the north-of-the-Rio-Grande perspective, the United States stands generally for culture and Latin America for nature. Symbolizing the capitalist culture of the Yankees, shaped by their struggle to subdue wilderness and nature, has been the white male, often portrayed by Uncle Sam. In contrast, Latin America has been symbolized by Indians, blacks, women, children, and also the idle poor: people assumed to lack the capitalist urge constantly to tame, dominate, and uplift nature.

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Mathews, Anna E., Sarah B. Laditka, James N. Laditka, Sara Wilcox, Sara J. Corwin, Rui Liu, Daniela B. Friedman, Rebecca Hunter, Winston Tseng, and Rebecca G. Logsdon. "Older Adults’ Perceived Physical Activity Enablers and Barriers: A Multicultural Perspective." Journal of Aging and Physical Activity 18, no. 2 (April 2010): 119–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1123/japa.18.2.119.

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This study identified perceived physical activity (PA) enablers and barriers among a racially/ethnically and geographically diverse group of older adults. Data were from 42 focus groups conducted with African Americans, American Indians, Latinos, Chinese, Vietnamese, and non-Hispanic Whites (hereafter Whites). Constant-comparison methods were used to analyze the data. Common barriers were health problems, fear of falling, and inconvenience. Common enablers were positive outcome expectations, social support, and PA program access. American Indians mentioned the built environment and lack of knowledge about PA as barriers and health benefits as an enabler more than participants in other groups. Whites and American Indians emphasized the importance of PA programs specifically designed for older adults. Findings suggest several ways to promote PA among older people, including developing exercise programs designed for older adults and health messages promoting existing places and programs older adults can use to engage in PA.

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LADITKA, JAMES N., SARAH B. LADITKA, RUI LIU, ANNA E. PRICE, BEI WU, DANIELA B. FRIEDMAN, SARA J. CORWIN, et al. "Older adults' concerns about cognitive health: commonalities and differences among six United States ethnic groups." Ageing and Society 31, no. 7 (January 20, 2011): 1202–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0144686x10001273.

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ABSTRACTWe studied concerns about cognitive health among ethnically diverse groups of older adults. The study was grounded in theories of health behaviour and the representation of health and illness. We conducted 42 focus groups (N=396, ages 50+) in four languages, with African Americans, American Indians, Chinese Americans, Latinos, Whites other than Latinos (hereafter, Whites) and Vietnamese Americans, in nine United States locations. Participants discussed concerns about keeping their memory or ability to think as they age. Audio recordings were transcribed verbatim. Constant comparison methods identified themes. In findings, all ethnic groups expressed concern and fear about memory loss, losing independence, and becoming ‘a burden’. Knowing someone with Alzheimer's disease increased concern. American Indians, Chinese Americans, Latinos and Vietnamese Americans expected memory loss. American Indians, Chinese Americans and Vietnamese Americans were concerned about stigma associated with Alzheimer's disease. Only African Americans, Chinese and Whites expressed concern about genetic risks. Only African Americans and Whites expressed concern about behaviour changes. Although we asked participants for their thoughts about their ability to think as they age, they focused almost exclusively on memory. This suggests that health education promoting cognitive health should focus on memory, but should also educate the public about the importance of maintaining all aspects of cognitive health.

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Merivirta, Raita. "Valkoisen linssin läpi." Lähikuva – audiovisuaalisen kulttuurin tieteellinen julkaisu 32, no. 4 (March 16, 2020): 7–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.23994/lk.90785.

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Englantilaisen Richard Attenborough’n ohjaama Gandhi (1982) on Mohandas K. Gandhin (1869–1948) elämää ihailevasti tarkasteleva historiallinen suurelokuva, joka kuvaa nimihenkilön elämän ohella myös sitä, kuinka brittiläinen imperiumi luopui Intiasta vuonna 1947 intialaisten vuosikymmeniä kestäneen itsenäisyyskamppailun jälkeen.Tässä artikkelissa Gandhia luetaan brittien itselleen kertomana tarinana imperialismistaan ja kolonialismistaan ja niiden päättymisestä Intiassa. Tähän liittyy kiinteästi kysymys rotusuhteista kolonisoidussa Intiassa. Artikkelissa kysytään mitä Gandhi kertoo katsojilleen imperialismista, kolonialismista ja britti-hallinnosta Intiassa? Mikä merkitys on Gandhia alinomaa ympäröivillä valkoisilla henkilöillä? Käytän elokuvan tarkasteluun postkoloniaalista näkökulmaa yhdistettynä kulttuurihistorialliseen lähestymistapaan.Siitä huolimatta, että Gandhi suhtautuu nimihenkilöönsä ja tämän väkivallattomaan vastarintaan kunnioittavasti ja myönteisesti, elokuva myös kaunistelee britti-imperialismia ja siihen liittynyttä rasismia ja nostaa keskeiseen asemaan valkoisia, angloamerikkalaisia toimijoita monien intialaisten itsenäisyystaistelijoiden ohi. Gandhi onkin imperialismin ja kolonialismin vastaisuudestaan huolimatta erinomainen esimerkki eurosentrisen diskurssin hallitsemasta elokuvasta ja valkopestystä historian tulkinnasta. Elokuvaan on kirjoitettu runsaasti valkoisia, länsimaisia henkilöitä, jotka eivät elokuvan kuvaamien tapahtumien ja tulkintojen kannalta olisi olleet historiallisesti välttämättömiä. Gandhi kuvaa ”tavalliset britit” hyvinä yksilöinä ja ”tavalliset intialaiset” potentiaalisesti väkivaltaisina ja väkijoukkojen osana. Brittiläinen Intia ei elokuvassa tunnusta rasistisuuttaan, vaan kysymys imperialismista esitetään kysymyksenä Intian parhaasta hallinnosta ja hallinnasta.Through a White Lens: Imperialism, Racialization and Media in GandhiThe British film Gandhi (1982), directed by the English filmmaker Richard Attenborough, presents an admiring portrait of the Indian leader Mohandas K. Gandhi (1869–1948). Along with the life of the mahatma, the grand historical film also depicts (by necessity) the Indian independence struggle and the withdrawal of the British from India in 1947. In this article, Gandhi is read as a British narrative about British imperialism, colonialism, and the decolonization of India. These are inextricably intertwined with racial relations in colonial India.The article examines what Gandhi tells its viewers about imperialism, colonialism, and the British rule in India and asks, what is the meaning of all the white characters surrounding Gandhi. The film is analyzed from a postcolonial perspective.Despite the film’s respectful and admiring take on Gandhi and his philosophy and method of nonviolence, Gandhi also sanitizes British imperialism and racism, and has white, Anglo-American characters in central roles, all the while omitting or downplaying the role of many central Indian historical figures. It can be argued that though Gandhi is written in principle as an anti-imperialist and anti-colonialist text, it is also a prime example of Eurocentric and whitewashed historical interpretation. A number of white, Western characters who are not historically integral or necessary to the story being told have been included in the film. “Ordinary Brits” are depicted as good guys in Gandhi – British imperialists are an estranged elite – whereas “ordinary Indians” appear as potentially violent members of a mob. The British India of Gandhi does not admit its racist character, and the question of imperialism is presented as a question of the best possible governance of India.

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Chandalia, Manisha, Viswanathan Mohan, Beverley Adams-Huet, Raj Deepa, and Nicola Abate. "Ethnic Difference in Sex Gap in High-Density Lipoprotein Cholesterol Between Asian Indians and Whites." Journal of Investigative Medicine 56, no. 3 (March 1, 2008): 574–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.2310/jim.0b013e31816716fd.

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ObjectiveTo study whether low plasma high-density lipoprotein cholesterol (HDL-C) reported in Asian Indians is common in both men and women when compared with whites and whether it is related to increased body mass index (BMI) and plasma triglyceride concentration.DesignWe evaluated the lipid profile and prevalence of low HDL-C (<40 mg/dL in men and <50 mg/dL in women) in the following cohorts of normoglycemic 1404 men and 1817 women: Asian Indians living in rural India; urban Chennai, India; and Dallas, TX; and whites living in Dallas, TX.ResultsAfter adjustment for age, BMI, and smoking, HDL-C was not significantly different in Asian Indian men compared with whites. However, Asian Indian women had lower HDL-C compared with white women, and rural Asian Indian women had the lowest HDL-C even in the absence of high triglycerides. Lean Asian Indian women with BMI of less than 23 kg/m2 had higher frequency of low HDL-C compared with lean white women with BMI of less than 25 kg/m2 (72%, 56%, 48%, and 25% in rural, urban, and Dallas Asian Indian and white women, respectively) and lean men (52%, 42%, 28%, and 35% in rural, urban, and Dallas Asian Indian and white men, respectively). Sex differences in HDL-C was estimated as 6.6 ± 0.5 mg/dL for Asian Indians and 15.3 ± 1.1 mg/dL for whites (P < 0.0001 for sex difference in the 2 ethnic groups).ConclusionsIncreased prevalence of low HDL-C independently of obesity or hypertriglyceridemia is observed in women but not in men of Asian Indian origin. The sex gap in HDL-C is significantly smaller in Asian Indians compared with whites independent of geographical location.

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Singh, Ashutosh. "The Indian Navy Navis in Mari Amissa: At a Crossroads in the Twenty-first Century." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 10, no. 3 (November 28, 2023): 342–63. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/23477970231207686.

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This article hypothesises that the Indian Navy’s modernisation is directionless, the Latin phrase ‘Quod perierat navis’ meaning ‘a lost ship’ metaphorically representing the Indian Navy. While China’s naval expansion is set to revive great power naval brinkmanship in the twenty-first century, India’s naval modernisation appears rudderless without a critical appraisal of new challenges and countermeasures. This article hypothesises that this stems from the lack of an objective maritime doctrine resulting in a confused capability acquisition programme. The article puts forward three questions: First, is there a military strategy or white paper on India’s maritime threats and strengths? Second, is the Indian Navy bolstering its marine defences? Third, how might limited resources optimise capacities to meet challenges? To evaluate Indian Navy modernisation, this article will employ a qualitative method to explore the strategic objectives and utilisation of emerging naval technologies by the Indian Navy and its prospective rivals, and conclude by proposing suitable course corrections.

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Oatsvall, Neil. "Advertising Indians." Gastronomica 18, no. 2 (2018): 11–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/gfc.2018.18.2.11.

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Mountain Valley Spring Company (Hot Springs, Arkansas), the nation's first coast-to-coast bottled water company, ran an advertisement in 1939 that conflated American Indians and the natural world. While the company thought that it was selling bottled water by drawing upon a local myth that Hernando De Soto visited the area in 1541, in actuality it tapped into darker themes of conquest, exploitation, and co-opting the bodies of indigenous peoples into white American cultural conceptions of nature and health. This article contends that the Mountain Valley advertisement is indicative of many other advertisements at the time that functioned as the last step in normalizing indigenous people's conquest by the United States into dominant U.S. culture. Doing so allowed whites to experience both their conquest and the natural world in new ways by paying homage to the land's seemingly long-gone original inhabitants. The advertisement not only reflected dominant ideas about American Indians in U.S. society but actually helped to metaphysically reconquer peoples who were physically conquered long before.

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Shrestha, Ravi Kumar. "Desiring Whiteness in Jasmine." Patan Prospective Journal 2, no. 1 (September 13, 2022): 148–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/ppj.v2i1.48132.

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The novel Jasmine is written by Bharati Mukherjee, a South Asian English novelist. The novel revolves round Jasmine, the protagonist, who migrates to America desiring whiteness. My major argument in the research article is that she is obsessed with whiteness to have American identity, to materialize her husband’s dream of migrating to the USA, to counter the cultural binding of widowhood prevalent back in her home land, India and to have the privilege of gender equality by shifting to America. The study reflects how on the one hand, Jasmine’s journey to America is influenced by transnationalism and globalization; on the other hand, whiteness primarily appears to her as her desire and it also appears to her as identity, threat and negotiation. For the broad theoretical framework, I have used Kalpana Seshadri- Crooks’ and Frantz Fanon’s theory as theoretical modality to deal with the theory of whiteness. The novel reveals Jasmine, a young Indian girl’s journey from her village Hasnapur in India to Iowa in the USA, the land dominated by whites. Her migration to the USA, the assumed land of gender equality and opportunity shows her obsession with whiteness. Her movement from illegal migration to being an immigrant in pursuit of an American identity uncovers her belief of transcending the cultural barriers and taboos of home land. KalpanaSeshadri-Crooks defines whiteness as “a master signifier that establishes a structure of relations, a signifying chain that through a process of inclusions and exclusions constitutes a pattern for organizing human difference” (3). Likewise, Samir Amin argues “Whiteness is entirely related to Europe or the eternal west” (89), which can be a relevant idea to support why Jasmine migrates to the USA. Besides, the non-whites travel from the colonized nations to the west in search of whiteness, while whiteness travels from the west to the east to assert the hegemony over the orients. In this light, France Widdance Twine and Charles Andrew Gallagher further urge “Whiteness as a form of privilege and power travels from western countries to colonies throughout the world” (10). Finally, the write-up focuses on the significance of the study of desiring whiteness of South Asian characters like Jasmine for their migration to the USA.

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Arndt, Grant. "Voices and Votes in the Fields of Settler Society: American Indian Media and Electoral Politics in 1930s Wisconsin." Comparative Studies in Society and History 57, no. 3 (June 25, 2015): 780–805. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0010417515000286.

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AbstractIn 1939, Wisconsin readers of a weekly newspaper column by Mitchell Redcloud, a member of the Ho-Chunk Indian community settled within the rural township of Komensky, were greeted with a set of headlines from the imaginary “Komensky News” about an actual local event. The headlines reported that despite opposition from local whites, Ho-Chunk people had successfully elected a Ho-Chunk candidate to the township board. This article draws on studies of Indigenous media and recent efforts to develop field-theoretic accounts of social action to understand the interdependence of Redcloud's headlines and the Ho-Chunk vote as part of an incipient project of Indigenous political action. Using census records, I first describe the positions in the everyday field of race and class relations that Ho-Chunk people occupied in Komensky, based on their incomes, educations, and occupational statuses. I then draw on this description to understand Redcloud's position-taking strategies before the election. I next examine Redcloud's writing career in the newspaper to understand his strategy of self-positioning as a marked Indian voice within a print-based discursive field that denigrated other Ho-Chunk voices. I finish by examining new position-taking strategies manifest in the 1939 vote and in Redcloud's turn to headline register. I argue that both media and electoral mechanisms offered relatively autonomous fields that made these experiments with Indigenous action possible despite the absence of tribal political institutions necessary to transform the positions Ho-Chunk people occupied in their everyday lives. Together, the headlines and the election suggest the interdependence of activism carried out in media and in governmental structures in the production of transformative acts of political self-representation.

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McGovern, D., and R. Cope. "The Compulsory Detention of Males of Different Ethnic Groups, with Special Reference to Offender Patients." British Journal of Psychiatry 150, no. 4 (April 1987): 505–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1192/bjp.150.4.505.

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Compulsory detention rates of white, West Indian and Asian males under Part IV and Part V (offenders) of the 1959 Mental Health Act were compared: British-born West Indians and Asians were differentiated from migrants. Rates for Asians were similar to those for whites, but West Indians were significantly over-represented amongst compulsory detentions, especially as offender patients. A high total number of admissions and diagnostic differences accounted for the excess of West Indians admitted under Part IV, but not Part V.

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Matthewson, Timothy M., and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbia Plateau." Journal of American History 73, no. 1 (June 1986): 194. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1903649.

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Sheehan, Bernard W., and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbia Plateau." Journal of Interdisciplinary History 18, no. 3 (1988): 539. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/203927.

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Burns, Robert I., and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbia Plateau." Western Historical Quarterly 17, no. 4 (October 1986): 471. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/969034.

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Davis, Jack L., and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbian Plateau." American Indian Quarterly 10, no. 3 (1986): 270. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1184149.

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Bowden, Henry Warner, and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbia Plateau." American Historical Review 91, no. 2 (April 1986): 465. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1858287.

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Peterson, Jacqueline, and Christopher L. Miller. "Prophetic Worlds: Indians and Whites on the Columbia Plateau." Ethnohistory 35, no. 2 (1988): 191. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/482702.

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