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1
Triyogo, Agus. "The Impact of Napoleonic War toward Great Britain’s Condition as Reflected in William Thackeray’s Vanity Fair (Sociological Approach)." EDULIA: English Education, Linguistic and Art Journal 1, no. 1 (September 15, 2020): 1–7. http://dx.doi.org/10.31539/edulia.v1i1.1569.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this study is to describe the social conditions that occurred in England after the Napoleonic war. This type of method is library research. Data collection was carried out through observation and documentation. Data were analyzed using a sociological approach. The results showed that the condition of British society after the Napoleonic war was still good in its education system with modern and intellectual thinking. British society realizes that education is very important for everyone to be more responsible. In fact, social relations that were conducive to change become individuals during war. The Napoleonic war had a negative impact on the life of British society, especially on psychological conditions and economic development. In conclusion, Britain's socio-economic life was destroyed after the war. All economic sources such as industry, agriculture and factories are getting worse. People only think how to protect themselves from war.
Keywords: Great Britain, Impact, Napoleonic War, Sociological Approach, Vanity Fair
2
Lavrenko, Valeriia. "Images of Great Britain and the British in Russian society during the First World War." Universum Historiae et Archeologiae 5, no. 1-2 (December 30, 2022): 101. http://dx.doi.org/10.15421/26220512.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of the article is to analyze the general ideas about Great Britain and the British as military allies of the bloc of Entente countries, which existed in Russian society during the First World War. Methods used in the research: the method of content analysis, historical-genetic and historical-comparative. Main results: the article examines the visions of the British, common among the Russian intelligentsia on the eve of the First World War, and the influence of previous historical experience on the formation of these visions. It is analyzed in what way Russians' ideas about Britain as an allied state were transformed during the course of hostilities. Attempts to carry out state actions to promote Britain in the Russian Empire are considered, in particular, the visit of Russian journalists to the British Isles in 1916.Journalistic notes and journalistic works resulting from this visit are examined. Concise conclusions: the experience of the First World War showed that the state propaganda of the Russian Empire paid much more attention to the formation of the image of the enemy. Conversely, efforts aimed at familiarizing Russian society with allies in the bloc of Entente countries were significantly less powerful. At the beginning of the First World War, most representatives of Russian society looked skeptically at Britain as an ally, taking to the attantion the country's lack of general mobilization and its desire to fight only at sea. The experience of the war showed that although general mobilization was not introduced in Great Britain, the number of the British Expeditionary Force in continental Europe increased tenfold due to volunteers who demonstrated high fighting qualities. Britain abandoned the strategy of war exclusively at sea, fulfilling the All-Allied obligations, the country learned to overcome the resource crisis that arose as a result of raids by German submarines on the routes connecting the British Isles with the colonies. It was these messages that Russian journalists and publicists tried to convey about Britain, in particular, the participants of the 1916 visit. However, the number of materials aimed at a mass reader, dedicated to allies in Russia was much less than articles dedicated to the enemy. Even at the end of the war, Russian society looked at the Western Front as an unknown war. Over time, this gave rise to the idea among Russian veterans during the years of the Civil War that Britain and France had failed to fulfill their duty as allies and were guilty of Russia. Practical meaning: the materials of the article can be used in the teaching of the basic course for students of the Faculty of History (Oles Honchar Dnipro National University) at the bachelor's level – “History of Western Europe and North America in modern times”. Originality: for the first time, attention is focused on the fact that the sphere of ideas about the Allies by the Entente bloc during the First World War directly influenced the events at the front and determined the narratives of the USSR and Russian emigration after the world carnage. Scientific novelty: for the first time, the change in perceptions of the British as allies of the Russian Empire (within the Entente countries) during the entire period of active hostilities during the First World War was analyzed. Type of article: descriptive and analytical.
3
Miziniak, Helena. "Polish Community in Great Britain." Studia Polonijne 43, Specjalny (December 20, 2022): 49–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.18290/sp2243.5s.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the activity of Poles in Great Britain in the 20th century, beginning with the end of World War II, when a large group of Polish refugees and veterans settled in the UK. In 1947, the Federation of Poles was established to represent Polish community in Great Britain. The Association of Polish Women (1946) and the Relief Society for Poles (1946) were also formed at the same time.
The article shows the involvement of the Polish community in Great Britain in the context of Polish history. This involvement included the organisation of anti-communist protests, carrying out various actions to inform people about the situation in Poland, organising material aid, supporting Poland at the time of the system transformation, and supporting Poland’s accession to the European Union. Over the decades, the Polish community in Great Britain has managed to set up numerous veterans’ and social organisations, Polish schools, it also built churches in order to preserve Polish culture abroad.
4
Zernetska, O. "The Concept of Historical Memory in Great Britain." Problems of World History, no. 5 (March 15, 2018): 122–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.46869/2707-6776-2018-5-6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Great Britain is a country where the concept of historical memory has been sustained for a long time. It is especially interesting, how it has been done in the XXIst century. This article investigates,how traditions, rituals and values have been saved in Great Britain for many centuries and at the same time, how new ones have been born for last decades. This is a case-study in which the perpetuation inGreat Britain of a great date – the century from the date of the outbreak of the First World War; old and new traditions, rituals, events, performances that preserve and develop the historical memory ofBritish society are researched.
5
Inkin, V. V. "British Society in the reflection of the press: fascist sentiments among the World War I veterans in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities 29, no. 2 (April 27, 2024): 528–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2024-29-2-528-540.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Importance. The topic of the threat of fascist ideas and movements at the present stage is increasingly being brought up in the framework of public and scientific discussions. The coverage of this problem of the history of Great Britain in the 1930s is connected with the need to study the development of the features of fascism in society and in the society of veterans of the World War I. The novelty of the work is to consider the strengthening of the right-wing sentiments of part of the community of British war veterans in the 1930s, while fascism in Great Britain has been studied most widely by historical science in relation to political organizations and parties. Revealing the connection of veterans with the fascist movement will reveal the essence of the state ideology and the contradiction in public sentiment.Materials and Methods. Within the framework of a historical and systematic approach, the Fascist movement in Great Britain was considered as one of the features of the development of public sentiment. The problem of fascization of British society was the duality of political attitudes. On the one hand, representatives of British fascism were marginals, and on the other, prominent figures of the largest veterans’ organization, the British Legion, were the exponents of the ideas of fascism. Using the prosopographic method, the social and political activities of the World War I veterans were investigated.Results and Discussion. Based on the analysis of the development of Great Britain in the 1930s, the specifics of public sentiment are described. The veteran movement in the country adhered to various ideologies. By the mid-1930s, opinions arose among veteran leaders about the possibility of uniting with the fascists. During this period, the veterans of the World War I themselves, with the assistance of politicians and the aristocracy, as well as the support of capitalist circles, created right-wing radical organizations that openly adopted nationalist, anti-Semitic, and racist positions. The possibility of veterans coming under the influence of fascist organizations actually existed, given the numerous contacts and joint activities both within the UK itself and with foreign organizations and politicians (in particular, with the leaders of the Third Reich and Italy).Conclusion. Prominent figures of the veteran movement (in particular, the British Legion) are responsible for the development of fascism in the UK and have contributed to the policy of appeasing the aggressor. Their activities in the process of unleashing the World War II were derived from the prevailing socio-economic system. In the 1930s, veterans and their leaders became instruments and sometimes representatives of the interests of competing groups of the economically dominant class in Great Britain. Dissatisfaction with the policies of the British governments and the rise of fascist sentiment was reflected in social protest and criticism in the press.
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Inkin, Victor V. "Memory formation about World War I through British veterans’ activities and the historical policy of Great Britain in the 1930s." Tambov University Review. Series: Humanities, no. 5 (2023): 1305–15. http://dx.doi.org/10.20310/1810-0201-2023-28-5-1305-1315.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Importance. The scientific problem lies in the World War I historical memory’s formation’s features’ study. The purpose of the research is to reveal what was the ratio of the state’s and veterans’ influence in the narratives’ formation of World War I historical memory in the Great Britain in the 1930s. Research Methods. The historical policy of the British government in the field of the memory about World War I was studied by a historical and systematic approach for consideration as one of the instruments of influence on the Great Britain’s society. The activity of veteran organizations and individual front-line soldiers during the 1930s was analyzed, whose protest against the state narrative of historical memory after the “Great Depression” began to fade by 1939. Results and Discussion. On the basis of the materials of the British press of the 1930s, as well as the involvement of additional sources, narratives about World War I were illustrated, which gradually changed in the 1930s. The ideology and activities of the state in the field of historical policy actively from 1932–1933 displaced negative ideas about the war, suppressed anti-war movements and pacifist sentiments in British society. The strengthening of the state’s influence on the British Legion testified to its subordination to the official agenda, which allowed the ruling circles to use veterans in the implementation of domestic and foreign policy (to develop international contacts, influence public opinion). Conclusion. The value of the research lies in the introduction into scientific circulation of the materials of the British press as historical sources that allow us to trace the gradual weakening of the role of veterans’ organizations in the field of memory about World War I by the middle of 1930s, and the strengthening of the influence of the state in this regard. The correlation of official and public (veteran) narratives in historical memory is shown.
7
HEATHORN, STEPHEN. "THE MNEMONIC TURN IN THE CULTURAL HISTORIOGRAPHY OF BRITAIN'S GREAT WAR." Historical Journal 48, no. 4 (December 2005): 1103–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x05004930.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How the First World War has come to be remembered has, over the past two decades, become a major concern for British historians, eclipsing earlier scholarly preoccupations with war guilt and its political consequences, the impact of the war on social structure and the status of women, and the conflict's role in the rise of the modernist aesthetic. This article surveys both scholarship on the cultural legacy of the First World War in Britain and the debates about how the memory of this war – the ‘Great War’ – has either retarded its consideration ‘as history’ or spurred new, if not always entirely successful, modes of inquiry into the relationships among war, society, and culture. The article argues that memory of the Great War must itself be treated as history; that the meaning of that memory should be placed within the context of the changing events, ideas, and identities of the entire twentieth century; and that more scholarly attention needs to be directed at the popular reception of representations of the Great War by the population at large, and at the power of the various forms of media by which those representations have been conveyed to their audience and have thereby shaped memory of the conflict.
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Lunev, S. M. "The Image of Great Britain in the Soviet Press in the Context of the Spanish Civil War (1936‒1939)." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 13, no. 1 (April 7, 2021): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2021-13-1-196-222.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The developments of the Spanish Civil War in 1936–1939, including its international aspects, have been thoroughly studied both in foreign and in Russian historiography. However, the introduction of new research approaches, in this case imagology, allows us to revisit even the well-established views. The paper examines the сreation and subsequent development of the image of Great Britain in the Soviet press in the context of the Spanish Civil War. The research draws on publications in the Soviet ‘Pravda’ and ‘Izvestiya’ newspapers, as well as in the ‘Ogoniok’, ‘Za rubezhom’ and ‘Agitator’s Sputnik’ magazines. The study reveales a rather ambiguous position of the Soviet press in relation to the British policy in Spain. Several topics played a key role in creating the image of the ‘Foggy Albion’ in the Soviet press. The leitmotif of publications of the Soviet journalists was the image of the empire in decline. In this regard, the Soviet press emphasized the acquiescence of the British government faced with aggressive actions from Francoists backed by Germany and Italy, as well as its inability to protect national interests of its own state. Parallel to this, the image of Great Britain as a split society was created. The Soviet journalists stressed that passivity of the government caused mounting criticism from both political left and right. At the same time, they praised the work of the civil society and volunteers in support of the republic. Finally, the Soviet media bashed London for its gradual drift from non-intervention towards appeasement and even direct inducement of aggressors. The author concludes that the image of Great Britain created in the Soviet press was intended to convince the Soviet public opinion in the fallacy of the British policy. In the face of an impending global war, London was portrayed as an unreliable ally, prone to concessions to aggressors.
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Lyons, Gene M. "The Study of International Relations in Great Britain: Further Connections." World Politics 38, no. 4 (July 1986): 626–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010170.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Aside from language, students of international relations in the United States and Great Britain have several things in common: parallel developments in the emergence of international relations as a field of study after World War I, and more recent efforts to broaden the field by drawing security issues and changes in the international political economy under the broad umbrella of “international studies.” But a review of four recent books edited by British scholars demonstrates that there is also a “distance” between British and American scholarship. Compared with dominant trends in the United States, the former, though hardly monolithic and producing a rich and varied literature, is still very much attached to historical analysis and the concept of an “international society” that derives from the period in modern history in which Britain played a more prominent role in international politics. Because trends in scholarship do, in fact, reflect national political experience, the need continues for transnational cooperation among scholars in the quest for strong theories in international relations.
10
Gente, Magali. "Family Ideology and the Charity Organization Society in Great Britain During the First World War." Journal of Family History 27, no. 3 (July 2002): 255–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/036990027003003.
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Meyer, Jessica. "Matthew's Legs and Thomas's Hand: Watching Downton Abbey as a First World War Historian." Journal of British Cinema and Television 16, no. 1 (January 2019): 78–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/jbctv.2019.0457.
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From its first series in 2010, the ITV television drama Downton Abbey laid claim to representing early twentieth-century British society with great historical accuracy while being lambasted by critics for presenting a sanitised version of modern British social history. This article looks at how the programme was drawn, over the course of its broadcast between 2010 and 2015, into a wider discussion of the representation and commemoration of the First World War and debates about accuracy and authenticity in fictional depictions of the war which date back at least to 1915. Locating the discussion in the historiography of the cultural commemoration of the war in Britain, it will examine three particular military medical storylines – Matthew's paralysis, Thomas's self-mutilation of his hand, and the servants' reactions to Archie's psychological trauma – to examine how the drama reflects both the historic reality of the war's impact and the myths of war experience which have developed within British culture over the past century. In doing so, it will argue that Downton demonstrates both the advantages and drawbacks of invoking historical accuracy and authenticity to locate representations within historic narratives of the First World War in Britain.
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Rosner, Anna M. "Kindertransporty – brytyjskie akcje ratowania żydowskich dzieci w latach 1938–1939." Zagłada Żydów. Studia i Materiały, no. 12 (November 30, 2016): 141–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.32927/zzsim.412.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article talks about Kindertransports – the major rescue action organized by British-Jewish organizations, and run from the territory of Great Britain between 1938 and 1939. The Kindertransports aimed at gathering and sending to Great Britain Jewish children under the age of seventeen, in order to prevent them from witnessing, or being victims of the acts of violence in Nazi controlled Europe. Once in Great Britain, the children were supposed to spend several weeks with British families willing to give them shelter and support. Those for whom foster parents would not be found, were to be sent to boarding schools or temporary shelters. In the action’s planning phase the institutions involved considered the Kindertransports to be a temporary solution. As the situation of the Jewish population in Nazi controlled Europe worsened, it became clear that the character of the action needed to be revised, and the families were expected to guest the children for a longer and unspecified time. In the end approximately 10.000 Jewish children, who travelled to the Isles, were allowed to stay throughout the times of war. In 1945 it became clear that vast majority of them had no place or family to get back to. They stayed in Great Britain becoming an important and vital part of the British society, with British citizenships granted shortly after the end of the war. The article discusses the organization of the Kindertransport and talks about other solutions taken under consideration both by the program organizers, and the British government. It elaborates on the experiences the children shared, that is being separated from their families, feeling homesick, or finding oneself in the new environment. It explains the question of the lost identity of the participants of the program and speaks on how the subjects dealt with it. It also shows how the British legislature and laws connected to the Enemy Alien status together with the Defence Regulation 18B influenced lives of the underage survivors. The article ends with an attempt of estimation of what happened to the Kindertransport children after the war. How many of them remained in Great Britain and considered themselves British, how many shown high level of mobility and spend their lives changing their place of residence. In the end how many of them kept their self-identification as Jews, and how many converted.
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Kochegarov, S. A., and V. V. Mikhailov. "REACTION IN GOVERNMENT AND PARLIAMENT OF GREAT BRITAIN ON SOVIET-ESTONIAN PEACE NEGOTIATIONS IN 1919-1920." Scientific Notes of V.I. Vernadsky Crimean Federal University. Historical science 7 (73), no. 3 (2021): 58–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.37279/2413-1741-2021-7-3-58-71.
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The article focuses on the contradictions in the British regarding the continuation of military operations against the Soviet Republic at the end of 1919 and the participation of Estonia in the White struggle. Documents of British archives, and transcripts of proceedings of Parliament shows that after a series of military setbacks of the White forces, and the failure of formation with the direct pressure from the British military advisers of the government of the North-West Russia to create anti-Bolshevik coalition under the political control of the British commissioners in the Baltic countries, the mood in Parliament and the War Cabinet of Britain has changed. Speeches of liberal members of Parliament at the meetings of 1919-1920, note that the issue of concluding a Bolshevik-Estonian peace Treaty has become positively evaluated in wide circles of British society. Criticism of the «militarism» of the government became particularly acute after the peace of Tartu in January 1920, and the firmness of the Estonian government, which had making peace, was welcomed by a number of deputies. Minutes of meetings of the British Imperial War Cabinet and documents of the War Council also shows a shift from the policy of active involvement of the Baltic countries in the anti-Bolshevik struggle to recognition of the failure of this struggle and the impossibility of its revival by spending the financial and material resources, which were strongly necessary to solve other problems that arose in the British government after the end of the First world war.
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Gegen, Gegen. "Post-war British Cinema: Constructing an Imagined Community Through National Cinema." Advances in Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (December 21, 2021): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/ahr.2021002.
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Benedict Andersons masterpiece Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism has influenced the discipline of national cinema greatly since its publication . This paper aims to decode British national cinema from the late 1940s to early 1960s to rediscover the situation of British society at that time through Andersons conception of imagined communities. Through reading closely on two representative British films A Matter of Life and Death (Emeric Pressburge, 1946) and Saturday Night and Sunday Morning (Karel Reisz, 1960), the paper portrays the great changes happened in Britain from the end of the the Second World War to the beginning of the 1960s.
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Gegen, Gegen. "Post-war British Cinema: Constructing an Imagined Community Through National Cinema." Advances in Humanities Research 1, no. 1 (December 21, 2021): 6–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.54254/2753-7080/1/ahr_002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Benedict Andersons masterpiece Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism has influenced the discipline of national cinema greatly since its publication . This paper aims to decode British national cinema from the late 1940s to early 1960s to rediscover the situation of British society at that time through Andersons conception of imagined communities. Through reading closely on two representative British films A Matter of Life and Death (Emeric Pressburge, 1946) and Saturday Night and Sunday Morning (Karel Reisz, 1960), the paper portrays the great changes happened in Britain from the end of the the Second World War to the beginning of the 1960s.
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O'KEEFFE, ELEANOR K. "Civic veterans: the public culture of military associations in inter-war Glasgow." Urban History 44, no. 2 (August 5, 2016): 293–316. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0963926816000493.
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ABSTRACTThis article examines the public culture of military associations, and their veteran membership, in inter-war Glasgow. It follows their parades and beery reunions to consider the public meanings of such acts. That these claims to civic recognition were met by a congregation of civic elements allows us to view the inter-war creation of civic identity from a new and enlightening vantage point. But this culture also allows us to encompass the vitality, and distinctly urban character, of the memory of the Great War within inter-war society. Cities provided alternative channels for the veteran associational impulse to the British Legion, which has generally been seen as synonymous with the veterans’ movement in Britain. War memory, too, had a distinct urban form and character that needs to be acknowledged within wider literature. This is the story of the ‘civic veteran’ and the social and cultural contexts that made him.
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Zolotarova, Kristina. "PUBLISHING INDUSTRY IN WARTIME: CHARLES DICKENS “A TALE OF TWO CITIES”." Doxa, no. 1(37) (July 5, 2023): 103–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.18524/2410-2601.2022.1(37).281826.
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What better way to tell about the time than a real “historical witness” – a product of that time, for the people of that time?! As such a “witness” in this small researched book from the 40s of the 20th century – Charles Dickens “A Tale of Two Cities”, published by “Blackie & Son Limited (London and Glasgow)”. Thanks to this book, it was possible to touch on the “wartime” publishing industry, consider the main challenges faced by the book publishing industry and explore non-standard solutions for a decent response to these challenges in Great Britain. In addition, people who felt the need for books despite all the difficulties and dangers brought by “wartime” – the Second World War – become a real inspiration. This book, which in this study dates from the early 1940s, is an example of the publishing standard – the Agreement – which was introduced in Great Britain during the Second World War. Namely, the Book Production War Economy Agreement (1942), which was concluded between the publishers (Publisher Association) of Great Britain and the state leadership (represented by the Ministry of Supply). This agreement, which was mainly of a recommendatory nature, was primarily related to the rationalization of the use of resources necessary for the publishing of book products (regulating and standardizing printed publications that would respond to the main challenges in limited economic conditions). It should be noted separately that the agreement was initiated by the Association itself, because it was a response to the unfair (in the opinion of publishers) distribution of paper, namely to Paper rationing, which was introduced by The British Ministry of Information [Holman 2005]. In this context, the earlier creation of The Paper Control Committee, which controlled the use of paper by publishers and acted as their defender before the Ministry of Supply [Vassilopoulos 2021], should be considered. Speaking about the demand for books during the Second World War in Great Britain, one should note the incessant thirst for reading, learning new things, and searching for “answers to questions that concern us now” [Hench 2010]. It seems that there were already enough exciting events in everyday life, but it was precisely in the times when the war dragged on and there was no visible end or finale, and society began to tire of uncertainty and the constant feeling of “calm before the storm”, books became a real salvation from difficult to perceive and understand reality – a new reality. This explains the constantly growing demand for books of various formats and genres in the 1940s.
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Blakeley, Brian L. "The Society for the Oversea Settlement of British Women and the Problems of Empire Settlement, 1917–1936." Albion 20, no. 3 (1988): 421–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4049737.
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The “deluge” of World War I not only produced change within British society, but it intensified governmental and societal interest in the empire. This trend occurred for several reasons. Britain's wartime co-operation with her dominions led many Britons to assume that this new imperial unity could, and should, be cultivated in the post-war period. The imperial pessimism generated in some circles by the tragedy of the Boer War faded from the public's memory. Equally important, however, by 1917 the government was conscious of the serious economic and social problems Britain would confront once victory had been attained. One of several imperial solutions studied extensively during the war was state supported emigration. The government, which since 1914 had played an increasingly prominent role in solving society's problems, believed that emigration would serve a variety of useful purposes. It would alleviate the distress of thousands of British women, it would accelerate the economic and social development of the dominions, and it would strengthen the British Empire, giving it the power and self-assurance necessary to carry out its diplomatic and military roles in the post-war world. During the course of these deliberations during and immediately after World War I, the importance of women to any comprehensive strengthening of the empire was fully accepted by the government for the first time in British history.The growth of interest in government sponsored imperial migration, including that of women, did not occur, however, in a vacuum. The 1920s and 1930s were, as it is increasingly recognized, “a great age of British Imperialism,” during which the “mass pheonomena of Empire—the Empire Shopping Weeks, the Empire Exhibitions and Empire Day celebrations” became a prominent part of the British social scene.
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Leventhal, F. M. "“A Tonic to the Nation”: The Festival of Britain, 1951." Albion 27, no. 3 (1995): 445–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/4051737.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
No event of the post-Second World War decade in Britain is recalled as affectionately or enveloped in such an aura of nostalgia as the Festival of Britain, a five-month series of cultural events and exhibits, with its centerpiece at the South Bank in London. But the Festival dear to the recollections of those growing up during and after the war diverged sharply from the original conception of its progenitors.In 1943 the Royal Society of the Arts, partly responsible for the Great Exhibition of 1851, suggested to the government that an international exhibition along similar lines be staged in 1951 to commemorate the earlier event. To propose a celebratory occasion in 1943 was an act of faith that the war would not only end successfully, but that Britain would have recovered sufficiently by 1951 to warrant such a demonstration. In September 1945, with the war over and Labour in power, Gerald Barry, the editor of the News Chronicle, addressed an open letter to Stafford Cripps, then President of the Board of Trade, advocating a trade and cultural exhibition in London as a way of commemorating the centenary of the Crystal Palace. Such an exhibition would advertise British products and display British prowess in design and craftsmanship. He favored a site in the center of London, such as Hyde Park or Battersea, either of which would provide ample space for such an exhibition. What prompted these suggestions was the need to provide practical help to British commerce at a time when it was clearly under pressure shifting from wartime controls to peacetime competition.
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Susloparova, Elena. "Antiwar campaign of the British Labour Party in the early World War I." Исторический журнал: научные исследования, no. 1 (January 2021): 98–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.7256/2454-0609.2021.1.31944.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article is dedicated to the protest campaign of Labour Party of Great Britain, which unfolded in the early World War I. Based on the range of sources, such as socialist workers’ press of Great Britain, party documents, parliamentary debated, the author sets a goal to examine the key arguments of the opponents, namely activists of the Independent Workers’ Party, which became a stronghold of antiwar sentiment of the Labours. Special attention is given to such publicists as R. MacDonald and K. Hardy. The article also traces the evolution of antiwar campaign and reveals the reasons. Research methodology is based on the systematic approach towards analysis of public speeches of British activists printed in the workers' socialist publications of antiwar orientation. It is demonstrated how in the space of a few days, in August 1914, the moods of majority of the British workers changed dramatically, from unreserved condemnation of the war expressed in the slogans of the Second International towards support of the government in the fight against militaristic Germany. The conclusion is drawn that in the initial months of war, the antiwar campaign has experienced significant transformation. If in the early period it was characterized mostly by the emotional and somewhat sarcastic rhetoric, then later on the background of tremendous human losses, the campaign adopted a rather moderate tone. Attempts of the publicists to grasp on causes of war and focus the need to rebuild society after its completion comes to the forefront.
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Sidorov, Sergey. "V International Scientific Conference “Military History of Russia: Problems, Search, Decisions” Devoted to the 75th Anniversary of the Victory in the Great Patriotic War (September 11–12, 2020, Volgograd)." Vestnik Volgogradskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Serija 4. Istorija. Regionovedenie. Mezhdunarodnye otnoshenija 26, no. 1 (March 2021): 253–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.15688/jvolsu4.2021.1.22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents information about the V International scientific conference “Military history of Russia: problems, search, solutions” held in Volgograd on September 11–12, 2020, dedicated to the 75th anniversary of Victory in the Great Patriotic War. The conference was held at Volgograd State University. The conference was informative and representative in its composition: more than 220 representatives of scientific institutions of the Russian Academy of Sciences, civil and military universities and centers, archives, museums and libraries in 48 cities of Russia, Azerbaijan, Belarus, Great Britain, Kazakhstan, USA, Turkmenistan and Ukraine. Among the participants of the conference there was a corresponding member of RAE, 39 doctors and 82 candidates of sciences. Along with professors and associate professors, the conference was attended by young scientists: assistant lecturers, postgraduate students, master students, students and schoolchildren. The article analyzes the work of the plenary session, sections, round tables and the discussion platform. The mainstream sections were the following: “Patriotic War: history and modernity”, “National economy of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War”, “Social history of the Great Patriotic War”, “Lower Volga and the Don during the Great Patriotic War”, “Source base for the study of the Great Patriotic War”, “Problems of historiography of the Great Patriotic War”. The permanent sections presented reports on military history in ancient times, the middle ages, modern and contemporary times, social protection of the population in wartime, and international aspects of the Battle of Stalingrad. The round tables discussed issues of military and political security of society and the state, problems of military memorial tourism in the Russian Federation, and international aspects of military conflicts. The discussion platform was dedicated to patriotic education of children and youth.
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Markovich, Slobodan. "Eleftherios Venizelos, British public opinion and the climax of Anglo-Hellenism (1915-1920)." Balcanica, no. 49 (2018): 125–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc1849125m.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper analyses the construction of a more than favourable image of Eleftherios Venizelos in Britain in 1915-1920. Although Venizelos was highly praised and popular in Britain since at least 1913, his effort to bring Greece to the side of the Entente in 1915 made him exceptionally popular in Paris and particularly in London. Traditions of British philhellenism have been analysed, particularly the influence of two associations: the Hellenic Society founded in 1879 and, especially, the Anglo-Hellenic League established in 1913. The latter helped boost Venizelos?s image in Britain, but it also paved the way for Anglo-Hellenism, the belief of some influential Britons that the fate of modern Greece is inseparably linked with Britain. The Times leaders/editorials and key articles on Venizelos in 1915-1920 have been analysed to demonstrate the level of support and admiration that Venizelos gradually attained. The role of Ronald Burrows and the group of experts around The New Europe is particularly analysed in terms of how the image of Venizelos and Venzelist Greece was constructed. The degree of admiration for Venizelos in Britain has been dealt with through a number of periodicals and newspapers published in Britain during the Great War and through Venizelos?s biographies published in Britain with an aim to show how he became a widely respected super-celebrity. The views of leading British statesmen and opinion makers also indicate a quite high degree of identification with both Venizelos and Greek war aims in Britain in 1915-1920. The climax and the collapse of Anglo-Hellenism in 1919-20 are analysed at the end of the paper. When Venizelos lost the elections of November 1920, Anglo-Hellenism disappeared as a relevant factor in British politics, journalism and diplomacy.
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JACKSON, PETER. "FRENCH INTELLIGENCE AND HITLER'S RISE TO POWER." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 795–824. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008000.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines the French response to the rise to power of Adolf Hitler and the Nazi party in Germany in January of 1933. It argues that French intelligence warned civilian and military leaders that the priorities of the new regime were rearmament and the militarization of German society in preparation for a war of conquest. This essentially accurate appreciation of the situation inside Germany had little impact on the course of French foreign policy. At this juncture French society was preoccupied with worsening economic crisis and pacifist sentiment had reached its inter-war zenith. The national focus was inward and domestic concerns took priority over the external threat from Germany. Finally, France was in a position of relative isolation and could garner no support for a policy of firmness from its erstwhile allies, Great Britain and the United States. This combination of national introspection and diplomatic isolation deterred a succession of governments from taking determined steps to meet the Nazi challenge in 1933.
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Kaczorowski, Jan. "Gdy treść i forma idą w parze. O edytorskich i estetycznych walorach czasopisma „Oficyna Poetów” wydawanego w Londynie w latach 1966–1980." Studia o Książce i Informacji (dawniej: Bibliotekoznawstwo) 36 (July 5, 2018): 151–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/2300-7729.36.9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the content and form go hand in hand with one another. Aesthetic and editorial value of “Oficyna Poetów” — a magazine published in London between 1966 and 1980“Oficyna Poetów” was aliterary and cultural magazine published in London by Polish-born émigré couple, Krystyna and Czesław Bednarczyk. After World War II they settled in Great Britain, and almost immediately started private printing press. That periodical was one of their biggest projects. “Oficyna…” was one of few magazines published abroad devoted to Polish literature and art. During communism era it was aplace where Polish authors could publish not being afraid of repercussions or censorship. The magazine also integrated Polish intelligentsia around the world and was some kind of alternative for “Kultura” published in Paris. During the years the owners of “Oficyna Poetów iMalarzy” developed their skills and machine park of the press. Struggling from low budget and lack of support they still managed to maintain very high aesthetical level of their hand-made prints. The article is devoted to graphic and typographic form of the periodical. The Bednarczyks were editors, designers, typesetters and printers at the same time. They put great effort in selection of paper, print quality and acquired the most talented émigré illustrators to cooperate in “Oficyna…”. Aesthetic form of the magazine, as well as its cultural impact on Polish society in Great Britain can be sapid for researchers interested in emigration culture, literary magazines and niche printing movement in Great Britain.
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Catháin, Máirtin Ó. "‘No longer clad in corduroy’? The Glasgow University Irish National Club, 1907–1917." Scottish Historical Review 99, no. 2 (October 2020): 271–94. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/shr.2020.0464.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Unique among university clubs in Britain, the Glasgow University Irish National Club emerged before the first world war among mainly second generation, Scots-born Irish students to assist in the campaign for Irish home rule. It was a useful adjunct to the home rule movement and helped the Irish and mainly catholic students at the university carve out a niche for themselves firstly within the institution and thereafter in wider society. This reflected a growing Irish catholic middle class desirous of playing a greater role in Scottish public life during a time of great transition for the Irish in Scotland.
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Bontrager, Shannon Ty. "The Imagined Crusade: The Church of England and the Mythology of Nationalism and Christianity during the Great War." Church History 71, no. 4 (December 2002): 774–98. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0009640700096293.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Church of England, being the state church of an imperial nation of diverse peoples and creeds, had to contend with provocative controversies in the early twentieth century leading up to the First World War. Perhaps the greatest was secularization, which gained momenturn in the previous century.2 The last fifty years of the nineteenth century proved threatening for church leaders. Horace Mann's 1851 religious census in England and Wales, although controversial, insinuated church attendance was much lower in Great Britain than previously perceived. Causing more anxiety, the State Church consistently lost authority over many of its traditions, including administering burial grounds and the last rights ceremony.3 Additionally Ecclesiastical courts gave up authority to the civic courts of British society.
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Kristensen, Hans M., and Matthew G. McKinzie. "Nuclear arsenals: Current developments, trends and capabilities." International Review of the Red Cross 97, no. 899 (September 2015): 563–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1816383116000308.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn this article, the highly destructive potential of global nuclear arsenals is reviewed with respect to nuclear force structures, evolution of nuclear capabilities, modernization programmes and nuclear war planning and operations. Specific nuclear forces data is presented for the United States, the Russian Federation, Great Britain, France, China, Pakistan, India, Israel and North Korea. Hypothetical, escalatory scenarios for the use of nuclear weapons are presented, including the calculated distribution of radioactive fallout. At more than seventy years since the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki and twenty-five years since the end of the Cold War, international progress on nuclear arms control and disarmament has now nearly stalled, with the emphasis shifting to modernizing and maintaining large inventories of nuclear weapons indefinitely. This perpetuates a grave risk to human health, civil society and the environment.
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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 1." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 3-4 (2018): 226–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704167p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, The Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia, and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals - a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864-1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The SWH Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.
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Popovic-Filipovic, Slavica. "Elsie Inglis (1864-1917) and the Scottish women’s hospitals in Serbia in the Great War. Part 2." Srpski arhiv za celokupno lekarstvo 146, no. 5-6 (2018): 345–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/sarh170704168p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The news about the great victories of the Gallant Little Serbia in the Great War spread far and wide. Following on the appeals from the Serbian legations and the Serbian Red Cross, assistance was arriving from all over the world. First medical missions and medical and other help arrived from Russia. It was followed by the medical missions from Great Britain, France, Greece, the Netherlands, Denmark, Switzerland, America, etc. Material help and individual volunteers arrived from Poland, Canada, Australia, New Zealand, Ireland, Norway, India, Japan, Egypt, South America, and elsewhere. The true friends of Serbia formed various funds under the auspices of the Red Cross Society, and other associations. In September 1914, the Serbian Relief Fund was established in London, while in Scotland the first units of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals for Foreign Service were formed in November of the same year. The aim of this work was to keep the memory of the Scottish Women?s Hospitals in Serbia and with the Serbs in the Great War. In the history of the Serbian nation during the Great War, a special place was held by the Scottish Women?s Hospitals ? a unique humanitarian medical mission. It was the initiative of Dr. Elsie Maud Inglis (1864?1917), a physician, surgeon, promoter of equal rights for women, and with the support of the Scottish Federation of Woman?s Suffrage Societies. The Scottish Women?s Hospitals, which were completely staffed by women, by their participation in the Great War, also contributed to gender and professional equality, especially in medicine. Many of today?s achievements came about thanks to the first generations of women doctors, who fought for equality in choosing to study medicine, and working in the medical field, in time of war and peacetime.
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Goodman, Giora. "The British Government and the Challenge of McCarthyism in the Early Cold War." Journal of Cold War Studies 12, no. 1 (January 2010): 62–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws.2010.12.1.62.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The domestic policies and excesses of American anti-Communism in the early Cold War, dominated by the image of Senator Joseph McCarthy, have been the subject of controversy and a great deal of historical research. No less significant and much commented on at the time was the influence of McCarthyism on foreign relations and perceptions of the United States abroad. This article deals with the British government's responses to the anti-Communist fervor in the United States in the late 1940s and early 1950s. Britain was itself grappling with the challenges posed by the Cold War, including those relating to security and civil liberties in a democratic society. The impact of American anti-Communism was felt strongly in that context. The article draws extensively on recently released files from the British security services and other British government agencies.
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Popović Filipović, Slavica. "From the Small Serbian Monastery to the London Cathedral: Father Nicholai Velimirovich on a Mission to Great Britain in the First World War." Nicholai Studies: International Journal for Research of Theological and Ecclesiastical Contribution of Nicholai Velimirovich I, no. 2 (July 26, 2021): 267–342. http://dx.doi.org/10.46825/nicholaistudies/ns.2021.1.2.267-342.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The life and work of father Nicholai Velimirovich (1880–1956) is a limitless historical source, which has been encouraging, for the past 100 years, various researches in the Serbian, English, and other languages around the world. Velimirovich, as a person, and his numerous writings can be viewed from different aspects. This article, that is dedicated to father Nicholai Velimirovich, is an attempt to highlight his mission and role in the Great Britain during the First World War. In order to better understand the importance of his mission, we have described the establishment and operation of the Serbian Relief Fund, the Committee of the Serbian Red Cross Society, and the Scottish Women’s Hospitals in their medical and humanitarian missions for the Serbian people in the Great War. Apart from the significant role of father Nicholai Velimirovich, we remember many other great humanists and humanitarians working with and within these various medical and humanitarian missions. With their unforgettable achievements they helped treat people. and to mitigate the terrible suffering of the Serbian people during the great epidemic of typhus in Serbia, and during the great Exodus through the rugged Albanian mountains, during the exile on Corfu, at the Salonica Front, North Africa, Corsica, and France, as well as on the Russian Front, and in Dobruja and even after the Great War. As a representative of the small Serbian nation, father Nicholai Velimirovich held arousing speeches, religious sermons, and wrote numerous literary religious writings, and thereby he confirmed that in the midst of wartime conflagration it is possible for great humane achievements to appear. That is why that impressive spiritual dimension of the mission, which included father Velimirovich and his contemporaries, did not cease to continue to inspire historians, writers and other authors — in the past, present, and the future.
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Ivanov, Alexander G. "To the Question of Origin of the Policy of Non-Intervention in Spain in 1936 (On Materials of the Foreign Office’s Archives)." IZVESTIYA VUZOV SEVERO-KAVKAZSKII REGION SOCIAL SCIENCE, no. 4 (216) (December 28, 2022): 49–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.18522/2687-0770-2022-4-49-58.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents an analysis of the origin of the policy of non-intervention in the civil war in Spain in 1936. The archival materials of the Foreign Office’s fund (National Archives, London) make it pos-sible to widen greatly our knowledge about genesis and character of that policy, to argue the version about Great Britain as an initiator of non-intervention. Many factors influenced this process: interests of British monopolies, strategic and political considerations, such as anti-Communism of the elite of British society, their sympathy towards the rebels of Franco, wish of official London to make it possible for the left parties in France, neighbouring to Spain, not to acquire stronger positions. Non-intervention turned against the Spanish Republic, made it easier for Germany and Italy under cover of it to carry massive intervention on side of the rebels which ensured Franco’s victory in the civil war. On the basis of unknown documents of the Foreign Office the author gives an analysis of complicated diplomatic struggle of the Powers in the beginning of the civil war in Spain.
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Khakhalkina, Elena. "Windrush Generation in the Context of the Modern Development of Multiracial Great Britain." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 6 (2022): 180. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018792-9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author focuses on events related to the understanding of the role and place of immigrants from the West-India in modern multiracial society in Britain that have been largely unexplored in Russian historical scholarship. The first part of the article provides a brief historical outline relating to the arrival in the United Kingdom in 1948 of the ship “Empire Windrush”, which symbolised the beginning of mass immigration into the country. The second part of the article analyses the parliamentary discussions on the commemorative events of the 70th anniversary and the social and political scandal that arose on the eve of the celebration. The author pays particular attention to clarifying the controversial question in the political discourse in the United Kingdom as to what the true reason was for the surge of immigration from colonies and countries that gained their sovereign status after the Second World War. The third part provides an overview of the settlement of the scandal and the problem of monetary compensation to the affected citizens. Sources include debates in both Houses of Parliament, Cabinet documents, and statistical data. Historical-genetic, comparative and structural-functional analysis became the research methods. The author concludes that the wide public and political resonance of the anniversary celebrations and all related events reflects the complexity and multifaceted nature of the problem of migrant integration and the reconfiguration of the existing model of national identity of Great Britain, the “outlier” element of which is the attitude towards the colonial and post-colonial past of the country. Against the backdrop of debates in Parliament, there was a demand from various ethnic groups, including those represented in the political establishment, for recognition of their real contribution to the development of the United Kingdom, an inclusive environment, and multiracial diversity. The outlined topics clarify the features of the migration picture in Great Britain and bring about an understanding of fundamental questions about the essence of British identity.
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Antoshin, A. V. "Behind the Facades of Anniversaries." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 792–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.314.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to the collective monograph “War, Politics, Memory: The Napoleonic Wars and World War I in the Space of Anniversaries”. Prepared by a large team of academics under the leadership of Olga Porshneva, Nikolai Baranov, and Vladimir Zemtsov (professors at Ural Federal University), it is the first generalizing work dedicated to historical memory and the politics of memory surrounding these wars. The monograph uses a large complex of documents from archives in Russia, France, Great Britain and Germany. This book is distinguished by its high theoretical level, which is supported by concepts from leading specialists on historical memory. The authors characterise the specifics of commemorative practices connected with events that were major milestones in the history of the ‘long’ nineteenth century. The monograph shows the evolution of these practices, which was conditioned by changes in the attitudes of society and the authorities towards the Napoleonic Wars and the First World War. The authors characterise the role of the institutions of civil society in the formation and development of cultural practices connected with the anniversaries of these military conflicts. Most attention is paid to the specifics of commemorative practices related to ‘victory memories’ and ‘defeat memories’ in various European countries. This book helps us to understand the contradictory character of state policies towards historical memory, a relevant issue in modern Russia.
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NOWICKA, Ewa. "CIVIL WAR IN MEMORY OF GREEK REPATRIATES FROM POLAND AND OTHER EASTERN BLOC COUNTRIES." Scientific Journal of the Military University of Land Forces 163, no. 1 (January 2, 2012): 238–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0002.3258.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper is based on anthropological study fieldwork conducted in Greece during the three subsequent research seasons of 2005-2009. The Greek Civil War (1946-1949) broke out after World War II and it reflected the conflict between communist (or at least leftist) Greek guerillas and the rightist power of the Royal authorities. On one side the war was supported from Moscow, and on the other by Great Britain and US military forces. As a result of the total defeat of communists, the Greek citizens who were actively involved in the military activity, their families and civilians inhabiting the territory of Northern Greece, were evacuated. They were transported by the communist army to different communist countries. For decades they were not able to return to their home villages. Most of the evacuated Greeks decided to come back home when it became possible after 1975. Their memory of the civil war differs from generation to generation and it depends on the role they played in the war. For ex-partisans the civil war was the manifestation of the struggle of the international powers representing class interests. For people who were children during the war the memory is concentrated on particular facts and accidents. People who were born outside of Greece tend to forget, though they also have some image of the war as a horror. The memory of the civil war in Greece have led to the permanent division of the Greek society, which exists till today.
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Krekhivskyi, Oleh. "Dependences and ways to eliminate them: a past that resonates with the present." Ekonomìka ì prognozuvannâ 2023, no. 1 (March 29, 2023): 31–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/eip2023.01.031.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The invasion of Russian troops into Ukraine has showed, on the one hand, the high cohesion and patriotism of Ukrainian society and their perception of independence as a higher value; on the other hand - the inability to preserve it with the resources of the national economy alone, and therefore - a high external dependence on the decisions of global leaders on the provision of aid and the use of the industrial base of the West to ensure the defense and security of Ukraine. Updated by S. Mariotti, the issue of "global protectionism" needs to be considered via the prism of the contextual economic conditions for the implementation of such a policy (wars, post-war recovery, crises). The purpose of the article is to investigate, based on the experience of the pioneer of industrial revolution and the adept of free market - Great Britain, the historical facts regarding the elites’ reaction to new challenges and threats of the beginning of the 20th century, and policy measures to encourage and protect national producers and their consequences, as well as to visualize various recent examples of protectionism, and draw conclusions for Ukraine. Historical parallels between the situation at the beginning of the 20th century and the events of recent years give grounds for assuming that the answer to the question "How to speed up the recovery of Ukraine's economy during the period of severe war test?" should not be sought in modern policy measures of developed countries (where a powerful industrial potential has been created by the joint efforts of government and business over many years and the governments’ activities are focused on managing the crises to preserve and strengthen this potential), but rather in retrospective mechanisms that ensured the expansion of the existing and creation of new industries to strengthen the economic efficiency and national security. The author shows that the state financial incentives and protectionist tariffs, introduced in Great Britain in the national interest in response to new challenges and threats, were effective for more than 40 years, which helped this country develop key industries, reduce dependence on imported strategic goods, and prepare for new challenges. It is substantiated that the stimulating and protective mechanisms of India's policy, which have been launched recently to reduce dependence on the supply of strategic goods from China, are a reflection of the measures implemented by Great Britain at the beginning of the 20th century to reduce dependence on supplies of important goods from Germany. Similar mechanisms are being introduced by the United States in accordance with the interests of national security. The author demonstrates that Ukraine has lower protective tariffs not only compared to Asian countries that are developing and protecting their own industry, but also to the EU. It is substantiated that when forming a strategy for economic independence and post-war recovery, Ukraine should take into account both the historical experience of Great Britain and the modern practices of introducing policy mechanisms to encourage and protect own industries for defense and security purposes.
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Krekhivskyi, Oleh. "Dependences and ways to eliminate them: a past that resonates with the present." Economy and forecasting 2023, no. 1 (October 25, 2023): 27–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/econforecast2023.01.027.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The invasion of Russian troops into Ukraine has showed, on the one hand, the high cohesion and patriotism of Ukrainian society and their perception of independence as a higher value; on the other hand - the inability to preserve it with the resources of the national economy alone, and therefore - a high external dependence on the decisions of global leaders on the provision of aid and the use of the industrial base of the West to ensure the defense and security of Ukraine. Updated by S. Mariotti, the issue of "global protectionism" needs to be considered via the prism of the contextual economic conditions for the implementation of such a policy (wars, post-war recovery, crises). The purpose of the article is to investigate, based on the experience of the pioneer of industrial revolution and the adept of free market - Great Britain, the historical facts regarding the elites’ reaction to new challenges and threats of the beginning of the 20th century, and policy measures to encourage and protect national producers and their consequences, as well as to visualize various recent examples of protectionism, and draw conclusions for Ukraine. Historical parallels between the situation at the beginning of the 20th century and the events of recent years give grounds for assuming that the answer to the question "How to speed up the recovery of Ukraine's economy during the period of severe war test?" should not be sought in modern policy measures of developed countries (where a powerful industrial potential has been created by the joint efforts of government and business over many years and the governments’ activities are focused on managing the crises to preserve and strengthen this potential), but rather in retrospective mechanisms that ensured the expansion of the existing and creation of new industries to strengthen the economic efficiency and national security. The author shows that the state financial incentives and protectionist tariffs, introduced in Great Britain in the national interest in response to new challenges and threats, were effective for more than 40 years, which helped this country develop key industries, reduce dependence on imported strategic goods, and prepare for new challenges. It is substantiated that the stimulating and protective mechanisms of India's policy, which have been launched recently to reduce dependence on the supply of strategic goods from China, are a reflection of the measures implemented by Great Britain at the beginning of the 20th century to reduce dependence on supplies of important goods from Germany. Similar mechanisms are being introduced by the United States in accordance with the interests of national security. The author demonstrates that Ukraine has lower protective tariffs not only compared to Asian countries that are developing and protecting their own industry, but also to the EU. It is substantiated that when forming a strategy for economic independence and post-war recovery, Ukraine should take into account both the historical experience of Great Britain and the modern practices of introducing policy mechanisms to encourage and protect own industries for defense and security purposes.
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Pettifer, James. "Dimitri Obolensky after the Cold War: Reflections on Saint Vladimir and Orthodoxy." Vestnik of Saint Petersburg University. History 65, no. 4 (2020): 1231–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu02.2020.413.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article is devoted to Sir Dmitri Dmitrievich Obolensky, Professor of Russian and Balkan history at Oxford University, who is known for his study of the “Byzantine Commonwealth” and its influence on the Eastern European Slavic peoples: Bulgarians, Serbs and Russians. As a well-known British scholarly historian and philologist and the son of a noble emigrant from Russian Empire, Prince Dimitri Alexandrovich Obolensky, Obolensky tried to remain in close intellectual contact with the Russian science throughout the entire period of the Cold War and until his death in 2001. Obolensky, as a very religious person, was interested not only in the processes of transformation of the Russian society after the end of the Cold War, but also in the Russian spiritual revival that took place in the country after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The article analyzes the changes in the academic and journalistic works by Obolensky in the context of both global processes — perestroika, the end of the Cold War, the collapse of the Soviet Union, democratization, the growing influence of the Orthodox Church in Russia — and local issues — family drama, a decline in study of both Russian language and history in universities in Great Britain and in Europe. The personality of Dmitri Obolensky, his spiritual and his intellectual heritage as well as the results of his philosophical studies and forecasts for the development of the Russian society expressed during the last decade of his life are of undoubted interest to the Russian reader.
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Schneider, Valentin. "Burying Friend and Foe: The Employment of German Prisoners of War in the Construction of Military Cemeteries in Normandy after 6 June 1944." International Journal of Military History and Historiography 38, no. 2 (October 20, 2018): 196–222. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/24683302-03802004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The history of the German prisoners of war of World War II held by British and American authorities in Europe remains a field of study that is largely ignored by historiography. Although the Allies made an extended use of this prisoner manpower for labour purposes, employing hundreds of thousands of captive German soldiers for all kinds of tasks, all but a few material traces of the prisoners’ life and activities in liberated Europe have vanished. An exception to this are several British, American, and German military cemeteries, especially in Normandy, many of which had been built during or immediately after the battle using the workforce of thousands of German soldiers that had been captured in the region during the summer of 1944. This article examines the general organization of the Allied labour service for German prisoners in Normandy and focuses especially on their work on the military cemeteries, before addressing the question of the memory – or rather the absence of memory – of this process, not only in Normandy itself (and in the United States and Great Britain), but also in German society.
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ALBANIS, ELISABETH. "JEWISH IDENTITY IN THE FACE OF ANTI-SEMITISM." Historical Journal 41, no. 3 (September 1998): 895–900. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x98008024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A history of the Jews in the English-speaking world: Great Britain. By W. D. Rubinstein, Basingstoke: Macmillan, 1996. Pp. viii+539. ISBN 0-312-12542-9. £65.00.Pogroms: anti-Jewish violence in modern Russian history. Edited by John D. Klier and Shlomo Lambroza. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1992. Pp. xx+393. ISBN 0-521-40532-7. £55.00.Western Jewry and the Zionist project, 1914–1933. By Michael Berkowitz. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997. Pp. xvi+305. ISBN 0-521-47087-0. £35.00.Three books under review deal from different perspectives with the responses of Jews in Western and Eastern Europe to the increasing and more or less violent outbursts of anti-Semitism which they encountered in the years from 1880 to the Second World War. The first two titles consider how deep-rooted anti-Semitism was in Britain and Russia and in what sections of society it was most conspicuous, whereas the third asks how Western Jewry became motivated to support the Zionist project of settlement in Palestine; all three approach the question of how isolated or intergrated diaspora Jews were in their respective countries.
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Марковчин, В. В. "The mood in the Iranian society in connection with the beginning of the Great Patriotic War." Вестник гуманитарного образования, no. 2(22) (August 9, 2021): 107–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.25730/vsu.2070.21.024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Основой данной публикации является документ, посвященный настроениям, царившим в иранском обществе в конце июня 1941 г., когда дружественная Ирану нацистская Германия вероломно напала на Советский Союз. Помимо реакции граждан Ирана на новый акт фашистской агрессии и развитие событий на советско-германском фронте, в данном документе отражены взгляды находившихся в то время в этой стране иностранных дипломатов и специалистов. Вводимый в научный оборот документальный источник, позволяет судить о степени неоднородности иранского социума в целом, а также о настрое входящих в него различных этнорелигиозных групп. Принимая во внимание особую роль Ирана во Второй мировой войне, ставшего местом ожесточенной борьбы разведок и спецслужб за контроль над всем регионом Большого Ближнего Востока, от исхода которой во многом зависела общая расстановка сил в стратегическом противоборстве коалиций, информация, содержащаяся в этом документе, представляется важной. Она расширяет представления историков об обстановке в этой стране накануне принятия решения о вводе в нее советских и британских войск и установления особого режима управления, позволившего впоследствии проложить через ее территорию одну из основных линий снабжения Советского Союза грузами ленд-лиза. The article is devoted to the moods prevailing in Iranian society at the end of June 1941, when a friendly country to Iran treacherously attacked the Soviet Union. In addition to the citizens of Iran, the publication also reflects the views on this problem on the part of foreign specialists who were in this country at that time. The publication introduces a completely new documentary source in order to show the heterogeneity of the Iranian society as a whole, and in various ethno-religious groups that inhabited the country. Similar sentiments were observed among diplomats from various countries, who also perceived reports of Germany's treacherous attack on the USSR in different ways. In addition, several articles concerning the activities of the German special services on Iranian territory during the Second World War were previously devoted to the Iranian problem. Occupying a strategic position in the region, Iran (Persia) for many centuries was the most important country that largely determined the stability of this region, provided that its geopolitical aspirations in certain periods of its history lay far beyond the Middle East. And even having lost to some extent its former significance, the country has not ceased to feel increased attention from both old geopolitical opponents and new players. It is for this reason that there have always been a lot of foreign intelligence officers in Iran, who sensitively monitored the slightest changes in the military-political conjuncture of this state. Historically, the intelligence services of Great Britain and Germany had quite serious agent positions in Iran, for example. The basis for the article was a document declassified in accordance with the procedure established by law and received by us from the archive of the Foreign Intelligence Service of the Russian Federation. It is a tenpage analytical report on the designated topic, prepared by one of the high-ranking operational sources of the Soviet residency in Iran. It is quite clear that its author is unlikely to ever be revealed, but the depth of his conclusions, awareness of the internal state of various segments of the population, the level of painstaking analysis of the Iranian press conducted by him suggest that he belonged to the elite of Iranian society at that time. The details of the new "Migration of Peoples", which were seriously discussed by the Iranian political elite at that time, are also of undoubted interest. The published document once again confirms the "gigantism" of Adolf Hitler's plans to restore a truly "German order" in all the territories occupied by the Wehrmacht troops.
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Orlov, A. A. "British Pro-Russian Journalism of the Era of the Crimean War (On the Example of the Brochure “The Cross Versus Crescent”, 1854)." Prepodavatel XXI vek, no. 2/2 (March 30, 2023): 285–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.31862/2073-9613-2023-2-285-299.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the end of the Napoleonic wars in Britain there have been many essays severely criticizing Russian foreign policy as both dictatorial and aggressive. However, besides Russophobe publicists, since the aggravation of Anglo-Russian relations in the early 1830s their opponents – ideologists of the Manchester school of free-traders – were also active in Great Britain. Some authors such as Richard Cobden, the famous fighter against the Corn Laws, openly spoke in Parliament and in the press. Some authors who were not so authoritative and popular preferred to remain anonymous. Before the outbreak of the Crimean War (1853–1856), the country was flooded with brochures of different political orientation, with declared authorship as well as anonymous. One of such pro-Russian brochures of unknown author “The Cross versus the Crescent, or Religious and political views on the Eastern Question”, more precisely, its translation into Russian, made on January 25 (Old Style), 1854, was found in the State Archive of the Russian Federation (GA RF) among the documents of the fund of the head of the general archive of the Ministry of the Imperial Court G.V. Esipov. It is of interest for analysis as an example of ideological disagreements in English society on the need or danger of breaking with Russia.
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Chipfakacha, Chido T. "The Death of Queen Elizabeth, the Death of the British Empire." Global Journal of Politics and Law Research 12, no. 2 (February 15, 2024): 61–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.37745/gjplr.2013/vol12n26170.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The life of Elizabeth Windsor famously kmown by her title Queen Elizabeth the second, is one of mixed realites she is the longest reigning British Monarch in history having set on the throne for 70 years. The reign of Elizabeth was born from the greatest times of the British Empire with many colonies and a great reputation of the empire after the defeat of the Germans in World war 2. Queen Elizabeth has been credited in overseeing the end of colonisation from the British empire by many African states who were under British colonial rule. She facilitated for negotiations in some cases between liberation war movements and the colonial governments on peaceful ways of transfering power. Her Queen`s government even went on to sanction Ian Smith regime in Rhodesia when it declared independence from Britain, the sanctions were as a result that her majesty`s government would only accept independence if it was given to the majority black africans of Rhodesia. The British economy under her rule had prospered beyond unimaginable dought with the British pound being the most powerful currency, the attractiveness of the pound attracted great minds from across the globe which helped improve the British economy and advanced its technological base. The common wealth of nations an organisation the Queen championed has had success in cooperation between Britain its former colonies and other countries that were not British colonies have since joined the organisation because of its successes. This paper seeks to show how the British economy, social base and its political prowess has suffered from the days that the Queen became sick to her subsequent death and the aftermath. Policies like the Brexit that was carried out during her old age and its impact of Britain will be visited upon in this article, the Irish referendum, the removal of the British Mornach as heard of state by carribean nations that belonged to the British realm. The paper seeks to show how Elizabeth Windsor was the glue that bonded British modern society and the survival of the British monarch without her is under threat.In her life Queen Elizabeth worked with 15 British Prime Ministers from diverse parties sharing diferent ideologies this showed her to be a democratic monarch. This paper will expand on the front of the death of monarchs and empires in the modern era and Elizabeth Winsdor being the last great monarch.
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Nishikawa, Sugiko. "Protestant Propaganda in a Cold War of Religion: From the Hartlib Circle to the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge." Lithuanian Historical Studies 16, no. 1 (December 28, 2011): 51–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/25386565-01601004.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article considers how, impelled by confessional divisions caused by the Reformation, a general sense of pan-Protestant community grew across Europe, and its members launched a long battle against Roman Catholicism far beyond the 16th century. Indeed, it continued into the mid-18th century, the so-called Age of Reason. If it cannot necessarily be described as an open war of religion like the Thirty Years War, it was at least a cold war. From their points of view, the Protestant minorities threatened by the Roman Catholic Counter Reformation, such as the Waldensians in northern Italy and the Lithuanian Calvinists, stood on the front line in this war. Thus, financial support was regularly offered by the Protestant churches in Great Britain and Ireland to their distressed brethren across the continent, university scholarships were set up for students from Catholicdominated areas, and plans were drafted for a Protestant union in Europe, from a military level to an ecclesiastical one. It is in this context that we must understand how apparently strange a phenomenon as British support for the translation of the Bible into Lithuanian developed. The author sees Chylinski’s activities in the tradition of learning and charity exhibited in the 1650s by the three leading members of the Hartlib philosophical circle, namely, Samuel Hartlib (originally from Elbing), Jan Amos Comenius (from Moravia), and John Dury (born in Edinburgh, he spent his early life in various places in northern Europe), who were, in a sense, Protestant refugees to England from north-central Europe. After Chylinski, British support for Lithuanian Protestants did not end. She traces the work of Robert Boyle and the foundation of the Society for Promoting Christian Knowledge (1699), which organised relief for Žemaitijan Calvinists in the early 1730s.
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Paull, John, and Joan Harvey. "Marna Pease (1866-1947): Founder of Biodynamics for the English-Speaking World." Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal 10, no. 5 (June 3, 2023): 272–301. http://dx.doi.org/10.14738/assrj.105.14747.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Marna Pease (1866-1947) was the founder of Biodynamic farming in Britain. The ‘Anthroposophical Agricultural Foundation’ (AAF) was inaugurated at the ‘World Conference on Spiritual Science and its Practical Applications’ (WCSS), London, July 1928, with Marna as the Honorary Secretary. Under the auspices of the AAF, Marna shepherded the fledgling Anglo Biodynamic (BD) movement through the turbulent times of the Great Depression (1929-1939), the Great Anthroposophy Purge (1935), and World War II (1939-1945). Marna stepped down in 1946. By that time there were reportedly over 400 members of the AAF. With Dr Carl Alexander Mirbt, she produced the first BD preparations in Britain at her home, Otterburn Tower, Northumberland. She took up the role of Honorary Secretary of both the AAF and the ‘Experimental Circle of Anthroposophical Farmers and Gardeners’. The AAF initially operated out of Otterburn (315 miles north of London, 74 miles south of Edinburgh). Marna was a member of the Executive Council of the Anthroposophical Society in Great Britain. She relocated to the Old Mill House at Bray-on-Thames (30 miles west of London) in 1930. Marna typed, bound, and despatched copies around the world, of the English translation of Rudolf Steiner’s ‘Agriculture Course’, to those who joined the Experimental Circle. She edited the first Biodynamics journal in English: ‘Anthroposophical Agricultural Foundation Notes and Correspondence’. Marna provided members with the BD preparations and she published BD pamphlets. She established a showcase Biodynamic garden and apiary at Bray-on-Thames. She recruited members, hosted visitors, and maintained an international correspondence with enquirers and members. Marna hosted Carl Mirbt (aka Mier) and his family, first at Otterburn and then at Bray. She hosted Dr Eugen Kolisko, Lilly Kolisko, and their daughter at Bray. Lilly’s ‘Biologisches Institut am Goetheanum’ (Biological Institute at the Goetheanum) relocated from Stuttgart to Bray in 1935. Marna was fluent in German and she translated Steiner’s ‘Nine Lectures on Bees’ (published 1933) and Lilly’s ‘The Moon and the Growth of Plants’ (published 1938). Marna’s legacy continues with the Biodynamic Agricultural Association (BDAA) in Britain, and with BD agriculture in the Anglo-sphere presently accounting for 30% of global BD agriculture.
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Neima, Anna. "Dartington Hall and the Quest for ‘Life in its Completeness’, 1925–45." History Workshop Journal 88 (2019): 111–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/hwj/dbz029.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract In the wake of the First World War, reformers across the Western world questioned laissez-faire liberalism, the self-oriented and market-driven ruling doctrine of the nineteenth century. This philosophy was blamed, variously, for the war, for industrialization and for urbanization; for a way of life shorn of any meaning beyond getting and keeping; for the too great faith in materialism and in science; and for the loss of a higher, transcendent meaning that gave a unifying purpose to individual existence and to society as a whole. For many, the cure to these ills lay in reforming the liberal social framework in ways that made it more fulfilling to the whole person and that strengthened ties between individuals. This article looks at Dartington Hall as an outstanding practical example of this impulse to promote holistic, integrated living – exploring the project as an interlinked constellation of experiments in education, the arts, agriculture and social organization; and also looking at how Dartington’s philosophy and trajectory matched those of other such enterprises begun in interwar Britain and further afield, making it a bellwether of changes in reformist thinking across the century.
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Dwyer, Tom. "The Industrial Safety Professionals: A Comparative Analysis from World War I until the 1980S." International Journal of Health Services 22, no. 4 (October 1992): 705–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/x3kl-exyc-12g7-ptx3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The birth of industrial society produced demand for the services of professionals specialized in matters related to industrial safety. Three professions—safety engineering, industrial medicine, and ergonomics—are examined. These professions are observed to either submit to single sets of demands, to integrate contradictory demands, or to experience scission. Until the late 1960s their growth appears to have been relatively peaceful and uncontroversial. From this period onward, controversy breaks out over questions related to industrial safety, and professions and government administrations grow. Increasingly, the traditional approach of safety professionals is called into question, and they adopt new orientations. These changes are mapped through the examination of data drawn principally from the United States, France, Great Britain, and to a lesser extent Brazil. The traditional standards approach competes with cost-benefit analysis and with systemic safety for influence; in addition, an emergent approach that analyzes accident causes in terms of social relations of work is detected. From Bhopal to Chernobyl, new technologies subject civilian populations to risks of catastrophic accidents, and the action of safety professionals comes under the spotlight. The analysis constructed permits new understandings of the past and the future of these professions.
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Alieva, Liudmila V., Lidia V. Antonova, and Tatiana G. Khrishkevich. "Contemporary historiography on the phenomenon of the social cohesion in the period of the Second World War." Journal of the Belarusian State University. History, no. 4 (October 31, 2019): 7–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.33581/2520-6338-2019-4-7-16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The historiography of World War II is one of the most extensive research topics in historical science. Over the years, a comprehensive study of the military, political and economic history of wartime has been conducted. Particular attention during recent decades has been given to the social aspects of the war. However, the topic of social cohesion in the warring countries remains insufficiently analyzed. Thus, the main objective of the article is to analyze the current state of research on social cohesion in the context of World War II in contemporary British, German and Russian historical literature. The present study of the reflection of cohesion problems in Soviet Union, Great Britain and Germany during World War II is based on the principles of a new interdisciplinary branch of social science – anthropology of war. It integrates the achievements, subject areas and research tools of history, sociology, military psychology, cultural studies, pedagogy, medicine and other disciplines that study the existence of people and society at large in wartime conditions. A comparative analysis of the chosen historiography shows that at the present stage there is a commonality of approaches among historians related to interest in certain personalities, everyday life during World War II and war’s gender dimension. The differences in assessments and methods are determined by the role and place of a particular state in the military-political confrontation as well as by prevailing historiographical paradigms. In any case, the theme of social cohesion was not adequately reflected in these studies. In conclusion, the authors note the research potential of analyzing the problems of social cohesion during World War II.
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Antonenkova, Anastasia. "Foreign Media About the Great Patriotic War in the Context of Information Confrontation." Theoretical and Practical Issues of Journalism 8, no. 3 (July 16, 2019): 608–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.17150/2308-6203.2019.8(3).608-624.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article presents the research results of the media information activity in the United States, Britain and Germany in the coverage of the 70th anniversary of the end of the Great Patriotic War. This event serves as a plot prism, through which methods of information confrontation producing and its subject orientation are considered, as well as the reasons for the predominance of negative tonality when covering a memorable event all over the world. As a method of measuring media content, the method of political mediametry was used, which is based on a quantitative calculation of the mass media publications of the world media, determining their tonality and deriving the final result based on the obtained data. Its use allows us to more accurately assess the degree of foreign media participation in shaping the context of information confrontation and measure the parameters of their activity in the display of current events. The specificity of the information strategy implementation in relation to Russia lies in the fact that the American media act primarily as a general tone generator, while the powers of the translator are transferred to their European allies. At the same time, the tonality indicator inside the country shows that in a small volume of American publications the negative dynamics is more pronounced than in a large volume of materials from the English and German press, where the negative is leveled down. It is not necessary to take into account the level of positive tonality due to its insignificant presence. The article focuses on the Russian president V. Putin’s media figure. The number of mentions of his name in the titles of the presented publications demonstrates the vector of the information policy pursued within the state, and in proportion to the general information activity according to the specified plot. By force of the personification of public political relations, the placing of V. Putin’s media figure in the center of media attacks by Western countries leads to an extrapolation of aggressive sentiments to all Russian society. Added to this is the participation of domestic media, which are trying to use retaliatory measures, but their orientation does not always correspond to the declared goal. The results of the research allow us to consider the media as participants in the formation of information confrontation conditions, whose actions are directly correlated with the foreign policy aspirations of the country in which they operate.
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Andreeva, T. "The Evolution of Britain's Approach to Crisis in Ukraine and UK–Russia Relations." World Economy and International Relations 59, no. 11 (2015): 56–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2015-59-11-56-66.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This paper represents the second part of the previously published article. It covers Great Britain's role in generating of a consolidated international view on Russia's influence on the Ukrainian crisis during Petr Poroshenko's presidency (2014–2015), further explores the worsening of bilateral relations between the UK and Russia in a wide context of antagonism between the US and Russia. The author also investigates Britain's role in imposing of the gravest economic sanctions on Russian economy after the Malaysian aircraft crush, and their impact on the Western countries' economies, especially on the British economy key industries. The attention is given to popularity of Vladimir Putin and his policy in Russian society and business community, which rose after the introducing of western sanctions. The article examines the damage done to cooperation between Russian and British business by deterioration in bilateral political relations. Assessing the scope of this damage, the author notes that for quite a long time Britain disinclined to start a new Cold War with Russia. The author further scrutinizes the impact of the Ukrainian crisis on strengthening of Anglo-American “special relations”, on the revival of the NATO's strategic task of being a tool to hamper Russia's influence in the world: for this purpose joint military exercises in the Baltic region were organized, and special NATO Response Force was created. The main questions raised in this research are: when can the UK–Russia relations become better again, and what can help improve the relationship between two countries?