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1
Bartholdi, J. J. Single transferable vote resists strategic voting. Cambridge, Mass: Sloan School of Management, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1990.
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2
T, Bergner Jeffrey, ed. Branding the candidate: Marketing strategies to win your vote. Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2011.
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3
Canada, Elections. Serving democracy : a strategic plan for Elections Canada =: Au service de la démocratie : le plan stratégique d'Élections Canada. Ottawa, Ont: Elections Canada = Élections Canada, 1994.
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4
Joseph, Oliver, and Vasil Vashchanka. Vote Buying: International IDEA Electoral Processes Primer 2. International Institute for Democracy and Electoral Assistance (International IDEA), 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31752/idea.2022.61.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Vote buying is an electoral campaign violation that occurs in many countries, which undermines the integrity of elections and is detrimental to democratic governance. Many factors beyond electoral politics drive vote buying. Such factors influence the ‘supply side’ (political actors’ decisions to engage in vote buying), the ‘demand side’ (voters’ willingness to participate in vote buying) or both. This Primer outlines what vote buying is (and what it is not) and analyses the drivers behind the practice. It provides insights into vote-buying strategies and practices before considering options for policy interventions to effectively counter the practice. It also offers an analytical framework for a strategic approach to support such efforts to stakeholders seeking to gain comparative insights into vote buying and mitigation.
5
Electoral campaign management: A manual on vote-getting and vote-protection strategies. [Manila]: National Institute for Policy Studies, 2004.
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6
Golder, Sona N., Ignacio Lago, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil, and Thomas Gschwend. Strategic and Sincere Voting in Multi-Level Systems. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791539.003.0006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter develops and tests hypotheses about the implications of different kinds of strategic behaviour on the part of voters at the individual, regional, and party levels. Whereas some voters try to avoid wasting their vote on unviable parties, others deviate from their preferred small party to make it more likely that the more preferred of the large parties can assume the prime ministership in a potential government. Some voters deviate from their most preferred party in order to balance the overall direction of policies by having ideologically different governments at different levels of governance. Overall, the chapter cautions against a naïve approach that assumes that voters are voting strategically if they vote for different parties in different levels of election, because the electoral context, election campaigns, the number and the type of parties that compete in each election are different.
7
Connell, Tula A. Let the People Vote. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252039904.003.0005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter details the strategies involved in a 1951 campaign by a coalition of small property owners and anti-tax proponents who sought to halt creation of public housing through a ballot referendum. Leading the coalition is long-time civic activist and savings-and-loan official William Pieplow. Pieplow's elevation of individual rights was tempered by a belief in “public virtue”—a willingness to sacrifice private to public interests, a characteristic championed in the early days of the nation's founding as essential for republican government. Although the referendum campaign received some support from the national housing and builder associations, which vehemently opposed the 1949 Housing Act, the movement Pieplow and his cohorts spearheaded was a genuinely grassroots expression, one that sought to defend against the perceived loss of individual rights that would result from the provision of public housing.
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Muschiano, Joe. Election Strategies: How to Find 'Em & Vote in Em the '90s. Commonwealth Publications, 1996.
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9
Hanusch, Marek, and Philip Keefer. Promises, Promises: Vote-Buying and the Electoral Mobilization Strategies of Non-Credible Politicians. The World Bank, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.1596/1813-9450-6653.
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10
Goodin, Robert E., and Kai Spiekermann. Division of Epistemic Labour. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198823452.003.0008.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
While the previous chapter considered diversity from the perspective of vote correlation, this chapter explores the positive effects of diverse search strategies and dividing epistemic labour. First, we consider searches on ‘rugged landscapes’ to point out the value of diverse localized search. The second section is premised on the assumption that voter competence declines the more options voters face. We show several strategies to address this. One is to consider fewer options at a time, another to let subgroups propose and the whole group dispose, yet another to let experts reduce the agenda. A different way to respond is to disaggregate the problem along several dimensions and vote on each dimension separately.
11
Corder, J. Kevin, and Christina Wolbrecht. Disappointed Hopes? Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190265144.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
How did the first female voters use their ballots? Focusing on the presidential election of 1924—in which Progressive Robert M. La Follette secured 17% of the vote—this chapter examines the expectation that women would be particularly likely to support candidates associated with the Progressive movement. Employing new strategies to estimate women’s vote choice using aggregate data, the findings show that female voters were not uniquely likely to support the Progressive candidate. Rather, in a small number of Republican-dominated midwestern states, female voters were more Republican than men, and men were more Progressive than women, in their voting choices. As a result, the presence of female voters actually stabilized the electorate, reinforcing the Republican advantage in most states and dampening the Progressive surge in the Midwest in particular. The conclusion places these findings in the broader perspective of the nearly one hundred years of female electoral participation that has followed.
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Wolf, Christof. Voters and Voting in Context. Edited by Harald Schoen, Sigrid Roßteutscher, Rüdiger Schmitt-Beck, and Bernhard Weßels. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198792130.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book investigates the role of context in affecting political opinion formation and voting behavior. Building on a model of contextual effects on individual-level voter behavior, the chapters of this volume explore contextual effects in Germany in the early twenty-first century. The contributions draw on manifold combinations of individual and contextual information gathered in the German Longitudinal Election Study (GLES) framework and employ advanced methods. In substantive terms, they investigate the impact of campaign communication on political learning, the effects of media coverage on the perceived importance of political problems, and the role of electoral competition on candidate strategies and perceptions. Other contributions deal with the role of social and economic contexts as well as parties’ policy stances in affecting electoral turnout. The chapters on vote choice explore the impact of social cues on candidate voting, effects of electoral arenas on vote functions, the role of media coverage on ideological voting, and effects of campaign communication on the timing of electoral decision-making. The volume demonstrates the key role of the processes of communication and politicization in bringing about contextual effects. Context thus plays a nuanced role in voting behavior. The contingency of contextual effects suggests that they should become an important topic in research on political behavior and democratic politics.
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Golder, Sona N., Ignacio Lago, André Blais, Elisabeth Gidengil, and Thomas Gschwend. Multi-Level Governance. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198791539.003.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The existing framework for explaining variation in voter turnout and vote choice across multiple levels of government is more useful for addressing aggregate patterns than for addressing micro-level behaviour. To better understand the aggregate outcomes of interest, this chapter proposes an examination of individual voter behaviour and strategies of party elites that take account of the incentives provided by multiple electoral arenas. In doing so, the chapter investigates the variation in both party and voter behaviour that is often overlooked in existing work. In the presence of multiple electoral arenas, the behaviour of both party elites and voters in one arena is affected by what happens in another. The decisions of party elites and voters are shaped by the incentive structure that is produced by the combination of multiple arenas with different electoral rules.
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Mares, Isabela, and Lauren E. Young. Conditionality & Coercion. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198832775.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In many recent democracies, candidates compete for office using illegal strategies to influence voters. In Hungary and Romania, local actors including mayors and bureaucrats offer access to social policy benefits to voters who offer to support their preferred candidates, and they threaten others with the loss of a range of policy and private benefits for voting the “wrong” way. These quid pro quo exchanges are often called clientelism. How can politicians and their accomplices get away with such illegal campaigning in otherwise democratic, competitive elections? When do they rely on the worst forms of clientelism that involve threatening voters and manipulating public benefits? This book uses a mixed method approach to understand how illegal forms of campaigning including vote buying and electoral coercion persist in two democratic countries in the European Union. It argues that clientelistic strategies must be disaggregated based on whether they use public or private resources, and whether they involve positive promises or negative threats and coercion. The authors document that the type of clientelistic strategies that candidates and brokers use varies systematically across localities based on their underlying social coalitions, and also show that voters assess and sanction different forms of clientelism in different ways. Voters glean information about politicians’ personal characteristics and their policy preferences from the clientelistic strategies these candidates deploy. Most voters judge candidates who use clientelism harshly. So how does clientelism, including its most odious coercive forms, persist in democratic systems? This book suggests that politicians can get away with clientelism by using forms of it that are in line with the policy preferences of constituencies whose votes they need. Clientelistic and programmatic strategies are not as distinct as previous studies have argued.
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Goan, Melanie Beals. A Simple Justice. University Press of Kentucky, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813180175.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the Declaration of Independence was signed by a group of wealthy white men in 1776, poor white men, African Americans, and women quickly discovered that the unalienable rights it promised were not truly for all. The Nineteenth Amendment eventually gave women the right to vote in 1920, but the change was not welcomed by people of all genders in politically and religiously conservative Kentucky. As a result, the suffrage movement in the Commonwealth involved a tangled web of stakeholders, entrenched interest groups, unyielding constitutional barriers, and activists with competing strategies. In A Simple Justice, Melanie Beals Goan offers a new and deeper understanding of the women's suffrage movement in Kentucky by following the people who labored long and hard to see the battle won. Women's suffrage was not simply a question of whether women could and should vote; it carried more serious implications for white supremacy and for the balance of federal and state powers -- especially in a border state. Shocking racial hostility surfaced even as activists attempted to make America more equitable. Goan looks beyond iconic women such as Susan B. Anthony and Elizabeth Cady Stanton to reveal figures whose names have been lost to history. Laura Clay and Madeline McDowell Breckinridge led the Kentucky movement, but they did not do it alone. This timely study introduces readers to individuals across the Bluegrass State who did their part to move the nation closer to achieving its founding ideals.
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Teele, Dawn Langan. Forging the Franchise. Princeton University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691180267.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the 1880s, women were barred from voting in all national-level elections, but by 1920 they were going to the polls in nearly thirty countries. What caused this massive change? Contrary to conventional wisdom, it was not because of progressive ideas about women or suffragists' pluck. In most countries, elected politicians fiercely resisted enfranchising women, preferring to extend such rights only when it seemed electorally prudent and necessary to do so. This book demonstrates that the formation of a broad movement across social divides, and strategic alliances with political parties in competitive electoral conditions, provided the leverage that ultimately transformed women into voters. As the book shows, in competitive environments, politicians had incentives to seek out new sources of electoral influence. A broad-based suffrage movement could reinforce those incentives by providing information about women's preferences, and an infrastructure with which to mobilize future female voters. At the same time that politicians wanted to enfranchise women who were likely to support their party, suffragists also wanted to enfranchise women whose political preferences were similar to theirs. In contexts where political rifts were too deep, suffragists who were in favor of the vote in principle mobilized against their own political emancipation. Exploring tensions between elected leaders and suffragists and the uncertainty surrounding women as an electoral group, the book sheds new light on the strategic reasons behind women's enfranchisement.
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Castledine, Jacqueline. Gender, Politics, and the Emerging Cold War. University of Illinois Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.5406/illinois/9780252037269.003.0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This chapter discusses how Americans debated regarding women's right to vote, even before the passage of the Nineteenth Amendment in 1920. By the presidential election of 1936, most agreed that women had failed to organize in numbers large enough to provide them with an effective voice in the political system. However, World War II would create opportunities for women's political activism. As men joined the service, women replaced them not only in the industrial workplace but also in political organizing. Americans concerned with dramatic shifts in gender roles then engaged in a concerted effort to remasculinize U.S. culture after the war. In need of strategies to lessen their apparent threat to American masculinity, Progressive women, led by Women for Wallace chair Elinor Gimbel, introduced various tactics to calm fears about the supposed dangers of leftist women.
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Victor, Jennifer Nicoll, Alexander H. Montgomery, and Mark Lubell, eds. The Oxford Handbook of Political Networks. Oxford University Press, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780190228217.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This volume is a foundational resource on the study of networks in politics. It is grounded in the understanding that networks are omnipresent in the natural and social worlds, and they are at the heart of politics. The 43 essays in this volume offer instruction on network theory and methods at beginning and advanced levels; they also provide an assessment of the state-of-the-discipline on a variety of applied network topics in politics. Leading scholars in the field address key questions in political science such as: Why do people vote? How can governments foster innovations? How can countries build ties that promote peace? What are the most fruitful strategies for disrupting arms or terrorist networks? In answering these questions, the volume provides both a summary of the state of the field and a roadmap for moving forward.
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Weller, Patrick. Prime Ministers, Party, and Parliament. Oxford University Press, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199646203.003.0007.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
If they are to keep their job, prime ministers need to maintain support in their party and a majority in the parliament. They need to actively work among their colleagues to keep them on side. In Britain rebellion on the floor of the House reflects the divisions within ruling parties. In the other three countries, prime ministers can be assured that their MPs will vote with them but they can be assailed in the weekly party room meeting where criticisms can be fierce and where dissenting views will be expressed directly to cabinet members. This chapter explores how prime minister intersect with their parliamentary supporters and the ways they try to ensure continued support. It examines the way prime ministers prepare for that setpiece drama, prime minister’s questions. It shows how different institutional arrangements ensured a range of strategies, not all successful, were needed.
20
Young, Darius J. Robert R. Church Jr. and the African American Political Struggle. University Press of Florida, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5744/florida/9780813056272.001.0001.
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This book examines the life and career of Robert R. Church Jr., who grew up the son of the first black millionaire in Memphis, Tennessee, and would eventually surpass his father’s notoriety as the most influential black Republican of his era. In particular this book uses Church’s life as a lens into the political activity of African Americans during the first half of the twentieth century. It focuses on the strategies that Church, as a member of the black elite, used to organize and empower black people through the vote. Church believed that voting served as the most pragmatic approach for African Americans to obtain full citizenship in this country. Through the organization he founded, the Lincoln League of America, Church demonstrated the political agency of African Americans on a national level. Church used the arena of politics to interject the plight of the black community into the national political discourse. By enfranchising thousands of black southerners and developing a substantial voting constituency, black voters could have their voices heard among the nation's most prominent policy makers.
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Ritter, Michael, and Caroline J. Tolbert. Accessible Elections. Oxford University Press, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780197537251.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This book explores the wide variation across states in convenience voting methods—absentee/mail voting, in-person early voting, same day registration—and provides new empirical analysis of the beneficial effects of these policies, not only in increasing voter turnout overall, but for disadvantaged groups. By measuring both convenience methods and implementation of the laws, the book improves on previous research. It draws generalizable conclusions about how these laws affect voter turnout by using population data from the fifty state voter files. Using individual vote histories, the design helps avoid bias in non-random assignment of states in adopting the laws. Many scholars and public officials have dismissed state election reform laws as failing to significantly increase turnout or address inequality in who votes. Accessible Elections underscores how state governments can modernize their election procedures to increase voter turnout and influence campaign and party mobilization strategies. Mail voting and in-person early voting are particularly important in the wake of Covid-19 to avoid election day crowds and ensure successful and equitable elections in states with large populations; the results of this study can help state governments more rapidly update voting for the 2020 general election and beyond.
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Fitzgerald, Joseph R. The Struggle Is Eternal. University Press of Kentucky, 2018. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813176499.001.0001.
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Using an extensive body of sources, including more than thirty interviews, this biography details and analyzes the life of human rights activist Gloria Richardson, leader of the Cambridge movement in Maryland during the 1960s. Because her radical and uncompromising positions on black liberation were highly influential on the Black Power wave of the black liberation movement, this book depicts Richardson as a progenitor of Black Power who served in its leadership vanguard. This book also moves the geographic borders of Black Power’s roots south to Maryland’s Eastern Shore, detailing the Cambridge movement’s social justice campaign for more jobs and improvements in housing, health care, and education. Activists in Cambridge used the vote and armed self-defense to achieve their goals, and Black Power activists embraced these same strategies and tactics in the mid-1960s, seeing Richardson as a transitional human rights leader and role model. In addition to examining Richardson’s social, economic, and political philosophies—secular humanism, socioeconomic egalitarianism, and gender egalitarianism—and how they impacted her human rights activism, this book analyzes the gendered interpretation of Richardson’s activism and discusses how she was both similar to and different from other national civil rights leaders. Readers also get an insider’s view of her personal life before and after the 1960s, including her marriages, motherhood, and careers and her assessments of recent social justice movements.
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Green-Pedersen, Christoffer. The Reshaping of West European Party Politics. Oxford University Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198842897.001.0001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Long gone are the times when class-based political parties with extensive membership dominated politics. Instead, party politics has become issue-based. Surprisingly few studies have focused on how the issue content of West European party politics has developed over the past decades. Empirically, this books studies party politics in Belgium, Denmark, France, Germany, the Netherlands, Sweden, and the UK from 1980 and onwards. The book highlights the more complex party system agenda with the decline, but not disappearance, of macroeconomic issues as well as the rise in ‘new politics’ issues together with education and health care. Moreover, various ‘new politics’ issues such as immigration, the environment, and European integration have seen very different trajectories. To explain the development of the individual issues, the book develops a new theoretical model labelled the ‘issue incentive model’ of party system attention. The aim of the model is to explain how much attention issues get throughout the party system, which is labelled ‘the party system agenda’. To explain the development of the party system agenda, one needs to focus on the incentives that individual policy issues offer to large, mainstream parties, i.e. the typical Social Democratic, Christian Democratic, or Conservative/Liberal parties that have dominated West European governments for decades. The core idea of the model is that the incentives that individual policy issues offer to these vote- and office-seeking parties depend on three factors, namely issue characteristics, issue ownership, and coalition considerations. The issue incentive model builds on and develops a top-down perspective on which the issue content of party politics is determined by the strategic considerations of political parties and their competition with each other.