Статті в журналах з теми "Water-supply Victoria Ballarat Region"

Intensive agricultural production accompanied by the climate change impacts in post-Colonial rural landscapes have continuously increased the demand for water resources and coastal areas, showing an unprecedented water supply crisis. By taking extreme weather conditions and rainfall events for future trends, a resilient water storage facility for the landscape requires the collaborative approach of natural systems and simulation modelling techniques to develop sustainable future scenarios. In this study, an ecological suitability model is used to identify potential sites for the construction of multi-purpose dams. As part of the model structure, multi factors are classified using the patterns of changing landscapes, and then weighted overlay analysis is conducted on a Geographic Information System (GIS) platform. Compared to previous studies, this paper derives its principal impact parameters and projections based on historical land cover information. The suitability maps that are generated visually guide the geographical location of the multi-purpose dams and indicate the areas from highly suitable to least suitable, clarifying the possibility of building blue infrastructure alongside the waterways in west-central Barwon. The workflow proposes a resilient water system based on existing land characteristics and measures that future water storage capacity will be a valid increase of approximately 1.5 times. This strategy alleviates water scarcity during the dry season to benefit traditional agricultural activities. Digital calculations are utilized to demonstrate the feasibility of the experimental results, providing a methodology for regulating the distribution and supply of river flows throughout the year while retaining runoff in a hierarchical pattern at precipitation periods.

In southwest Victoria, like many other regions in Australia, drought, climate change and population growth have exposed gaps in water supply. To develop effective demand management strategies for rural and regional areas, this paper investigates the drivers and barriers to water saving in southwest Victoria. Although the majority of people felt water saving was important, the drivers for water saving differed between different groups. Residential users were saving water for altruistic reasons, while for farmers the drivers were farm viability and productivity. Although the barriers differed between property types, common barriers included lack of understanding of the impact their water use has on supplies, lack of knowledge, the pricing system and distrust of the water authority. The findings provide information for effective demand management strategies for the region.

Climate change has significant effects on societies and ecosystems. Due to the strong link between climate and the hydrological cycle, water resources is one of the most affected fields by climate change. It is of great importance to investigate climate change effects on streamflows by producing future streamflow projections under different scenarios to create adaptation measures and mitigate potential impacts of climate change. The Upper Campaspe Catchment (UCC), located at North Central Victoria in Australia, is a significant catchment as it provides a large portion of total inflow to the Lake Eppalock Reservoir, which supplies irrigation to the Campaspe Irrigation district and urban water to Bendigo, Heathcote, and Ballarat cities. In this study, climate change effects on monthly streamflows in the UCC was investigated using high resolution future climate data from CSIRO and MIROC climate models in calibrated IHACRES hydrological model. The IHACRES model was found to be very successful to simulate monthly streamflow in UCC. Remarkable streamflow reductions were projected based on the climate input from both models (CSIRO and MIROC). According to the most optimistic scenario (with the highest projected streamflows) by the MIROC-RCP4.5 model in near future (2035–2064), the Upper Campaspe River will completely dry out from January to May. The worst scenario (with the lowest streamflow projection) by the CSIRO-RCP8.5 model in the far future (2075–2104) showed that streamflows will be produced only for three months (July, August, and September) throughout the year. Findings from this study indicated that climate change will have significant adverse impacts on reservoir inflow, operation, water supply, and allocation in the study area.

The Wimmera River is central western Victoria's most important river, rising in the Grampians National Park, filling storages that supply the major water supply to the vast Wimmera and Mallee regions. It passes through the Little Desert National Park, an area of significant scenic, recreation, historical and conservation value and terminates in Victoria's largest inland freshwater lakes (Lakes Hindmarsh and Albacutya). The brittleness of the whole closed Wimmera River system, and the over committal of the water resources was brought to the public's attention when appeals were lodged against the proposal to licence a discharge of high standard secondary effluent from an extended aeration oxidation ditch and lagoon treatment facility at Horsham. Residents, user and community groups, Municipal Councils and Government Departments, aware of the deterioration of the Wimmera River had somewhere to focus their attention. Victoria's and possibly Australia's longest environmental appeal, lasting twenty-five days, and a State Environment Protection Policy, determined that all major point sources of nutrients should be removed from the River. More resources for clearing of unwanted emergent weeds, more facilities for protection of Crown Land and catchments generally, and the implementation of environmental summer flows as piping of the Wimmera-Mallee Stock and Domestic System proceeds, are all required. A River Management Board with strength, wealth, good public relations and a dedication to the task could make the Wimmera River an example for all Australia and a tourist attraction of immense value to the region.

ABSTRACT The Drygalski Ice Tongue presents an ~80 km long floating obstacle to alongshore flows in the Victoria Land coastal ocean region of the Western Ross Sea. Here we use oceanographic data from near to the tongue to explore the interplay between the floating glacier and the local currents and stratification. A vessel-based circuit of the glacier, recording ocean temperature and salinity profiles, reveals the southwest corner to be the coldest and most complex in terms of vertical structure. The southwest corner structure beneath the surface warm, salty layer sustains a block of very cold water extending to 200 m depth. In this same location there was a distinct layer at 370 m not seen anywhere else of water at ~−1.93°C. The new observations broadly, but not directly, support the presence of a coherent Victoria Land Coastal Current. The data suggest the northward moving coastal current turns against the Coriolis force and works its way anticlockwise around the glacier, but with leakage beneath the glacier through the highly ‘rippled’ underside, resulting in a spatially heterogeneous supply to the Terra Nova Bay Polynya region – an important location for the formation of high-salinity shelf water.

Innovative solutions are required to meet the conflicting criteria of service level, community need, community desire, cost and risk to the supply authority in the delivery of water quality improvements to small regional communities. Grampians Region Water Authority services 74 towns in North-Western Victoria, an area of generally low rainfall, sparse settlement and few natural waterways. Town populations range from 10 to 13,000, with 56 towns having less than 500 people. A Water Quality Improvement Plan was recently developed by Grampians Water to address these natural difficulties. The plan examined a broad range of alternatives beyond the single-pipe reticulated supply system, including dual-pipe reticulation, rainwater sources and household water treatment systems for achieving target quality levels. The key findings were:• regional treatment plants are not economical if towns are more than 25 km apart• salinity is a major influence on strategy• for low salinity supplies, conventional treatment is most economical• for marginal salinity supplies, a two stage process involving conventional treatment and desalination is appropriate• desalination provides a total solution for high salinity groundwater supplies• drinking quality can only be economically achieved in very small towns by using household treatment of rainwater in a dual supply system. The resultant strategies and implementation issues outlined reveal some significant variations to the conventional approach.

A series of simulations was made with a fallow{wheat crop simulation model to examine the effects of stubble retention and tillage on yield for 2 semi-arid environments in north-western Victoria over a 100-200-year period. The fallow treatments comprised 4 combinations of stubble management and tillage in 18-month-long fallows of a fallow{wheat rotation. The 2 sites are representative of the major soil types of the region: a chromic vertisol at Dooen and a calcic xerosol at Walpeup. Stubble retention had the greatest effect on yield, providing a median increase of 0·8 and 0·6 t/ha at Dooen and Walpeup, respectively. Zero tillage had an importantbut small advantage in the presence of stubble at Dooen (0·2 t/ha) and no significant advantage under any system at Walpeup. Yield response was primarily caused through increased fallow-stored water of approximately 89 and 25 mm at Dooen and Walpeup, respectively. The accumulation of soil mineral nitrogen (SMN) at sowing in fallows did not show the same treatment differences as with water or yield. There was a significant interaction between soil type and fallow method. At Dooen, stubble depressed SMN by about 24 kg N/ha (163{185 kg N/ha) below those without stubble (188-207 kg N/ha). Tillage reduced SMN with or without stubble by about 20 kg N/ha. At Walpeup, on the other hand, the highest SMN was associated with tillage and was enhanced by stubble, but the differences were small (<10 kg N/ha). Nitrogen fertiliser produced a small increase in yield (median 0·2 t/ha) at Dooen, increasing to about 0·4 t/ha in wetter years when stubble was retained and fallows were maintained with zero tillage. Over a 100-year period, nitrogen fertiliser reduced the rate of yield decline. The use of nitrogen fertiliser with stubble retention and zero tillage offers an opportunity for arresting declining yield and quality in intensive cropping systems in the Wimmera region of Victoria.

Lucerne (Medicago sativa) has not been a significant part of the feedbase of the Murray-Dairy Region of Australia. However, under future climate regimes, which are indicating an overall decline in rainfall as well as water available for irrigation of pastures, lucerne is emerging as a potential forage species because of its adaptability, productivity and resilience. A large-scale field experiment was conducted at Tatura, Victoria, Australia, over four years to determine the dry matter (DM) production and nutritive characteristics of lucerne under a range of limiting and non-limiting irrigation management practices. Nine irrigation treatments were imposed that ranged from full irrigation to no irrigation in either a single, or over consecutive, irrigation seasons. Plots were harvested using plant-based criteria over the irrigation season and DM production and nutritive characteristics were determined. DM production generally increased as the total water supply (irrigation plus rainfall plus changes in soil water) increased, with the fully irrigated treatments producing significantly more DM than the treatments where the irrigation water had been restricted. Mean annual DM digestibility concentration was 66% of DM and was not affected by treatment. Similarly, mean crude protein concentration, which was 22% of DM, was also not affected by treatment. There was no consistent effect of restricted irrigation on the neutral detergent fibre concentration of the lucerne plants. These results suggest that in seasons where irrigation is restricted because of limited water supply, the reduction in lucerne productivity is not associated with a penalty in forage nutritive characteristics, with lucerne able to provide sufficient nutrients to form a large proportion of the total diet for a high-producing dairy cow.

Lucerne (Medicago sativa L.) has the potential to be grown widely under water-limiting conditions in the dairy region of northern Victoria and southern New South Wales, Australia, possibly because of its greater water productivity and because irrigation management of lucerne can be more flexible compared with other forage species. A large-scale field experiment was conducted at Tatura in northern Victoria, over 5 years to determine the effects of limiting (deficit) and non-limiting irrigation management on the dry matter (DM) production, water productivity (irrigation and total water productivity) and stand density (or persistence) of lucerne. Nine irrigation treatments were imposed that included full irrigation, partial irrigation and no irrigation in either a single, or over consecutive, irrigation seasons. In the fifth year of the experiment, all plots received the full irrigation treatment to examine plant recovery from the previous irrigation treatments. In any one year, there was a linear relationship between DM production and total water supply (irrigation plus rainfall plus changes in soil water) such that DM production decreased as the total water supply – due to deficit irrigation – decreased. Over the 5 years, annual DM production ranged from 1.4 to 17.7 t DM ha–1 with the highest production occurring in plots that received full irrigation. Irrigation water productivity was inversely related to the amount of water used and was higher in the treatments that had only been partially irrigated for that year compared with the treatments that had been fully watered for that year. Total water productivity values were significantly lower only in the treatments that had not been irrigated for that year, and there was little difference between the treatments that were only partially watered during the year and the fully watered treatments (range 9.1–12.2 kg DM ha–1 mm–1 for Year 4). There was no significant reduction in plant density or plant persistence in those plots where deficit irrigation had been imposed. However, the high irrigation regime and poor drainage in the fully irrigated border-check plots significantly reduced plant density and allowed weed infestation in the fifth year of the experiment. These results suggest that, although lucerne DM production is directly related to total water use and may be significantly reduced in the irrigation regions of south-eastern Australia in seasons when water is restricted, the lucerne stand is able to fully recover once a full irrigation regime is resumed. This makes lucerne an ideal forage species for situations when water is limiting.

The profitability of dairy farms in Australia and New Zealand is closely related to the amount of pasture dry matter consumed per hectare per year. There is variability in the pasture growth curve within years (seasonal variation) and between years (interannual variation) in all dairy regions in both countries. Therefore, the biological efficiency of production systems depends on the accuracy and timeliness of the many strategic and tactical decisions that influence the balance between feed supply and demand over an annual cycle. In the case of interannual variation, decisions are made with only limited quantitative information on the range of possible pasture growth outcomes. To address this limitation, we used the biophysical simulation model ‘DairyMod’ to estimate mean monthly herbage accumulation rates of annual or perennial ryegrass-based pastures in 100 years (1907–2006) for five Australian sites (Kyabram in northern Victoria, Terang in south-west Victoria, Ellinbank in Gippsland, Elliott in north-west Tasmania and Vasse in south-west Western Australia) and in 35 years (1972–2006) for three sites in New Zealand (Hamilton in the Waikato, Palmerston North in the Manawatu and Winchmore in Canterbury). The aim was to evaluate whether or not a probabilistic approach to the analysis of pasture growth could provide useful information to support decision making. For the one site where annual ryegrass was simulated, Vasse, the difference between the 25th and 75th percentile years was 20 kg DM/ha.day or less in all months when pasture growth occurred. Irrigation at Kyabram and Winchmore also resulted in a narrow range of growth rates in most months. For non-irrigated sites, the 25th–75th percentile range was narrow (10–15 kg DM/ha.day) from May or June through to September or October, because plant available soil water was adequate to support perennial ryegrass growth, and the main source of interannual variability was variation in temperature. Outside of these months, however, variability in growth was large. There was a positive relationship between total annual herbage accumulation rate and mean stocking for four southern Australian regions (northern Victoria, south-west Victoria, Gippsland and Tasmania), but there was evidence of a negative relationship between the co-efficient of variation in pasture growth and stocking rate. The latter suggests that farmers do account for risk in pasture supply in their stocking rate decisions. However, for the one New Zealand region included in this analysis, Waikato, stocking rate was much higher than would be expected based on the variability in pasture growth, indicating that farmers in this region have well defined decision rules for coping with feed deficits or surpluses. Model predictions such as those presented here are one source of information that can support farm management decision making, but should always be coupled with published data, direct experience, and other relevant information to analyse risk for individual farm businesses.

AbstractKelps play important roles in ecosystems as they provide structural habitat and protection, and supply food. Given these beneficial roles and observed increases in seaweed biomass and distribution ranges across the Arctic, mapping kelp occurrence around Arctic coasts is both timely and necessary for future conservation. Here, we fill spatial gaps in the knowledge of kelp distribution in the southern Northwest Passage, Canadian Arctic Archipelago; specifically, we report the occurrence of Laminaria solidungula, Saccharina latissima and Alaria esculenta from Victoria and Dease straits and Bathurst Inlet in the Kitikmeot Region at depths mostly from 10 to 30 m (max. 40 m; upper extent vessel-limited). Kelp specimens were found at bottom water temperatures from sub-zero to 1 °C (surface-T to ~ 6 °C) and bottom water salinities of ~ 28 (surface-S < 20) in August–September. Kelp sites were characterized by both strong tidal currents (max. estimates from a tidal model 20–70 cm s−1 in center of passages) and hard substrates, interspersed with finer sediments. Co-occurring identifiable epibenthos was dominated by suspension-feeders preferring currents (sea cucumbers, soft corals, Hiatella clams), potential kelp consumers (sea urchins Strongylocentrotus sp., Margarites snails, limpets) and predatory invertebrates (sea stars, lyre crabs). At the same and some deeper nearby sites, loose kelp fragments were also found at the seabed, suggesting that kelps contribute to the regional detrital food web by supplying carbon to less productive sites. Kelps in the region may expand their ranges and/or growing season with reduced ice cover and warming, although constraints through local turbidity sources, extreme temperatures, low salinity and low nutrient concentrations are also recognized.

This paper reports on the remapping of a carefully documented vegetation plot at Cape Hallett (72°19′S 170°16′E) to provide an assessment of the rates of vegetation change over decadal time scales. E.D. Rudolph, in 1962, mapped in detail the vegetation of a site approximately 28 m by 120 m at Cape Hallett, Victoria Land, Antarctica. This site was relocated and remapped in January 2004 and changes were assessed using GIS techniques. This appears to be the longest available time period for assessing vegetation change in Antarctica. The analysis indicated that considerable change had occurred in moss and algae distribution patterns and this seems to have been caused by increased water supply, particularly in wetter areas. There was also evidence of some change in lichen distribution. The extent of the change indicates that vegetation cover can be used for monitoring change in areas as extreme as the Ross Sea region. For this analysis to be successful it was important that the mapping techniques used were totally explicit and could easily be replicated. Fortunately, Rudolph had defined his cover classes and the site was also clearly marked. The application of GIS mapping techniques allows the mapping to be more explicitly defined and easily replicated.

A major barrier to the adoption of precision agriculture in dryland cropping systems is our current inability to reliably predict spatial patterns of grain yield for future crops for a specific paddock. An experiment was undertaken to develop a better understanding of how edaphic and climatic factors interact to influence the spatial variation in the growth, water use, and grain yield of different crops in a single paddock so as to improve predictions of the likely spatial pattern of grain yields in future crops. Changes in a range of crop and soil properties were monitored over 3 consecutive seasons (barley in 2005 and 2007 and lentils in 2006) in the southern section of a 167-ha paddock in the Mallee region of Victoria, which had been classified into 3 different yield (low, moderate, and high) and seasonal variability (stable and variable) zones using normalised difference vegetation index (NDVI) and historic yield maps. The different management zones reflected marked differences in a range of soil properties including both texture in the topsoil and potential chemical-physical constraints in the subsoil (SSCs) to root growth and water use. Dry matter production, grain yield, and quality differed significantly between the yield zones but the relative difference between zones was reduced when supplementary irrigation was applied to barley in 2005, suggesting that some other factor, e.g. nitrogen (N), may have become limiting in that year. There was a strong relationship between crop growth and the use of soil water and nitrate across the management zones, with most water use by the crop occurring in the pre-anthesis/flowering period, but the nature of this relationship appeared to vary with year and/or crop type. In 2006, lentil yield was strongly related to crop establishment, which varied with soil texture and differences in plant-available water. In 2007 the presence of soil water following a good break to the season permitted root growth into the subsoil where there was evidence that SSCs may have adversely affected crop growth. Because of potential residual effects of one crop on another, e.g. through differential N supply and use, we conclude that the utility of the NDVI methodology for developing zone management maps could be improved by using historical records and data for a range of crop types rather than pooling data from a range of seasons.

The application of composted bedding litter (wheat straw or rice hulls) that had been used to house swine has been shown to significantly improve the yield and water use of dry land grain crops growing on two contrasting soil types (a Vertosol and Sodosol) in the Wimmera region of Victoria, Australia. The effect of applying this composted litter on a range of chemical and physical properties of these soils was investigated to better understand how the composted bedding litter improved grain production. Applying bedding litter significantly increased soil total nitrogen (N) and organic carbon in both the Vertosol and Sodosol in the season after application in proportion to the rate of litter application. Applying pig bedding litter also significantly (P < 0.05) increased the level of more labile soil fertility indicators. Soil nitrate (NO3) concentration at the time of sowing of both canola in 1998 (second crop after initial application of litter) and oats/field peas in 1999 (third crop) was significantly higher than control plots at both sites, with values as high as 90 mg NO3/kg soil in the topsoil being recorded. Most of the soil NO3 resulting from the application of bedding litter was concentrated in the topsoil of the poorly structured Sodosol whereas on the Vertosol, soil NO3 tended to be distributed more evenly throughout the soil profile. Litter application also increased soil microbial N concentrations in the topsoil. Soil physical structure was improved by adding bedding litter, especially on the Sodosol soil. The application of litter decreased the number of small, unstable aggregates (250–1000 µm) whereas the number of large (>2000 µm) water stable aggregates in the topsoil (0–10 cm) was increased. Applying bedding litter also significantly decreased the exchangeable sodium percentage on the Sodosol but not on the Vertosol. Cone penetrometer resistance was reduced in the subsoil at both sites following the application of bedding litter. It was concluded that the beneficial effects of applying pig bedding litter on grain crops was attributed to several factors but the over riding effect appeared due to improved N supply on the well structured Vertosol and enhanced soil structure on the Sodosol.

The irrigation of perennial pasture and the growing of dryland summer forage crops are two common methods of increasing the supply of and nutritional value of home grown forage on dairy farms in south west Victoria. In recent years the amount and reliability of supply of irrigation water to dairy farmers in the region has decreased through drought and increased regulation. Over the last 8 years a series of studies have been conducted to investigate the most efficient use of unreliable irrigation water supplies. Perennial pasture was found to be particularly sensitive in terms of reduced productivity and water use efficiency (WUE) to poor irrigation practices. However, under good management and reliable water supply it is still likely to be the easiest and most economically efficient irrigation system. Irrigated summer forage crops were found to have a higher WUE, but responses were variable due to year to year seasonal differences. These crops were found to be more tolerant of poor irrigation management and were able to take advantage of reduced amounts of irrigation water and one off irrigations. Keywords: brassicas, forage crops, irrigated pasture, irrigation, water use efficiency.

Abstract This is the first detailed study of the distribution of mosses and lichens at Alexandra Mountains and Rockefeller Mountains, Edward VII Peninsula, Antarctica. A total of 418 samples was collected on 21 nunataks in the summer of 1987–1988. Lichens included 44 taxa, bringing the total known from Edward VII Peninsula to 50. Ten lichen species were new records for the Continental Antarctic zone, whilst only six were endemic to that zone. There were six species and one variety of moss, bringing the total known from Edward VII Peninsula to seven species and one variety. These included the first record of a species of Orthotrichum in Continental Antarctica. Two other species and a variety were new records for Edward VII Peninsula. Overall, the flora was species rich for a Continental Antarctic region and was comparable with the species-rich sites of Botany Bay and Kar Plateau, which are at approximately the same latitude (77°S) in southern Victoria Land. This rich flora was probably supported by a reliable summer water supply from melting snowfall and snowdrift and by the range of microenvironments at nunataks with different degrees of nutrient enrichment from nesting birds.

IntroductionAustralia is at a particular point in its history where there is a noticeable diaspora of artists and creative practitioners away from the major capitals of Sydney and Melbourne (in particular), driven in no small part by ballooning house prices of the last eight years. This has meant big changes for some regional spaces, and in turn, for the face of Australian cultural life. Regional cultural precincts are forming with tourist flows, funding attention and cultural economies. Likewise, there appears to be growing consciousness in the ‘art centres’ of Melbourne and Sydney of interesting and relevant activities outside their limits. This research draws on my experience as an art practitioner, curator and social researcher in one such region (Castlemaine in Central Victoria), and particularly from a recent interview series I have conducted in collaboration with art space in that region, Wide Open Road Art. In this, 23 regional and city-based artists were asked about the social, economic and local conditions that can and have supported their art practices. Drawing from these conversations and Bourdieu’s ideas around cultural production, the article suggests that authentic, diverse, interesting and disruptive creative practices in Australian cultural life involve the increasingly pressing need for security while existing outside the modern imperative of high consumption; of finding alternative ways to live well while entering into the shared space of cultural production. Indeed, it is argued that often it is the capacity to defy key economic paradigms, for example of ‘rational (economic) self-interest’, that allows creative life to flourish (Bourdieu Field; Ley “Artists”). While regional spaces present new opportunities for this, there are pitfalls and nuances worth exploring.Changes in Regional AustraliaAustralia has long been an urbanising nation. Since Federation our cities have increased from a third to now constituting two-thirds of the country’s total population (Gray and Lawrence 6; ABS), making us one of the most urbanised countries in the world. Indeed, as machines replaced manual labour on farms; as Australia’s manufacturing industry began its decline; and as young people in particular left the country for city universities (Gray and Lawrence), the post-war industrial-economic boom drove this widespread demographic and economic shift. In the 1980s closures of regional town facilities like banks, schools and hospitals propelled widespread belief that regional Australia was in crisis and would be increasingly difficult to sustain (Rentschler, Bridson, and Evans; Gray and Lawrence 2; Barr et al.; ABS). However, the late 1990s and early 21st century saw a turnaround that has been referred to by some as the rise of the ‘sea change’. That is, widespread renewed interest and idealisation of not just coastal areas but anywhere outside the city (Murphy). It was a simultaneous pursuit of “a small ‘a’ alternative lifestyle” and escape from rising living costs in urban areas, especially for the unemployed, single parents and those with disabilities (Murphy). This renewed interest has been sustained. The latest wave, or series of waves, have coincided with the post-GFC house price spike, of cheap credit and lenient lending designed to stimulate the economy. This initiative in part led to Sydney and Melbourne median dwelling prices rising by up to 114% in eight years (Scutt 2017), which alone had a huge influence on who was able to afford to live in city areas and who was not. Rapid population increases and diminished social networks and familial support are also considered drivers that sent a wave of people (a million since 2011) towards the outer fringes of the cities and to ‘commuter belt’ country towns (Docherty; Murphy). While the underprivileged are clearly most disadvantaged in what has actually been a global development process (see Jayne on this, and on the city as a consumer itself), artists and creatives are also a unique category who haven’t fared well with hyper-urbanisation (Ley “Artists”). Despite the class privilege that often accompanies such a career choice, the economic disadvantage art professions often involve has seen a diaspora of artists moving to regional areas, particularly those in the hinterlands around and train lines to major centres. We see the recent ‘rise of a regional bohemia’ (Regional Australia Institute): towns like Toowoomba, Byron Bay, Surf Coast, Gold Coast-Tweed, Kangaroo Valley, Wollongong, Warburton, Bendigo, Tooyday, New Norfolk, and countless more being re-identified as arts towns and precincts. In Australia in 2016–17, 1 in 6 professional artists, and 1 in 4 visual artists, were living in a regional town (Throsby and Petetskaya). Creative arts in regional Australia makes up a quarter of the nation’s creative output and is a $2.8 billion industry; and our regions particularly draw in creative practitioners in their prime productive years (aged 24 to 44) (Regional Australia Institute).WORA Conservation SeriesIn 2018 artist and curator Helen Mathwin and myself received a local shire grant to record a conversation series with 23 artists who were based in the Central Goldfields region of Victoria as well as further afield, but who had a connection to the regional arts space we run, WideOpenRoadArt (WORA). In videoed, in-depth, approximately hour-long, semi-structured interviews conducted throughout 2018, we spoke to artists (16 women and 7 men) about the relocation phenomenon we were witnessing in our own growing arts town. Most were interviewed in WORA’s roving art float, but we seized any ad hoc opportunity we had to have genuine discussions with people. Focal points were around sustainability of practice and the social conditions that supported artists’ professional pursuits. This included accessing an arts community, circles of cultural production, and the ‘art centre’; the capacity to exhibit; but also, social factors such as affordable housing and the ability to live on a low-income while having dependants; and so on. The conversations were rich with lived experiences and insights on these issues.Financial ImperativesIn line with the discussion above, the most prominent factor we noticed in the interviews was the inescapable importance of being able to live cheaply. The consistent message that all of the interviewees, both regional- and city-based, conveyed was that a career in art-making required an important independence from the need to earn a substantial income. One interviewee commented: “I do run my art as a business, I have an ABN […] it makes a healthy loss! I don’t think I’ve ever made a profit […].” Another put it: “now that I’m in [this] town and I have a house and stuff I do feel like there is maybe a bit more security around those daily things that will hopefully give me space to [make artworks].”Much has been said on the pervasive inability to monetise art careers, notably Bourdieu’s observations that art exists on an interdependent field of cultural capital, determining for itself an autonomous conception of value separate to economics (Bourdieu, Field 39). This is somewhat similar to the idea of art as a sacred phenomenon irreducible to dollar terms (Abbing 38; see also Benjamin’s “aura”; “The Work of Art”). Art’s difficult relationship with commodification is part of its heroism that Benjamin described (Benjamin Charles Baudelaire 79), its potential to sanctify mainstream society by staying separate to the lowly aspirations of commerce (Ley “Artists” 2529). However, it is understood, artists still need to attain professional education and capacities, yet they remain at the bottom of the income ladder not only professionally, but in the case of visual artists, they remain at the bottom of the creative income hierarchies as well. Further to this, within visual arts, only a tiny proportion achieve financially backed success (Menger 277). “Artistic labour markets are characterised by high risk of failure, excess supply of recruits, low artistic income level, skewed income distribution and multiple jobholding” (Mangset, Torvik Heian, Kleppe, and Løyland; Menger). Mangset et al. point to ideas that have long surrounded the “charismatic artist myth,” of a quasi-metaphysical calling to be an artist that can lead one to overlook the profession’s vast pitfalls in terms of economic sustainability. One interviewee described it as follows: “From a very young age I wanted to be an artist […] so there’s never been a time that I’ve thought that’s not what I’m doing.” A 1% rule seems widely acknowledged in how the profession manages the financial winners against those who miss out; the tiny proportion of megastar artists versus a vast struggling remainder.As even successful artists often dip below the poverty line between paid engagements, housing costs can make the difference between being able to live in an area and not (Turnbull and Whitford). One artist described:[the reason we moved here from Melbourne] was financial, yes definitely. We wouldn’t have been able to purchase a property […] in Melbourne, we would not have been able to live in place that we wanted to live, and to do what we wanted to do […]. It was never an option for us to get a big mortgage.Another said:It partly came about as a financial practicality to move out here. My partner […] wanted to be in the bush, but I was resistant at first, we were in Melbourne but we just couldn’t afford Melbourne in the end, we had an apartment, we had a studio. My partner was a cabinet maker then. You know, just every month all our money went to rent and we just couldn’t manage anymore. So we thought, well maybe if we come out to the bush […] It was just by a happy accident that we found a property […] that we could afford, that was off-grid so it cut the bills down for us [...] that had a little studio and already had a little cottage on there that we could rent that out to get money.For a prominent artist we spoke to this issue was starkly reflected. Despite large exhibitions at some of the highest profile galleries in regional Victoria, the commissions offered for these shows were so insubstantial that the artist and their family had to take on staggering sums of personal debt to execute the ambitious and critically acclaimed shows. Another very successful artist we interviewed who had shown widely at ‘A-list’ international arts institutions and received several substantial grants, spoke of their dismay and pessimism at the idea of financial survival. For all artists we spoke to, pursuing their arts practice was in constant tension with economic imperatives, and their lives had all been shaped by the need to make shrewd decisions to continue practising. There were two artists out of the 23 we interviewed who considered their artwork able to provide full-time income, although this still relied on living costs remaining extremely low. “We are very lucky to have bought a very cheap property [in the country] that I can [also] have my workshop on, so I’m not paying for two properties in Melbourne […] So that certainly takes a fair bit of pressure off financially.” Their co-interviewee described this as “pretty luxurious!” Notably, the two who thought they could live off their art practices were both men, mid-career, whose works were large, spectacular festival items, which alongside the artists’ skill and hard work was also a factor in the type of remuneration received.Decongested LivingBeyond more affordable real estate and rental spaces, life outside our cities offers other benefits that have particular relevance to creative practitioners. Opera and festival director Lindy Hume described her move to the NSW South Coast in terms of space to think and be creative. “The abundance of time, space and silence makes living in places like [Hume’s town] ideal for creating new work” (Brown). And certainly, this was a theme that arose frequently in our interviews. Many of our regionally based artists were in part choosing the de-pressurised space of non-metro areas, and also seeking an embedded, daily connection to nature for themselves, their art-making process and their families. In one interview this was described as “dreamtime”. “Some of my more creative moments are out walking in the forest with the dog, that sort of semi-daydreamy thing where your mind is taken away by the place you’re in.”Creative HubsAll of our regional interviewees mentioned the value of the local community, as a general exchange, social support and like-minded connection, but also specifically of an arts community. Whether a tree change by choice or a more reactive move, the diaspora of artists, among others, has led to a type of rural renaissance in certain popular areas. Creative hubs located around the country, often in close proximity to the urban centres, are creating tremendous opportunities to network with other talented people doing interesting things, living in close proximity and often open to cross-fertilisation. One said: “[Castlemaine] is the best place in Australia, it has this insane cultural richness in a tiny town, you can’t go out and not meet people on the street […] For someone who has not had community in their life that is so gorgeous.” Another said:[Being an artist here] is kind of easy! Lots of people around to connect—with […] other artists but also creatively minded people [...] So it means you can just bump into someone from down the street and have an amazing conversation in five minutes about some amazing thing! […] There’s a concentration here that works.With these hubs, regional spaces are entering into a new relevance in the sphere of cultural production. They are generating unique and interesting local creative scenes for people to live amongst or visit, and generating strong local arts economies, tourist economies, and funding opportunities (Rentschler, Bridson, and Evans). Victoria in particular has burgeoned, with tourist flows to its regions increasing 13 per cent in 5 years and generating tourism worth $10 billion (Tourism Victoria). Victoria’s Greater Bendigo is Australia’s most popularly searched tourist destination on Trip Advisor, with tourism increasing 52% in 10 years (Boland). Simultaneously, funding flows have increased to regional zones, as governments seek to promote development outside Australia’s urban centres and are confident in the arts as a key strategy in boosting health, economies and overall wellbeing (see Rentschler, Bridson, and Evans; see also the 2018 Regional Centre for Culture initiative, Boland). The regions are also an increasingly relevant participant in national cultural life (Turnbull and Whitford; Mitchell; Simpson; Woodhead). Opportunities for an openness to productive exchange between regional and metropolitan sites appear to be growing, with regional festivals and art events gaining importance and unique attributes in the consciousness of the arts ‘centre’ (see for example Fairley; Simpson; Farrelly; Woodhead).Difficulties of Regional LocationDespite this, our interviews still brought to light the difficulties and barriers experienced living as a regional artist. For some, living in regional Victoria was an accepted set-back in their ambitions, something to be concealed and counteracted with education in reputable metropolitan art schools or city-based jobs. For others there was difficulty accessing a sympathetic arts community—although arts towns had vibrant cultures, certain types of creativity were preferred (often craft-based and more community-oriented). Practitioners who were active in maintaining their links to a metropolitan art scene voiced more difficulty in fitting in and successfully exhibiting their (often more conceptual or boundary-pushing) work in regional locations.The Gentrification ProblemThe other increasingly obvious issue in the revivification of some non-metropolitan areas is that they can and are already showing signs of being victims of their own success. That is, some regional arts precincts are attracting so many new residents that they are ceasing to be the low-cost, hospitable environments for artists they once were. Geographer David Ley has given attention to this particular pattern of gentrification that trails behind artists (Ley “Artists”). Ley draws from Florida’s ideas of late capitalism’s ascendency of creativity over the brute utilitarianism of the industrial era. This has got to the point that artists and creative professionals have an increasing capacity to shape and generate value in areas of life that were previous overlooked, especially with built environments (2529). Now more than ever, there is the “urbane middle-class” pursuing ‘the swirling milieu of artists, bohemians and immigrants” (Florida) as they create new, desirable landscapes with the “refuse of society” (Benjamin Charles Baudelaire 79; Ley New Middle Class). With Australia’s historic shifts in affordability in our major cities, this pattern that Ley identified in urban built environments can be seen across our states and regions as well.But with gentrification comes increased costs of living, as housing, shops and infrastructure all alter for an affluent consumer-resident. This diminishes what Bourdieu describes as “the suspension and removal of economic necessity” fundamental to the avant-garde (Bourdieu Distinction 54). That is to say, its relief from heavy pressure to materially survive is arguably critical to the reflexive, imaginative, and truly new offerings that art can provide. And as argued earlier, there seems an inbuilt economic irrationality in artmaking as a vocation—of dedicating one’s energy, time and resources to a pursuit that is notoriously impoverishing. But this irrationality may at the same time be critical to setting forth new ideas, perspectives, reflections and disruptions of taken-for-granted social assumptions, and why art is so indispensable in the first place (Bourdieu Field 39; Ley New Middle Class 2531; Weber on irrationality and the Enlightenment Project; also Adorno’s the ‘primitive’ in art). Australia’s cities, like those of most developed nations, increasingly demand we busy ourselves with the high-consumption of modern life that makes certain activities that sit outside this almost impossible. As gentrification unfolds from the metropolis to the regions, Australia faces a new level of far-reaching social inequality that has real consequences for who is able to participate in art-making, where these people can live, and ultimately what kind of diversity of ideas and voices participate in the generation of our national cultural life. ConclusionThe revival of some of Australia’s more popular regional towns has brought new life to some regional areas, particularly in reshaping their identities as cultural hubs worth experiencing, living amongst or supporting their development. Our interviews brought to life the significant benefits artists have experienced in relocating to country towns, whether by choice or necessity, as well as some setbacks. It was clear that economics played a major role in the demographic shift that took place in the area being examined; more specifically, that the general reorientation of social life towards consumption activities are having dramatic spatial consequences that we are currently seeing transform our major centres. The ability of art and creative practices to breathe new life into forgotten and devalued ideas and spaces is a foundational attribute but one that also creates a gentrification problem. Indeed, this is possibly the key drawback to the revivification of certain regional areas, alongside other prejudices and clashes between metro and regional cultures. It is argued that the transformative and redemptive actions art can perform need to involve the modern irrationality of not being transfixed by matters of economic materialism, so as to sit outside taken-for-granted value structures. This emphasises the importance of equality and open access in our spaces and landscapes if we are to pursue a vibrant, diverse and progressive national cultural sphere.ReferencesAbbing, Hans. Why Artists Are Poor: The Exceptional Economy of the Arts. Amsterdam: Amsterdam UP, 2002.Adorno, Theodor. Aesthetic Theory. London: Routledge, 1983.Australian Bureau of Statistics. “Population Growth: Capital City Growth and Development.” 4102.0—Australian Social Trends. 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