Дисертації з теми "Van Diemen’s Land"
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1
Warren, Michael James. "Unsettled Settlers: Fear and White Victimhood in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land, 1788 – 1838." Thesis, The University of Sydney, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/17285.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Fear of Aboriginal aggression was a reality for the early settlers of New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land, but it only gained imaginative currency through the trope of white victimhood. This discursive emotional frame continues today, providing a means for many contemporary settler Australians to reconcile with a colonial legacy defined by frontier violence and dispossession. In engaging this dialectic between the past and the present, this thesis seeks to understand how fear and white victimhood gained such purchase upon the Australian settler imaginary. In their response to and coverage of frontier violence, colonial newspapers and administrators did much to validate the unsettled feelings of settlers and their servants as they consolidated the dispossession of Indigenous people. Despite the language of “amity and kindness” which guided the settlement of Australia, early governors were quick to deploy “terror” as a means of arresting Aboriginal resistance to European occupation. This provided settlers an immediate means through which they could channel their emotions and expectations of frontier policy as the eighteenth century gave way to the nineteenth. Terrorising Aboriginal people was framed as the most efficient means of consoling their anxieties over the tenuous nature of their lives and properties in this unfamiliar land. A direct relationship thus came to exist between the acknowledgment of settlers as victims and the “eliminationist logic” of settler colonialism. This thesis provides a critical commentary on the collective emotional experience of Europeans during the colonial era. It analyses the ways in which newspapers like the Sydney Gazette developed a narrative that juxtaposed the “unfeeling” disposition of Aboriginal people with the passive victimhood of settlers, facilitating the circulation of fear across geographical, although administratively porous, boundaries. It also explores how colonial elites cloaked their responsibility in this formation of settler subjectivity in the hope of maintaining a belief in their own humanity towards Indigenous people. Through a discourse of sympathy and compassion men like George Augustus Robinson increasingly sought to challenge the destructive impulses of settler colonialism, emphasising the depravity of convicts and frontiersmen. As this challenge became the central platform of humanitarian governance throughout the 1830s, however, it was less a vehicle for the representation of Indigenous rights as it was a means for colonial elites to retrieve their own sense of Britishness predicated upon the paradox of humane colonisation.
2
Lucadou-Wells, Rosemary. "Reputations on the line in Van Diemen’s Land: A dissertation on the general theme of the Rule of Law as it emerged in a young penal colony with particular emphasis on the law of defamation." Thesis, Lucadou-Wells, Rosemary (2012) Reputations on the line in Van Diemen’s Land: A dissertation on the general theme of the Rule of Law as it emerged in a young penal colony with particular emphasis on the law of defamation. Masters by Research thesis, Murdoch University, 2012. https://researchrepository.murdoch.edu.au/id/eprint/14807/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This research focuses on the development of the jurisprudence of the infant colony of Van Diemen’s Land now known as Tasmania, with particular interest on the law of defamation.
During the first thirty years of this British penal colony its population was subject to changes. There were the soldiery, who provided the basis of government headed by a Lieutenant Governor, the indigenous people, the convicts, and gradually an influx of settlers who came enthused by governmental promises of grants of land. In addition to these free settlers there were a selection of convicts who, under a process of something akin to manumission under Roman Law, became upon completion of their sentence, eligible for freedom and possibly a grant of land.
There developed a spirit of competition amongst the settlers, each wanted to become more successful than the others. The favourite means of distinguishing oneself was the uttering or publication of damaging words against a person who was perceived to be a rival. Various defamation actions between 1805 and 1835 are discussed, providing a fascinating insight into the emergence of a Rule of Law, however imperfect, in the development of the colonial society of Van Diemen’s Land.
3
Maxwell-Stewart, Hamish. "The bushrangers and the convict system of Van Diemen's Land, 1803-1846." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1991. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.520511.
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4
Reid, Kirsty M. "Work, sexuality and resistance : the convict women of Van Diemen's Land, 1820-1839." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/26872.
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5
D'Arcy, Jacqueline. "On his majesty's service : George Augustus Robinson's first forty years in England and Van Diemen's Land." Phd thesis, Canberra, ACT : The Australian National University, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/109230.
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6
Hindmarsh, Bruce. "Yoked to the plough : male convict labour, culture and resistance in rural Van Diemen's Land, 1820-40." Thesis, University of Edinburgh, 2002. http://hdl.handle.net/1842/4056.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is a study of assigned male convict labour in rural Van Diemen’s Land in the period 1820-40. Throughout this period agriculture and pastoralism were centxal to the colonial economy, and this sector was the largest private employer of convict labour, yet there has been no prior sustained investigation of the nature and experience of rural convict employment in Van Diemen’s Land. Research has involved use of records of convict transportation, the records of the convict department, colonial court records, and the correspondence of the colonial secretary’s office. Extensive use has also been made of the colonial press, published contemporary accounts, and unpublished journals of colonists. The thesis begins with a discussion of two oppositional representations of rural convict labour: John Glover’s painting ‘My Harvest Home’, and the ballad ‘Van Diemen’s Land’. These representations demonstrate the polarised debate on the nature of convict labour. Rural convicts have been largely neglected in the recent historiography of convict transportation; this thesis argues that this neglect is unwarranted, and that rural convict labour resists reductionist understanding of convict labour. Chapter 1 examines farming in the colony, demonstrating the importance and vitality of this sector of the economy. Chapters 2-4 discuss convict assignment, management, and convict responses. It is argued that assignment effectively placed those with experience of farm work with rural employers. Convicts’ skills are seen to have been relevant and useful to the rural economy. The management of convict servants operated both formally at the level of the Convict Department regulations and the magistrates bench, and informally on individual properties. Informal management best utilised incentives rather than force. Thus convicts were able to negotiate the authority of their employers through various means, including resistance. Chapters 5-7 discuss the convict experience of rural labour. Material conditions of diet, housing and clothing are examined in chapter 5. Convict recreational culture is investigated in chapter 6; it is argued that convicts created an important site of autonomy in this form. The intimate lives of convict men are discussed in chapter 7. Often seen as brutal and brutalising, it is argued that these relationships were important and meaningful sites in male convict experience.
7
Drown, J. M. "An apparatus of empire : the construction of official geographic knowledge in the survey departments of New South Wales and Van Diemen's Land, 1788-1836." Thesis, Department of History, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/11444.
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Read, RR. "Convict assignment and prosecution risk in Van Diemen’s Land, 1830-1835." Thesis, 2020. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/35201/1/Read_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Focussing primarily on the years 1830 to 1835, this thesis investigates the inner workings of the convict assignment system in Van Diemen’s Land by examining its record-keeping practices, the rationale for labour allocation within the private sector and the functioning of the magisterial system. It also assesses private-sector demand for convict labour, examines urban assignment, and compares the turnover and prosecution risk of convicts assigned to residents of an urban and a rural area. The aims are to enhance understanding of the assignment system, counter misconceptions, and improve the ability to contextualise individual convict and settler experiences.
The detailed reconstruction of the initial distribution of all 10,653 men and boys and 1,490 women and girls who arrived in Van Diemen’s Land as convicts between 1 January 1830 and 31 December 1835 underpins this study. This constitutes a sample comprising about one-sixth of all convicts known to have arrived in the fifty-year period of transportation to the island colony. The very high concentration of surviving archival records strongly influenced the choice of study period, and electronic access to high quality images that the Tasmanian Archive and Heritage Office and the ARC-funded ‘Founders & Survivors’ research group had already indexed and cross-referenced greatly facilitated the research.
The thesis argues that the allocation of convicts was rational and well-organised, that the system facilitated access to magistrates, that many townspeople depended on assigned servants as much as their rural counterparts did, and that the frequency with which convicts appeared in court charged with an offence depended in part on their sex, occupation and assignment location.
9
Hutch, PJ. "Einfühlung and association : landscape painting in nineteenth century Van Diemen’s Land/Tasmania." Thesis, 2022. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/46297/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis explores landscape paintings by three artists from different geographic and cultural backgrounds working in Van Diemen’s Land/Tasmania: Norwegian Knud Geelmuyden Bull (1811–1889), German Eugene von Guérard (1811–1901), and Tasmanian William Charles Piguenit (1836–1914), all of whom were painters of the natural world as place from c.1850 to c.1900.
The research points to the existence of two contemporaneous philosophies of mind—the association of ideas and the Einfühlung hypothesis. The association of ideas has Platonic and Aristotelian roots and found ardent supporters after being rediscovered by John Locke (1632–1704). Its efficacy was then debated in the British schools of philosophy during the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. Notable in those debates are the Essays on the Nature and Principles of Taste (1790) by the Reverend Archibald Alison (1757–1839). They synthesise much of his thinking about associationist philosophy, including the idea that the arousal of simple emotions could be recognised by the characteristics that objects exhibit and by simple emotions distilled from sequences of associations emerging from engagements with nature. In turn, the Einfühlung hypothesis was suggested by Giambattista Vico (1668–1774) and elaborated upon by Johan Gottfried von Herder (1744–1803). It emerged close to when Alison’s book was published in London. Developed from Herder’s ideas about sich einfühlen—or feeling oneself into—and poorly translated in the early twentieth century as empathy, it remains a way to understand phenomena via sensation and memory.
My work reveals that the association of ideas and the Einfühlung hypothesis require both artists and beholders to draw on what might be conceived of as complex mental and visual encyclopedias and/or dictionaries that employ mnemonics and that function as powerful psychological processes shaping how we understand the world and our place in it. From both philosophies, I have developed a heuristic device that I term enfelt association, which provides a new methodological framework to examine how mnemonics work in the mental processes inherent in executing and beholding landscape paintings. I focus on the formal qualities of landscape painting—line, shape, tone, texture, pattern, colour, and composition—and on the sensorial stimuli and psychological perceptions first signified by landscape painters as tone and
mood/atmosphere (hereafter, also described as Stimmung) and subsequently experienced intuitively and emotionally by beholders.
Enfelt association has been deployed throughout the work to explore and explain pan-European understandings about relationships between and among nature, science, metaphysics, and religion that come to light in written records of personal ideologies expounded by leading thinkers. In the process, evidence is presented to show how philosophies of mind developed and were accepted as being truthful and meaningful explanations of reality. I have found most such evidence in landscape paintings themselves, as well as in catalogues of art exhibitions, contemporaneous newspapers, journals of arts and sciences, books in public and private libraries, lectures at mechanics institutes and schools, and letters in and across Europe, and, of course, in Van Diemen’s Land/Tasmania. Examination of the evidence has enabled me to establish that landscape painting in this latter place was influenced by the philosophical and aesthetic dispositions of leading thinkers who were also travellers, artists, and naturalists. Four in particular concern me, and their contributions are woven through discussions pertaining to Bull, Guérard, and Piguenit. They are Johann Wolfgang von Goethe (1749–1832), Alexander von Humboldt (1769–1859), John Ruskin (1819–1900), and Charles Darwin (1809–1882). But works produced in the antipodes also “spoke back” to the metropole in unique ways and I suggest that enfelt association is one explanatory framework by which to understand that.
Both analysis of documents and images and the application of enfelt association methodologies to works by Bull, Guérard, and Piguenit thus suggest that the artists’ geographic locations, backgrounds, upbringing, schooling, training, and personal and professional relationships shaped a zeitgeist or genius loci that informed their work. Those labours lead to an idea, transposed to Van Diemen’s Land/Tasmania, that the European traditions of form in landscape painting presage unique renditions of nature and place that deeply resonated aesthetically and mentally with colonial beholders. Here, in Ruskin’s terms were creations of Almighty God, or, as Friedrich Schelling (1775–1854) would suggest, the World Soul, or, in Carl Gustav Carus’s (1789–1869) estimation, earth-life painting. These ideas of the natural world transmuted via images trigger an in-depth and sustained discussion about how science and philosophy, evolution and creation, or poesis and rationality are argued from different positions and mindsets. The aim of such work is to show in new ways how origination theories affect the production and reception of landscape paintings.
Ultimately, the thesis contributes a new interpretation of what landscape painting is, considered from the psychologically driven actions of a creator engaging in an interlocution with a beholder. This is not a history that references stylistic production or interpretations, and it considers no affiliations with national ideologies. Rather, it a sustained consideration of the mental processes that generate enfeeling and associations between artists, beholders, and the natural world they represent and belong to.
By working with contemporaneous philosophies of mind and closely examining source documents and images I have sought to work outside current narratives of ‘Australian’ art history, give agency to other ways of thinking about and with these images, and consider their effects in new light. This intercession supports ideas of making and meaning from a pan-European perspective. It brings to Australia and specifically, to Van Diemen’s Land/Tasmania processes of enfeeling and association with which to engage with artistic traditions and their aesthetic resonances. It also produces a resurrected aesthetic by which one can recognise how a poesis of nature and place might lead to an empathetic concord with the world that sustains us.
10
Wegman, IC. "Profitable and unprofitable acres : patterns of European expansion across Van Diemen’s Land, 1803-35." Thesis, 2018. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/28336/1/Wegman_whole_%20thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis uses Historic Geographic Information Systems (HGIS) to uncover the continuing and new patterns of land use in colonial Van Diemen’s Land to 1835.
In 1817 free settlers were frst encouraged to emigrate to the colony of Van Diemen’s Land. They brought with them substantial assets, as well as ideals of British agriculture, and the following years saw a massive transformation of the island’s landscape. By the 1820s many visitors assumed these new agriculturalists were aspiring to recreate Britain, and praised what they saw as the early stages of this. They dismissed the work of the former convicts on their much smaller grants, and ignored the thousands of years of land management conducted by the Tasmanian Aboriginal people. In fact, as much as the settlers sought to reshape the landscape, they themselves were reshaped by it. Their aspirations were only possible because of the work of their predecessors.
By placing land grants and sales data into an HGIS, this thesis reconstructs the sequence of European settlement in three regions of the island: New Norfolk, Bothwell and through the Midlands. These case studies are used to argue the existence of two primary European settlement patterns. The frst is riverine intensive, a pattern based on European and settler-colonial precedent. The domain of emancipist grantees, the name refects the signifcance of waterways in shaping the early colony. This pattern gave way to the open extensive in the early-1820s, as the colony’s economy shifted to fne wool exports and the settlers required larger acreages.
This thesis argues that both of these patterns were reliant on the Aboriginal mosaic patterns, as the settlers were drawn to areas kept clear with fre-stick farming. Settlers in the open extensive stage were particularly drawn to the large ‘plains’, and their land-use represented a drastic departure from accepted British methods. Nonetheless, the riverine intensive settlers also benefted from cleared lands. By combining the settlement pattern parameters with environmental data and settlement sequences, this thesis argues that it is possible to uncover details of the pre-European landscape that were not recorded before it was irrevocably altered by the arrival of large-scale pastoral pursuits.
Connecting land records to colonial survey charts also enables this thesis to measure the extent to which acreages were over- or under-measured. Using these fndings, it analyses allegations of corruptions that were frequently levelled against the colonial surveyors. Their work is critiqued within the context of surveyor work-load, changing settler and governmental priorities, and the rise of the Black War.
11
Robin, ED. "Captain Charles Swanston : ‘man of the world’ and Van Diemen’s Land merchant statesman." Thesis, 2017. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/23808/1/Robin_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For two decades in the development of Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania), Captain Charles Swanston (1789−1850) was one of the most influential men in Hobart Town. In the time-honoured tradition of the nineteenth century British Empire, he was the very model of a Merchant Statesman, strengthening the link between commercial enterprise and colonial good. Between 1829 and 1850 Swanston was managing director of the renowned Derwent Bank, Member of the Van Diemen’s Land Legislative Council, an internationally-recognised entrepreneur and merchant, an instigator of the settlement of Melbourne and the Geelong region and a civic leader. His strategic skills, business acumen, far-sightedness and bold ambition contributed significantly to Van Diemen’s Land’s transition from an island prison to a free economy. Yet after the Derwent Bank’s failure in September 1849 and his mysterious death at sea a year later, Swanston’s name faded into the shadows of history.
By shining a penetrating light on the colourful life and times of Swanston, this study advances understanding of the role of mercantile ambition in the foundation and growth of the nineteenth century colonies of Tasmania and Victoria. It paints a vivid picture of mercantile networks, endeavours, political aspirations and disappointments. Based on an examination of the voluminous records of the Derwent Bank, family records and other primary sources, it examines Swanston’s trajectory from his childhood in the Scottish Borders and service with the 12th and 24th Regiments of the Madras Native Infantry of the Honourable East India Company to his high status in Van Diemen’s Land. It illustrates the driving urge of early capitalists to acquire property and how their belief in the unassailable value of land led many, like Swanston, to financial ruin when the severe depression of the 1840s reduced land values to below the level of their mortgages and bank loans.
Swanston operated under the administrative regimes of successive Lieutenant-Governors Colonel George Arthur, Sir John Franklin, Sir John Eardley Eardley-Wilmot and Sir William Denison. These were tumultuous times, exacerbated by diminishing internal revenue, increasing numbers of transported convicts, a lack of responsiveness from the Colonial Office in London, the growing desires of settlers and a strident demand for political representation. The despondency that characterised Swanston’s last years in Van Diemen's Land occurred during the period that Hobart Town lost its commercial advantage as a port for whaling and trading vessels from around the world and when the broad horizons across Bass Strait beckoned away many ambitious people. While the opportunities of the new lands in Victoria did not save Swanston, he had played a critical role in their settlement, especially in establishing some founding flocks of Victoria’s great wool industry. His 1837 prescience that: ‘Port Phillip is established and flourishing and cannot fail to be a great Colony’ is manifest in the bustling metropolis of Melbourne today. Its central thoroughfare, Swanston Street, perpetuates his name. Swanston was a player in the expanding and volatile world of international capitalism. His biography adds an important chapter to the economic and political history of Australia.
12
Ward, MA. "Self-serving or acting for the common good? : The independence of George Meredith (1778-1856) in Van Diemen’s Land." Thesis, 2020. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/36025/1/Ward_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The period between 1820 and 1850 was one of the most febrile, controversial and dynamic periods in Tasmanian history. It was a time of increased occupation by Europeans, with the consequent escalating clash with the Tasmanian Aboriginal people, bringing about the ‘Black War’ and the work of George Augustus Robinson. Transportation of convicts to the colony grew and their management evolved from assignment to the probation system until ultimately, the ‘Anti-Transportation’ movement arose. Institutions such as administrative independence for the colony and a Supreme Court were achieved, and calls for others, such as a free press, trial by jury and a house of assembly, were made periodically by disaffected settlers.
In 1821, former Lieutenant of Marines George Meredith arrived into this environment to carve out a new life for himself and his family. He brought with him a desire to be unconfined in his endeavours and to resist any limitation on his advancement, particularly from government. He used the term ‘independent’ to describe himself in a number of contexts, such as the editorial in his Colonist newspaper that stated ‘[Meredith’s] principles are those of freedom and independence’; another time, he declared himself politically independent. This independence was a manifestation of a broader, self-serving attitude that drove him to publicly campaign on all the issues named above. According to his rhetoric, these campaigns were for the colonists’ benefit, the ‘common good’, but on closer examination are found to have been waged by Meredith primarily for his own, self-serving advancement.
Meredith had a positive relationship with his first Lieutenant-Governor, William Sorell, who accommodated the settler’s free-wheeling ways, especially in his accumulation of land, prized by Meredith above all. On the other hand, the punctilious and authoritarian George Arthur, leading the newly independent colony (which came about after the Meredith-led independence campaign), restricted Meredith’s ability to do as he pleased. The settler soon began a war of attrition against him, fought out both in letters and in public campaigns, designed to weaken the Lieutenant-Governor’s rule. Each inflicted wounds on the other, but Arthur maintained the upper hand.
This thesis, by close examination of abundant primary sources, including many hundreds of George Meredith’s letters to his family, government, business associates and friends, presents a first biography of Meredith from his birth in Birmingham in 1788 to his death in Swansea in 1856, the year Tasmania became a self-governing colony. It examines his involvement in the press, socio-political campaigns, whaling, agriculture, his relationships with his family and interactions with Aboriginal people and bushrangers, all put into context by discussion and analysis of historical and thematic literature published from the 1830s to the present.
The popular construction of Meredith as only an ‘extirpationist’ of the indigenous people is punctured by this thesis and it will demonstrate that he was more central to many of the campaigns for socio-political change than he has been given credit for. In other campaigns, where he had lesser impact, it is argued that he held back because he was unable to drive his personal agenda. The thesis adds to the knowledge and understanding of Tasmanian history during a crucial period and challenges some interpretations that have found their way into the literature. Meredith’s personal letters comprise an extraordinary record of his love and passion for his wife and the analysis of these letters here will add to the literature on colonial family relationships and epistolary studies in general.
Meredith’s legacy survives in Tasmania’s social, political, cultural and built environment to an extent and breadth that few other settlers of the period can lay claim to.
13
Sherwood, TA. "Annie Baxter in Van Diemen’s Land : an abridged and annotated version of her journal, 1834 – 1851." Thesis, 2010. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/10701/18/Sherwood_whole._pdf.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The day after Annie Baxter embarked with her husband, a British army officer, on the Augusta Jessie to travel to the Australian colonies, she began a journal which she maintained for the next thirty-four years. This thesis presents an edited scholarly edition of those sections of Annie Baxter’s extant manuscript journal which record her five visits to Van Diemen’s Land and her experiences in the colony between 1835 and 1851, together with a detailed commentary. During her first visit she resided in Launceston with her husband for almost four years; subsequently she visited alone, travelling each time from Yambuk, a grazing property in the Portland region of Port Phillip. After her initial visit in the 1830s, she made three visits between November 1844 and February 1849 for periods which varied in length from three to seven months, to stay with her brother, a Royal Engineer then stationed in Hobart Town. From June 1849 she lived in Hobart Town with her brother following the death of his wife, before returning to England in January 1851.
The text of Annie Baxter’s journal included in this thesis maps Annie’s experiences at a difficult and eventful time of her life in a particular colonial location, while also tracing the journal’s development as a serial life writing project. Stylistically, I refrain in the thesis from aesthetic evaluation of the journal but emphasise its complexity as literary endeavour. And while these aspects of the journal are explored, in line with the requirements of responsible scholarly editing, care has been taken to preserve the integrity of the manuscript in terms of the writer’s preoccupations, emphasis, and interest.
The thesis comprises a general introduction which provides necessary background material and establishes editorial practice, then an abridged reading text presented in four parts: one for each of the first, fourth and fifth visits, while the journal records of the second and third visits are presented together. Each of the four parts is supported by an introductory essay that contextualises the journal record and provides relevant cultural and stylistic commentary, and annotations which are both interpretative and explanatory. The thesis is completed with a full electronic transcription to accommodate the imperative for editorial transparency.
14
Mickleborough, LC. "Colonel William Sorell Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s land 1817–1824 : an examination of his convict system and establishment of free settlement." Thesis, 2002. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/11816/1/Sorell_Thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Set against the background of a British penal colony established for less than fifteen years, this thesis examines Van Diemen’s Land during the administration of Colonel William Sorell who was appointed Lieutenant-Governor in 1817 to replace Thomas Davey. The early history of Van Diemen’s Land has been dominated by the extensively documented rule of George Arthur who succeeded Sorell in 1824, and whose vast and occasionally self-promoting correspondence tended to diminish the achievements of his predecessor. The main features of Sorell’s administration, ranging from his immediate need to restore order due to a bushranging crisis, his sponsorship of a vigorous expanding pastoral economy as well as the impact of that economy on a declining Aboriginal population, and what steps Sorell took to ameliorate that impact, or to advise the British Government of the consequences of the impact, will also be examined.
The major purpose is to investigate Sorell’s convict administration system, and it will be demonstrated that he established a system of convict control with an emphasis on incentive as well as punishment, on which Arthur was later able to base his system of ‘Black Books’. Sorell employed convicts in public works and successfully facilitated the assignment of other convicts to settlers. As a result of his resourcefulness and organisation, he established Macquarie Harbour as a place of secondary punishment. An influx of convicts followed the first direct shipment from Britain to the colony in 1818, and the same year free settlers also started arriving in large numbers, mainly due to a change of policy in Britain. Sorell’s encouragement of entrepreneurialism, and his vigorous economic leadership meant the colony began to compete economically with New South Wales.
As a result of a concern that transportation might no longer be an effective object of apprehension in Britain nor the means of reformation in the settlement, a commissioner, John T. Bigge, was sent by the Colonial Office to enquire into the situation in New South Wales and Van Diemen’s Land. Bigge was also directed to enquire into Sorell’s private life, as shortly after Sorell’s arrival it was disclosed that it was not his own wife with whom he was living. Sorell was permitted to continue in his position for almost seven years following the disclosure, possibly indicating satisfaction with his leadership. However, as morals and the balance of free settlers in the colony began to change, it prompted the essential recommendation of Bigge for Sorell’s recall, which was finally sent to him in 1823. Sorell received no further imperial appointment. The contradictory circumstances of this recall, set against a background of administrative success, has, perhaps, limited historical appreciation of the extent of Sorell’s achievement of bequeathing an effective convict system and strong economy to his successor.
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McMahon, JF. "The British army and the counter-insurgency campaign in Van Diemen’s Land with particular reference to the black line." Thesis, 1995. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/16331/1/front-_mcMahon-thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The British Army of the 1820's was not trained far counter-insurgency
duties to operate in small detached parties. Their role in the campaign
against the Aborigines was to aid the civil power, and tensions and
inefficiencies resulted when troops were drected and commanded by
civilians. The colonial garrison was commanded by an experienced
soldier and administrator, lieutenant-Governor George Arthur. He
exercised a dual civil/military function ensuring all resources were
integrated through an administrative system centred on his police
districts. By 1830, Arthur sought a solution to the Aboriginal problem
based on a dual strategy of conciliation in the tribal lands, and use of
military force, to expel the natives from the settled areas. The Aborigines developed formidable skills as guerilla fighters, and
their tactics took advantage of their enemies' weapons limitations. With
loss of tradtional hunting grounds, the Aborigines were forced to rely on
raiding settlers' huts for supplies. This generated stronger countermeasures,
such as martial law in 1828 and the Black Line in 1830, which
was the climax of the counter-insurgency campaign. This was a sweep
and cordon operation, combining troops, and civilians who were called
out under a levy en masse, under Army command. The troops, now
under command of their own officers, were disciplined and efficient.
Opinions differ in contemporary and historical writings, concerning the Black Line, as to whether it was a 'fiasco' or, in terms of Arthur's dual
strategy, a success. As he dd not achieve his military aim to confine the
Aborigines in Tasman's Peninsula, the line was a failure, but due to
Walpole's contact, it was not a total failure, and as it was meticulously
planned and executed, the term 'fiasco' is inappropriate. As the Line
directly assisted the conciliatory arm of the dual strategy, it contributed to
Arthur's long term goal. Almost a mythology has developed over aspects of the line. Arthur distorted
fact in insisting that Walpole's contact, and the presence of
convicts with the Aborigines, led to the failure of his military obiective.
Without recognising the temper of the times, and that the Line was
Arthtur's only remaining military option, the 'fiasco' school of 'Writers has
unfairly branded the Black Line as a foolish enterprise. Historians'
statements of numbers deployed on the line vary considerably, a minor,
but pertinent example of how an error can develop by uncritical
acceptance of one primary source.The counter-insurgency campaign in the police districts and on the
Black Line, while being a minor footnote in the annals of the British Army,
is a sigificant but often misunderstood or forgotten phase of Tasmanian
history. It deserves more recognition by Tasmanian and Australian
military historians.
16
Thomas, Ruth. "“According to the fair play of the world let me have audience” : reading convict life-narratives of Van Diemen’s Land." Thesis, 2008. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/8560/1/Thomas_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines published convict life-narratives of Van Diemen’s Land. I analyse eighteen self-referential accounts of convictism, written by male transportees and published in Britain, Ireland, America or Australia during the nineteenth century. I scrutinise how convict authors gained access to public autobiographical space and how they negotiated an authoritative speaking position within that space. My approach follows the precedent of autobiography theorists like Gillian Whitlock, Sidonie Smith and Julia Watson, who encourage readers of life-narrative to understand self-referential writing as an historically situated conversation between the personal and the public. I understand autobiographical narrative not as the story of a life as lived, but as a site where, as Smith and Watson suggest in Reading Autobiography: A Guide for Interpreting Life Narratives, “the personal story of a remembered past is always in dialogue with emergent cultural formations” (83). My thesis is underpinned by the assumption that publication attests to that dialogue. I conduct an historicist reading of the narratives and use the retrievable history of each text to situate it within the historical context of its first publication.
Chapter One interrogates the narrative and material forms of each text to locate evidence of how a personal recollection of crime and convictism was shaped and packaged for commercial readership. I borrow from Whitlock’s The Intimate Empire the notion of the “unlikely autobiographer.” I suggest that, like former slave Mary Prince, convict life-writers were disenfranchised and disempowered within the operative and discursive frameworks of convictism, which rendered their access to publication unlikely and the eighteen published accounts consequently exceptional. I identify five kinds of extra-textual conditions that facilitated the original publication of each extant narrative. I locate each text within the promotional, propagandist, political, pragmatic or historical conditions of its initial publication.
Chapter Two considers how the dictates of publication impacted upon convict writers’ autobiographical authority. Again, I borrow from readings of Mary Prince’s narrative, by both Whitlock and Moira Ferguson, which recover Prince’s agency within a highly scripted collaborative production. I argue that authorial employment of autobiographical space as a site for self-determination and self-reconstruction demonstrates some degree of protagonist and authorial agency in these texts. I then return to the notion of dialogue and consider several features of some accounts which complicate their status as autobiography. In this final discussion, I posit that convict life-narrative is a polyvocal site and that attending to this polyvocalism furnishes a fuller portrayal of the experiences, meanings and ramifications of convictism for individuals than does a reading that presumes life-narrative is a unitary utterance of a life as lived.
17
Clements, NP. "Frontier conflict in Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2013. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17070/1/front-Clements-thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Eastern Van Diemen’s Land was the site of the most intense frontier conflict in Australia.
What is known today as the Black War (1824-1831) produced at least 450 colonial casualties and all but wiped out the Aborigines.
This thesis examines the attitudes and experiences of the men, women and children –black and white – who were involved. It asks: How did each side perceive the other? What motivated them to violence? What tactics did they employ? How did each side cope with being hunted? And what was the emotional cost?
These questions are long overdue. Historians have almost invariably examined the War from the ‘top down’, poring over ethical and legal questions. These are important concerns for posterity, but they were not those of Aborigines or frontier colonists. Their beliefs, desires, behaviours and emotions constituted the human side of the Black War, and they have been all but ignored.
The alternating white/black chapters of this thesis juxtapose the perspectives of colonists and Aborigines. Close attention has been paid to the minutiae of frontier life, which were a chief determinant of behaviour and experience. Drawing on a range of methods, the cultures, voices and actions of participants have been sifted from Tasmania’s vast archive. To verify and contextualise this anecdotal evidence, a catalogue of all recorded violent incidents and their details has been appended.
The Black War was a guerrilla war consisting of hundreds of ambushes on Aborigines’ camps by night, and on colonists’ huts by day. Exceptions to this day/night pattern were rare, which meant the War was fought and experienced according to a solar rhythm. A key source of white violence was sex deprivation. European women being extremely scarce, so frontiersmen sought black females any way they could. Later, revenge and self-defence also motivated them to kill. Aborigines attacked whites to resist invasion, avenge mounting insults, and to plunder food and blankets. Both lived in suffocating fear, terrified of their enigmatic foes. Likewise, both saw themselves victims, and both felt justified in victimising the other. It was not a battle
between good and evil, but a struggle between desperate human beings.
This thesis challenges a range of long-standing assumptions about the War, while also providing new evidence and perspectives. Its attitudinal and experiential analysis illuminates the War in a new light, while its quantitative analysis indicates a larger-scale conflict than previously imagined, with distinct and telling patterns of violence. Moreover, a systematic examination of frontier conflict at the ground level and from both is all but untried in Australian history.
18
Higgins, KM. "Treaty making in Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2005. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/20632/1/whole_HigginsKatrinaMichelle2006_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this thesis is to analyse the Aboriginal crisis in Van Diemen's Land
with a view to establishing what effective efforts were made in the late 1820s
and early 1830s towards realising a treaty between the colonial administration
and the Aboriginal tribes of Van Diemens Land. The idea is not a new one. In
1995 Professor Henry Reynolds' published Fate of a Free People in which he
argues that for a number of prominent Aboriginal leaders, at least, a de facto
peace treaty was negotiated with the Colonial Government. Reynolds focuses
primarily on roles played by the Aborigines in bringing their people in and their
interpretation of how the crisis was concluded. This thesis does not challenge
Reynolds' claims. Instead, it attempts to evaluate the Aboriginal-settler clash
from the perspective of the Colonial Government, and Lieutenant-Governor Sir
George Arthur in particular. Specifically it seeks to determine to what extent
Arthur participated in a treaty-making process, even if he did not ultimately
conclude a treaty with the Aborigines of Van Diemen's Land.
This thesis examines British policies towards the Aborigines of Van Diemen's
Land from the time of its official settlement in 1804 through to the effecting of
the Treaty of Waitangi in January 1840. While it focuses in greatest detail on
relations between the colonial government and the Aborigines of Van Diemen's
Land in the 1820s and early 1830s, the study of colonial relations is broadened
both chronologically (to 1840) and geographically-north to mainland
Australia, and east to New Zealand-to include brief accounts of the negotiations
of the Batman treaty and the Treaty of Waitangi, so as to provide
a wider context by which to evaluate Governor George Arthur's efforts with
treaty-making in the Van Diemen's Land.
19
Dean, GH. "Convicts with the Van Diemen's Land Company." Thesis, 2007. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/19850/7/whole_Dean_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Van Diemen's Land Company was formed in 1825 to produce wool in
Van Diemen's Land for the British market. The company explored land in
the North West of the island for the purpose of locating a grant and
established settlements at Circular Head, Woolnorth, Emu Bay, Hampshire
and Surrey Hills.
Convicts were assigned as servants to the company and about four hundred
and twenty people spent periods ranging from several weeks to nearly a
decade as part of the labour force.
This thesis provides information about this labour force: their numbers,
their disposition, their occupations and their achievements. It investigates
what they ate, how they were accommodated and the hours that they
worked.
The convicts were subject to being physically flogged, discipline normal at
the time, but which we now find abhorrent and the record of punishments is
examined in detail.
Much of the history that has been written about the company relies heavily
on company sources. In this thesis particular value has been placed on
contemporary independent reports.
The company agent during the period 1825-1842 was Edward Curr and he
had a dominant influence on all aspects of company activities and
achievements, and therefore on the life and fate of servants assigned to the
company. Particular attention is given to the nature and extent of Curr's
character on the life and fate of convicts with the company.
20
Walker, S. "Stage-coach enterprises in Van Diemen's Land and Tasmania." Thesis, 2016. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/23106/1/Walker_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
From 1820, increased settler movement into Van Diemen’s Land prompted the need for improved communications; but small population numbers and high commercial risk factors discouraged the establishment of inland passenger transport enterprises. After 1830, population growth near the two main towns, and the colonial Post Office’s evolving inland communications route structure, encouraged transport infrastructure and stage-coach enterprise development, as physical and financial security became more assured.
The financially constrained colonial government, transitioning from penal, through self-governing colony to federation, was reluctant to operate businesses where private enterprise might provide the means. Instead, where possible, it subsidised construction, contracted for services, devolved responsibility to local communities, and enacted a comprehensive body of legislation to achieve these ends. Government and stage-coach enterprises alike faced commercial uncertainty caused by economic depressions, the high cost of capital, a reduction in wages, and from outflows of free citizens. Adjustment was necessary following the introduction of steam-powered ferries, the electric telegraph and the railways; population growth was slow and only the opening of new mines increased the potential passenger transport market.
The skills required by managers within a convict/free settler society in the face of such economic, financial, legal, social, and workforce uncertainty and complexity were considerable. Yet settlers with capital were primarily interested in land acquisition, and not in service industries. Therefore, stage-coach entrepreneurs were drawn from a free-settler, lower socio-economic group, or from convict expirees with limited business skills, and insolvency was a constant risk. Monopoly of both the route and the logistic support chain was a perceived means towards viability, but was unpopular with government and the press.
The large numbers of confident and energetic, yet ordinary, men and women within the stage-coach enterprises, served their communities, and made a considerable contribution to the island’s social development, inclusion and capital, and to its economy; yet they are historiographically unnoticed.
21
Leppard-Quinn, CJ. "‘The Unfortunates’: prostitutes transported to Van Diemen's Land 1822–1843." Thesis, 2013. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17536/1/Whole-Leppard-Quinn-_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since historians first began to mine the records of the 160,000 men, women and children who were transported to the Australian colonies, the mention of prostitution has titillated researchers and the general public. The prostitute was a highly visible and public figure. Unlike the pickpocket, smuggler, extortionist or forger, each of whom strove to be invisible, the prostitute relied on her visibility to earn a living. However unlike her secretive companions the prostitute’s activity was not illegal, yet her visibility made her a convenient scapegoat for many of the fears and failings of contemporary society. In Australia’s convict history she is equally visible by virtue of a clear annotation on her convict record.
During the nineteenth century it was commonplace to describe all female convicts as prostitutes, and this usage was adopted by some historians in the mid twentieth century. While the misconception was the legacy of nineteenth-century class, cultural and gendered misunderstandings, twentieth-century historians internalised those nineteenth-century stereotypes. In the 1970s the female convict was reinvented as a hardworking family maker and the label of ‘prostitute’ was reserved for a few marginalized, debauched incorrigibles. That attempt to exonerate the reputation of the majority, firmly positioned the prostitute as an outcast.
The label of ‘prostitute’ on the convict records has been accepted as a sign of immorality or ‘badness’. We accept that women were questioned about prostitution, as their replies were recorded by the thousands. Yet prostitution was not a criminal offence and women were not transported for being prostitutes. Indeed to be a prostitute was no more indictable than being a laundress or a housemaid. It was the criminal acts which were performed by the prostitute, laundress or housemaid which brought them to Van Diemen's Land.
The glaring question which historians have failed to ask is, ‘Why was the question posed, and why was their affirmation recorded?’ From their arrest in Britain until their freedom in Van Diemen's Land the label remained fixed on some women’s records. To what use was that information put, and how significant was it in determining outcomes for the women? How differently were they treated? The annotation is present on a sufficient number of records to provide answers to some of the questions which have hitherto been overlooked.
22
Kelly, NR. "The effect of transportation on Jewish convicts in Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 1995. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/9634/2/N.R.Kelly_Thesis_-_Jewish_Convicts.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The history of the Jewish convicts in Van Diemen's Land is one that provides the researcher with a wide area to consider. The most important question however would be, what effect did transportation have on the Jewish convict? Was their sense of identity overwhelmed by the artificial Christian emphasis 'offered' by colonial penal society? The evidence perhaps in most cases would suggest that assimilation, induced by environmental factors was the end result of transportation.
There were at least two hundred convicts transported to Van Diemens Land who can be easily identified as been Jewish, with a further one hundred possessing the 'characteristics' of the Jewish convicts (that is , names, aliases, places of birth and trades.) The majority were under thirty, unmarried and from the poorer districts of London. Their exposure to their religion would have been limited (having no wives and children of their own) even though the majority were from an Ashkenazi / Orthodox - traditional background. They were exiled mostly for non-violent crimes. Receiving stolen goods, picking pockets and housebreaking/shop stealing were common crimes amongst the Jewish convicts.
The unusual crimes included a courtmartial for desertion (Levy Frankland), wilfully setting fire to premises (Harris Rosenberg), forging Russian banknotes (Jacob Friedeberg) and a highway robbery in Christchurch, Middlesex (Solomon Lyons). Several convicts were re-sentenced to death for a second crime in Van· Diemens Land whilst many were sent to Norfolk Island, Macquarie Island, Port Arthur, New South Wales and other places of secondary punishment. Jewish convicts were stationed on the remote probation stations, such as Wedge Bay as well as the major towns. This displacement helped to contribute to their sense of isolation. The Majority of convicts if they married, married out of the faith and several converted to Christianity. Many children born to convict women (and men) were inevitably baptised.
Those convicts lucky to have family in Van Diemen's Land or whom were married to Jewish women before being transported were the convicts most likely to survive as Jews, religiously and ethnically. It was this vital connection to their identity that most Jewish convicts lacked. Those that intermarried usually became less involved with the community perhaps because of the guilt felt by marrying out of the faith, a practise rarely pursued in Jewish life. The Christianity of their spouses was often more acceptable to the mainstream than their own religion. All these factors combined to draw the Jewish convict unconsciously away from Judaism and to create a system of 'passive' genocide, a genocide initiated by government policy and the unique social environment of Van Diemen's Land.
The Jewish community that convicts encountered in Van Diemens Land from 1803 to the 1830's was very different from the one which they had left behind. What remained familiar were the attitudes of the Government and the public which resembled those of their counterparts in England, the only differences being the concentration and the focus on the perceived problems in such a small environment. The Jewish community, initially made up of convicts and emancipists did not possess the necessary framework to counter anti -semitic claims of the public or request what were seen as neccesary freedoms from the colonial government.
It was not until the arrival of free Jewish settlers in the 1830's that the community became viable in Van Diemen's Land. Before this important development, the direction that the Jewish convict took would not neccesarily reflect his ethnic and religious past. To understand the response to transportation up to this point then, it is neccesary to look at the society which the Jewish convicts had come from and the society they entered. Without this knowledge we cannot possibility understand the psyche of the Jewish convict.
23
Finlay, E. M(Eleanor Margaret). "Making good in Van Diemen's Land : Robert Logan, convict and merchant." Thesis, 1992. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/19591/1/whole_FinlayEleanorMargaret1993_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The name Tasmania, still more its former version, Van Diemen's
Land, is inextricably linked in the public mind with convictism and
the era of transportation. The worst aspects of convictism, naturally
enough, are the ones which have for many years captured the
attention of writers of works such as Marcus Clarke's "For the Term
of his Natural Life"', the obvious example. The excessive severity, by
today's standards, of the original sentences, the horrors of the
passage out, the brutality exercised frequently in the name of
discipline, the total helplessness of victims of unjust treatment, the
sheer animality of the degradation to which some were reduced and
which to others was habitual, the violence of one convict to another,
all tend to fix the 'horror' image in the public mind to the extent
that even today it is a rich source of sensational ideas for the
popular writer and the tourist industry.
In contrast, last century, the 'They'd-never-had-it-so-good'
school of thought, concerned with maintaining the punitive function
of the system and uneasily suspicious that convicts came to Van
Diemen's Land as to the promised land and flourished mightily, were
bolstered in their beliefs by tales reaching England of cases like that
of Henry Savery, clerk and journalist, and of countless others living
like gentlemen in exile. More recent studies which contrast social
conditions in British cities of the time, especially London, with life in
the colonies, imply with more justification and more moderately, that
in most cases the intended sufferer was in fact better off as a
convict or ex-convict transportee than at home.
Witnesses before the Select Committees of the House of
Commons last century set up to examine the system supplied ample
evidence to support both extreme views. In any case their
conclusions tended to reflect, or at least be coloured by, the moral
attitudes of their members. A totally accurate picture was unlikely to
emerge from those sources.
The innumerable modern studies of the system - as a whole or
in part - most prominently A G L Shaw's "Convicts and the Colonies"
and L L Robson's "Convict Settlers of Australia", emphasise the
enormous complexity of the system in Van Diemen's Land and the
variety of convict experience under both the assignment and
probation systems. For an unfortunate many, the system was indeed a
hell on earth, whether in government gangs or with private masters;
on the other hand, for others material success came to a spectacular
degree. There was as well a more muted kind of success - to survive
the servitude, earn enough to live on, establish a family and a place
in the colony, even if unable to return `home', to bear, however
lightly, the criminal 'brand' for the rest of one's life - this too was
the convict experience. This was the experience of Robert Logan.
Obviously there is no such person as the typical convict. It is
possible however to examine the histories of individual convicts in
sufficient detail to be able to say, "Well, for this man, it was like
this." This study is only indirectly concerned with the theoretical aspects of secondary punishment and its purposes, punitive and
reformatory. It follows Robert Logan on his road to respectability, a
road surprisingly close to the path followed by the colony of Van
Diemen's Land itself.
24
Hutch, Philip John. "Association, recognition and place : imaging the landscape in Van Diemen's Land 1804-1854." Thesis, 2007. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/20671/1/whole_HutchPhilipJohn2008_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерела
25
Fox, J. "Constructing a colonial chief justice: John Lewes Pedder in Van Diemen's Land, 1824-1854." Thesis, 2012. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/14753/2/whole-fox-thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Foundation Chief Justice of Van Diemen’s Land, Sir John Lewes Pedder (1793-1859) was appointed by the Colonial Office to administer English law in the colony from 1824. As an official member of the Executive and Legislative Councils, he also provided policy advice and certified local legislation. Until his retirement in 1854, Pedder was a central figure in the colonial administration and settler community.
Contributing to the emerging fields of settler colonial studies and comparative colonial legal history, this thesis situates Pedder within the Anglophone colonial world at a significant period of transition from empire to nation-state. Engaging constructively with Philip Girard’s ‘window on an age’ model for writing the lives of colonial judges, it also broadens the focus from the presentist, professional concerns of conventional judicial biography to a more historically sensitive reading of the archive. Reconstructing Pedder’s life-world in the metropolis and the colony reveals how his formative experiences and personal connections shaped his values and professional practices. His repatriation to England in retirement also clearly identifies Pedder as an expatriate professional, rather than a settler-colonist.
From this biographically informed base, the thesis contextualises and tests three enduring popular and scholarly constructions of the chief justice: as a ‘hanging judge’, a puppet of government, and a champion of the Aboriginal people of Van Diemen’s Land. Building on a long literary tradition in which frontier judges were recast as judicial murderers, the tabloid press posthumously constructed Pedder as a Tasmanian Judge Jeffreys. Colonial case law and press commentary are used to demonstrate that mandatory sentencing and community expectations of retributive justice gave Pedder little scope for judicial discretion during the dying decade of the ‘bloody code’.
Inflected by the aspirational rule-of-law rhetoric of settler activists, Pedder’s construction as a puppet of government obscures the complex relationships between his judicial, executive and legislative roles. Comparative judicial biography reveals that colonial judges were routinely appointed ‘at pleasure’ by the imperial executive, and were expected to perform a range of extra-judicial functions. Linking Pedder’s experience in Van Diemen’s Land to current scholarship in other Anglophone settler polities, this thesis demonstrates that Pedder saw no essential conflict between his duties. Moreover, professional and political conservatism ensured that his primary loyalty was not to settler interests, but to the law and the Crown.
Pedder’s benevolent construction as a champion of the island’s Indigenous inhabitants centres on his 1831 objection to the policy of banishing all survivors of the Black War to the islands of Bass Strait. His concern that the exiles would ‘pine away when they found their situation one of hopeless imprisonment’ has been read as a rare challenge to the genocidal impulses of settler colonialism. Yet Pedder’s faith in the potential for a negotiated settlement to hostilities was underpinned by the assertion of settler sovereignty and the imperative to displace Indigenous people from prescribed zones of the island. Moreover, having facilitated the capital conviction of four Indigenes in the Supreme Court between 1824 and 1826, Pedder’s decisive role in the judicial denial of Aboriginal sovereignty is not compatible with his reputation as an Indigenous champion.
26
Jackson, SM. "From orphan school to Point Puer : a study of the care of vulnerable children in Van Diemen's Land (1828-1833)." Thesis, 1998. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/23866/1/Jackson%201998_whole.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Lieutenant Governor George Arthur established two institutions in Van Diemen's Land to care for vulnerable children. These institutions were the King's Orphan Schools and the Point Puer establishment for juvenile male convicts. The first was established in 1828, preceding the second by six years. There were enough similarities between the King's Orphan Schools and Point Puer to make it plausible that there was a connection between the existence of the King's Orphan Schools and the foundation of Point Puer.
The aim of this thesis is to investigate whether the care of children in the King's Orphan Schools from 1828 to 1833 led to the ultimate foundation of Point Puer in January 1834. This is integral to an understanding of the nature of Van Diemen's Land society as concern for the future of the colony was irrevocably linked to the
nature of the rising generation. It was also during Arthur's Lieutenant Governorship that the system for managing vulnerable children was set and most of this endured until around 1850. It is even arguable that many aspects of Arthur's management of vulnerable children were more effective than those in place today. The Point Puer establishment was such an innovation in the management of juvenile offenders that a consideration of its origins is very important. Most of the primary sources on the King's Orphan School and Point Puer are official. While these are excellent sources to have, they must be approached cautiously as the view they provide is one from "above", without a balancing view from "below" - there are no memoirs from orphan school children or Point Puer boys. The Minutes Book of the Committee of Management for the King's
Orphan Schools is a valuable source for the functioning of the Orphan Schools, as well as for the Lieutenant Governor's attitude to this, as Arthur insisted on checking the book regularly and the margins are strewn with his comments. Colonial Secretary Office despatches, Lieutenant Governor's outward despatches, and British Colonial Office despatches relating to the Orphan Schools and Point Puer have also been utilised. Two other kinds of official sources that have proved helpful are reports of the Commissioner of Inquiry and British Parliamentary Papers. Arthur's papers and private journals of Port Arthur Commandant Booth, Port Arthur Storekeeper T. J. Lempriere and G. T. W. B. Boyes, Secretary of the Committee of Management for the Orphan Schools, have enabled a more balanced view. Other literary sources such as Arthur's Observations upon
Secondary Punishment, accounts of visitors to Point Puer, newspapers and almanacks, have provided further insights. Whether there was a connection between the King's Orphan Schools and Point Puer will be considered by analysing similarities in the two institutions founding, functioning, failings and aims. To begin with, the background of the treatment of vulnerable children is dealt with. The second chapter focuses on Lieutenant Governor Arthur, while the next chapter considers the establishment of the King's Orphan Schools. The fourth chapter analyses the functioning of the King's Orphan Schools. This is followed by a chapter enumerating the failings in the care of children in the orphan schools. Next, Lieutenant Governor Arthur's
attitude towards juvenile delinquents is examined, and this leads into the next chapter on the establishment of Point Puer. After this is an analysis of its functioning. The ninth chapter enumerates the failings in the care of Point Puer boys. Next is a chapter on the linkages between the two institutions, which draws
the work to its conclusion.
27
Gregg, AJ. "Convict labour at Brickendon : the diary of William Archer Senior." Thesis, 2005. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/27605/1/Gregg%202005.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Archer family, of Longford Tasmania, hold a privileged position in the story of colonial Van Diemen's Land. Not only were they one of the largest landholders but, between the various strains of the family, they controlled an enviable amount of land and capital - both human and fiscal. William Archer Senior was born in 1754, and is described as a 'pious man, level headed, demanding the best from himself, and expecting that others would act in the same manner as himself, with integrity and consideration' .2 In a social sense, William Snr' s position as mill owner and miller placed him squarely amongst the newly ascendant middling sort. At the age of seventy-three, William Snr emigrated to Van Diemen's Land. He arrived fifteen years after his son Thomas had disembarked in Sydney. He was also following in the footsteps of two other sons, Joseph who had
arrived in 1821 and William Jnr who had arrived in 1824.3 Given the length of the passage to Van Diemen's Land and the many discomforts and dangers this entailed one is entitled to inquire into the factors that might entice or compel a septuagenarian member of the English middle-class to emigrate.
28
Gunn, TPV. "'Policy on the run' : transportation, the law, and empire : the case of Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2009. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/19878/1/whole_GunnThomasPeterVincent2009_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The approach to the bicentennial of the British settlement of Australia in 1988 generated renewed interest in a broad spectrum of Australian history. One genre that was heavily revised was that of convict studies. Convicts and convictism and their role in the early development of white settlement have been much re-examined. A significant body of work has been focussed on convicts as unfree labour and unwilling emigrants. Because of this focus emphasis has been placed on convict agency and their ability to resist the system. As a body they have been dissected into micro groups to explain how the system then impacted on the individual. Few works have looked the other way and seen how the individual impacted on the system. By both their presence and their agency, convicts forced changes to the way in which the Empire conducted transportation. This thesis examines these aspects to see how this took place. That examination is then taken further to look at how changes to the system of transportation impacted not only on the obvious relationship between the various Australian colonies, but also those colonies relations with others within the British Empire, and ultimately on how it impacted on relations between the colonies and the metropolis. While writers such as Hirst, Sturma, Neal, and Atkinson have examined aspects of convict impact on colonial society and its development, their work has been largely introspective with their focus on New South Wales prior to 1840. This thesis aims to broaden the examination to include the effects created by continued transportation to Van Diemen's Land and, later, Western Australia.
29
McPherson, K. "Selected industries and their impact on the Aboriginal landscape Van Diemen's Land from invasion to 1830." Thesis, 2004. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17691/1/front-_McPherson-thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When the British arrived in Van Diemen's Land in 1803, they came as a society that
was increasingly industrial in belief and technology. Even the small numbers of
British inhabitants involved in the original settlements set up under Bowen, Collins
and Paterson had the need for cottage industries to provide the products required for
daily life. As the European population increased, selected industries evolved into
domestic industries, larger scale operations needed for the functioning of the wider
economy and to provide a lifestyle that was appropriate for a British colonial
settlement. Export industries emerged at the same time to integrate Van Diemen's
Land into the world economy.
This thesis investigates the impacts on the Aboriginal landscape of timber, wattle
bark, fauna and salt, four early resource-based industries, based on examination of the
primary records for the period to 1830. The first two industries come from the
European use of trees. The timber industry exploited the easy accessibility of a wide
variety trees. Entrepreneurs developed an export industry for wattle bark after local
recognition of its usefulness for tanning and the need in Britain to conserve
overexploited oak trees. Exploitation of wildlife began with the need for food, but at
an early date turned to the commercial utilisation of oil, meat, furs, skins, fat, bones
and feathers.
Salt could be produced via a rang~ of technologies. It was intertwined with other
industries ranging from the making of soap to the export of skins and hides. Salt pans were turned into muddy ponds, and the densely tree lined areas near the coastal
saltworks were depleted of the wood needed to fuel boilers.
The landscape of Aboriginal Trowernna became the landscape of British Van
Diemen's Land. Aboriginal landscape management unwillingly and unwittingly
provided the British settlement with a seemingly unending supply of raw materials,
hence the consequences of their exploitation was not considered significant at the
time. The landscape of Trowernna drew forth little to no affection from the British;
that observation is demonstrated by over harvesting, the lack of care with harvesting
methods, together with the introduction of European flora and fauna. In 1830 the
local European population had grown to 24,504. In less than thirty years, European
people and their industries had substantially modified large parts of the Aboriginal
landscape beyond recovery.
30
Febey, K. "'Who'll come a Waltzing Matilda with me?' Stock theft and colonial relations in Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2002. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/18017/1/Whole-febey-thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Between 1787 and 1852, 16,280 men and 920 women were transported from
Britain to Australia for the crime of stock theft.The majority of the men, 10,280 were
from England, aged in their early twenties and were single.100 women and 6,240 men
were sentenced to transportation for life for these crimes. It is somewhat ironic that they
should become the founding fathers and mothers of a nation, which should celebrate
stock theft as one of its key iconic symbols. The words of 'Waltzmg Matilda' describe in
verse the complex and often ambivalent role that stock and stock theft played in forging
colonial social relations. All of these are themes which are central to this thesis. It focuses
on these issues, in a more broader sense and argues that sheep, cattle and horses were a
form of property around which many social, economical and political relations were
based. Furthermore, it explores the fact that stock was an especially important delineator
of social relations on the colonial frontier. It is a story that transcends the usual
boundaries of class and race, but it does not preclude them either.
31
Mickleborough, LC. "Victim of an ‘extraordinary conspiracy’? : Sir John Eardley Eardley-Wilmot Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen's Land 1843–46." Thesis, 2011. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/11740/2/Whole-Mickleborough.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examines the career of Sir John Eardley Eardley-Wilmot MP and Chairman of the Quarter Sessions, and his 1843 appointment as Lieutenant-Governor of Van Diemen’s Land by Secretary of State Lord Stanley, despite Stanley’s claim three months earlier, that Eardley- Wilmot was a ‘muddle brained blockhead’. This comprehensive study first re-evaluates Eardley-Wilmot’s extensive public career in Britain (which has been much neglected by Australian historians), especially his contribution to the reform of juvenile crime and the slavery controversy. Secondly, it explains his role and importance in the development of the probation system of convict management in the colony.
Significantly, in 1846 Sir James Stephen admitted it was the British Government’s ‘illadvised’ and ‘non-considered pledge’ to abandon transportation to New South Wales in 1840, and to throw the ‘whole current’ of convicts into Van Diemen’s Land, which caused the colony’s constitutional crises in which private members of the Legislative Council expressed their hostility and obstructed financial measures. Coinciding with the cessation of transportation to New South Wales, Britain replaced the assignment of convicts with the probation system and Eardley-Wilmot was required to place the annual arrival of between 4,000 and 5,000 convicts into probation gangs and stations. The expenses and demands of probation also impacted on the female houses of correction, hiring depots, orphan schools and Point Puer.
This thesis provides a study of the British Empire’s organisation as the system of convict administration and transportation changed, and supports Eardley-Wilmot’s claim that he did not receive adequate Colonial Office support and was treated unfairly. It also reveals he was appointed, not only because of patronage and experience, but because he antagonised Stanley and Sir Robert Peel over his determination to end British slavery. Also challenged is William Ewart Gladstone’s claim that Eardley-Wilmot failed to report problems with the convict system and incidences of ‘unnatural’ crime, and discusses information supplied to Gladstone which was influential in his decision to send both a public despatch and a ‘Secret’ letter advising Eardley-Wilmot of his dismissal.
Eardley-Wilmot died in February 1847, eight days after the arrival of his successor, Sir William Denison, and on 3 June when news of his death reached England, his dismissal received further prominence. The matter was raised in the House of Commons and a vigorous and powerful debate exonerated him from the ‘cowardly and malicious charges’, and was ‘ample proof’ of the ‘moral assassination of a good and worthy gentleman’.
32
Snowden, D. "'A White Rag Burning': Irish women who committed arson in order to be transported to Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2005. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/16094/1/front-Snowden-thesis-2013.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Between 1841 and 1853, 248 women were transported from Ireland to Van
Diemen's Land for arson. Of this number, there is evidence that at least seventynine
women in the Famine and post-Famine period committed arson in order to be
transported. This group of deliberate offenders challenges traditional notions of
convict historiography and raises questions about the fundamental nature of
criminality and transportation. This thesis argues that the women, as active
agents, were using transportation as a form of emigration. For many poor women
in Famine and post-Famine Ireland, emigration was not an option because they
did not meet selection criteria for assisted emigration schemes, or could not afford
the costs associated with emigration. Arson was a perfect crime for those who
wished to be caught. It was visible, immediate, and effective. It was serious
enough to warrant transportation. By the early 1850s, it was entrenched as a
means of engineering transportation among women, a fact recognised by the Irish
courts and frequently commented upon in Irish newspapers. There is no evidence
that the deliberate arsonists were social or political protesters. For them, arson
was a means to an end, not a political statement.
More than passive economic victims, the deliberate arsonists were marginalised
women actively seeking to change their circumstances. Initially, this was from
the dislocation and chaos of Famine and post-Famine Ireland but the process
continued in Van Diemen's Land. A major focus of this thesis is the colonial
experience of the deliberate arsonists, tracing what happened to them and
examining whether there was evidence that they tried to improve their position in the colony, especially when they were free. This thesis argues that, by using a
number of survival strategies, the women's attempts to seek control over their
lives continued.
This thesis is presented in two parts. The first contains an historiographical
survey, an explanation of the methodology, the Irish background to the
phenomenon as well as a profile of the deliberate arsonists. The second part
analyses social and economic outcomes for the women in Van Diemen's Land:
marriage, economic survival, and death. Research has been primarily based on
convict records, newspaper reports of trials, civil registration records, colonial
newspapers, colonial court records, and family papers. Detailed biographies of
the seventy-nine deliberate arsonists have been compiled as Volume Two of the
thesis.
This thesis adds to the body of knowledge about the female convict experience,
generally, and the deliberate arsonists, specifically. As far as I am aware, this is
the first time that a comprehensive study of a group of convict women, grouped
by crime, has been carried out. It is also the first time that a study has looked
specifically and extensively at 'courting transportation', at transportation as
emigration, and, in this respect, it has only touched the tip of an iceberg. The
phenomenon of deliberately courting transportation was not limited to the female
arsonists or post-Famine Ireland, although it was a period when it was undeniably
most effectively and publicly used. Transportation was not regarded as
punishment by impoverished, marginalised women in Famine and post-Famine Ireland but a way of improving their situation. This thesis is also the first time
that the female post-sentence convict experience has been looked at in detail in a
Tasmanian context, with a focus on individuals, and using family history
techniques. It concludes that, despite economic, political and social constraints
imposed on them, in Ireland and Van Diemen's Land, the deliberate arsonists
exercised agency over their lives by using a number of survival strategies.
33
Boyce, PJ. "An environmental history of British settlement in Van Diemen's Land : the making of a distinct people, 1798-1831." Thesis, 2006. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17308/4/Boyce_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Van Diemen's Land received approximately 72 000 convicts, mainly from the
British Isles and Ireland, between 1 803 and 1 853, and convicts and their
descendants formed the large majority of the population of the island colony
throughout this time. This thesis focuses on the environmental experience of this
majority population in the first three decades of settlement. It argues that the
history of British settlement of Van Diemen's Land, and consequently, to a not
insignificant extent, Australia, has been distorted by a failure to recognize that the
rigorous attempts to reproduce English rural society - social and environmental -
were largely undertaken by a relatively small group of free settlers. The
consequence of the failure to recognize the extent to which socio-economic
background shaped environmental experience, is that the life-changing
experience of the new land by a people without the capital or privilege to buffer
them from an immediate experience of place, have been obscured. The thesis
studies how the rich and accessible resources of the off-shore islands, coastal
bays and estuaries and, above all, grassy woodlands of the midlands and east
coast provided convicts and former convicts with an economic and physical
refuge from the rigorous and often brutal attempts to turn them into a disciplined
subservient labour force. This encounter with the new land occurred in the
context of a populated and defended land, and while this thesis is not 'Aboriginal
history', the Aborigines are inevitably central to the British experience, and the
cross-cultural meeting and conflict are major themes within it.
34
Gould, RJ. "The enrolled pensioner force in Van Diemen's Land with special reference to the settlement at Spring Hill Bottom." Thesis, 2009. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/38065/1/Gould_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aims of this thesis are sevenfold. First, a brief description of the Enrolled Pensioner Force (EFP), the general principles of military recruitment in nineteenth century Britain, and the operation of the pension system for discharged soldiers will be given. Second, the use of enrolled pensioners in Britain and four colonies other than Van Diemen's Land, will be outlined. Third, the composition and background of the Vandemonian EPF will be given in detail. Fourth, a comparison will be made between the causes of death for pensioners and a matched sample of non-pensioners. Fifth, the overall experiences of the EPF in Van Diemen's Land will be described. Sixth, the activities of the force during temporary deployment in Victoria will be outlined. Seventh, the nineteenth century development of the pensioner settlement at Spring Hill Bottom will be described, including the employment of convicts and pensioners. My conclusions will be based on the main points of each section.
35
Hilton, PJ. ""Branded D on the left side" : a study of former soldiers and marines transported to Van Diemen's Land: 1804-1854." Thesis, 2010. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17678/1/front-_Hilton-Thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 1838 Sir George Arthur admitted that the criminal status of a court-martialled soldier was problematic as a soldier was actually transported for a class of offences (such as striking a noncommissioned officer) for which a citizen would incur a trifling penalty. This observation was pertinent.
Transportation needs to be understood in relation to other coercive institutions, including both slavery and military service. A small number of convicts had experienced multiple forms of coercion. Three African soldiers, for example were court-martialled and transported from the Caribbean by the West India Regiments. All had quintessential British names but bore country marks on their faces suggesting that they had been born in Africa. While a small number of former convicts had experience of slavery, the number who had served before the colours was substantially larger. Despite this, most convict historians have shunned soldiers. Robson, for example claimed that 'only a handful of men were transported by courts-martial.'
Apart from several thousand who were transported to New South Wales and Western Australia, over 3,000 former soldiers were shipped to Van Diemen's Land alone.
Transported soldiers occupy an almost unique position in convict historiography. Apart from former slaves, soldiers were the most substantial convict sub-group to have experienced a coercive disciplinary regime comparable with the convict system.
Emerging from this coercive disciplinary regime transported soldiers carried permanent visual reminders of their confrontations with state power. Furthermore, this occurred during a period generally regarded as an era of penal reform. Soldiers' bodies represent this transitional discourse on the changing nature of ritualised state violence. Their experiences are illustrated upon their bodies, perhaps to a greater extent than other convict sub-groups. Hundreds had already been flogged and their bodies carried 'marks of punishment'.
This thesis will provide a brief contextual analysis of the two systems of convict labour management, assignment and probation, which operated in Van Diemen's Land. It will also detail how former soldiers were assimilated within those systems.
One of the principal themes to emerge from this research was how extensively the system used former soldiers in helping to control the broader convict body by exploiting their most valuable commodity, their military experience, in their employment as police and overseers.
Commissioner John Thomas Bigge had urged that the fruits of convict labour be assiduously manipulated. He demanded that transportation had to become a more terrifying deterrent in order to dissuade poor British people from believing that exile in New South Wales was no real punishment at all. Many settlers were overly ambitious and their exaggerated expectations often impacted negatively on assigned workers. Skill was a critical determinant of convict experience and, accordingly, behaviour was an important contingency in determining a convict's progress or lack thereof. As convicts in Van Diemen's Land, many former soldiers were relatively unskilled as a result they were disproportionately punished in the chain gangs, penal stations and on the gallows.
36
Calder, GK. "Levée, line and martial law : a history of the dispossession of the Mairremmener people of Van Diemen's Land 1803-1832." Thesis, 2009. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/19270/1/whole_CalderGraemeKenneth2009_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The history of the dispossession of the Mairremmener People is an analogue for the histories of indigenous peoples in all those lands seized by the British under the cloak of the ideology of imperialism and the conceit of the superiority of Western culture. In Van Diemen's Land in the years between 1803 and 1832, the Mairremmener People suffered the brunt of colonial expansion, and were its prime victims. Their history is the substance of this thesis.
37
Bird, DM. "In the shadow of Van Diemen's Land : a visual investigation into phenomenological, ontological and experiential representations of places and their history." Thesis, 2013. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/17067/2/Whole-Bird-thesis-_2013.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This project investigates modes of representing the experience of a historically informed experience of place, through firsthand engagement with the Tasmanian Central Plateau by a subjective viewer. It explores the potential of printmaking practices of large-scale multi-plate intaglio engraving to represent this engagement, using the culturally charged symbolism of the endangered Miena Cider Gum trees of the Tasmanian Central Plateau.
The project’s context lies in the expanding theoretical literature around place, the historical record of the Tasmanian Central Plateau and associated Indigenous/European history surrounding the Cider Gum tree, Eucalyptus gunnii, and a local and international artistic discourse which includes the work of Mike Parr, Raymond Arnold, Michael Schlitz, and Orit Hofshi. The theoretical discussion of the project is woven through concepts expressed in the writings of, among others, Peter Hay, Simon Schama, Jeff Malpas, Maria Tumarkin, Edward Relph, Roslyn Haynes and James Boyce, along with an examination of the historical documentation of the Cider Gum tree, particularly within that of the journals of George Augustus Robinson.
The project concludes that the connection between people and place is inherently interwoven, underpinned by historical knowledge, and fundamental to cultural identity, and seeks to represent this engagement through poetic expression of a distinctly Vandiemonian subjectivity. This research has produced a body of artwork born out of subjective personal experience, expressed in a contemporary printbased installation, that makes use of the multiple and the layering possibilities of the medium to explore through elegy, analogy, and anthropomorphic form, notions of cultural and experiential saturation in place.
38
Dower, HGI. "Contesting the legacy of separate treatment : prisoner health during and after the Pentonville Prison experiment, 1842–9." Thesis, 2022. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/47494/1/Dower_whole_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Pentonville Prison Experiment took place from 1842–9, when over 2,500 prisoners sentenced to transportation passed through an innovative prison disciplinary practice known as “separate treatment”. Analogous to twenty-first century solitary confinement, separate treatment required prisoners to be confined, alone and in enforced silence, for 22 hours a day. In Pentonville, where sentence lengths averaged 18–20 months, prisoners were taught trades to better their chances in the Australian colonies, and received pastoral care from the prison chaplains, who wanted to help prisoners reform and remake themselves into useful members of society. A motivating factor of the Pentonville Prison Experiment was a desire to address the perennial problems of recidivism, criminality, and prison disease. Pentonville was a modern, experimental institution that promised the Victorians an inoculation against these issues.
However, distinguishing between the allegedly reformative qualities of separate treatment and the punishment of solitary confinement was difficult, and in both Britain and Australia the two were often confused in public debates. Muddying the topic were claims of prisoner madness, which emerged just months into the Experiment. Despite official refutation, these charges proved resilient, and eventually the sentence lengths at Pentonville were shortened in 1848, and again in 1853. This drove home the view that Pentonville was a misguided and short-lived experiment in penal reform.
The idea that separate treatment drove prisoners mad has an enduring legacy, one that persists in the Pentonville Prison historiography. Yet, no studies have undertaken a forensic examination of this institution to determine the veracity of these claims; and no studies have considered the transnational link between Britain and specifically Van Diemen’s Land (now Tasmania), the southernmost Australian colony that received the bulk of Pentonville prisoners between 1842 and 1849. As every prisoner sent to Pentonville was bound for Australia to complete their sentence, this is a significant historiographical oversight.
This thesis examines the nature of ill-health during the Pentonville Prison Experiment. My central question is not whether prisoners became sick during their confinement under separate treatment, but the degree of their illness, and whether separate treatment had an extended effect on their mental and physical health. In taking a long-term view of the impact of separate treatment, this thesis challenges the prevailing historiographical perspective that separate treatment made prisoners insane, and in doing so, calls for a more nuanced, fine-grained consideration of historical health in institutions.
This thesis is comprised of five chapters that range from Britain to Van Diemen’s Land. Existing studies on Pentonville Prison have been primarily qualitative. However, a strictly qualitative approach risks reinscribing the contemporary debates on separate treatment without considering the more complex reality of institutional living. To counter this view, and to review existing historiographical claims, this thesis employs a mixed methods approach that draws down in the final chapter into a quantitative examination of prisoner outcomes in Van Diemen’s Land, in order to demonstrate measurable insight into the impact of separate treatment on transported prisoners.
Undertaking a mixed methods approach called for a body of archival material that was significant in scope. This largely included transcribing sources that have previously been used superficially in other studies, such as the Pentonville Prisoners’ Register (1842–8); the Pentonville Chaplain’s Journal (1848–51); Pentonville Minute Books (1843–8); and Surgeon-Superintendent Ship Journals (1844–9). Official records like the Reports of the Commissioners for the Government of Pentonville Prison (1843–50) were also used. Rounding off this selection of material are the transcriptions of 150 convict conduct records of the first transported Pentonville prisoners to Van Diemen’s Land in 1844. Additional sources, such as British and colonial census and BDM records, assisted in verifying or expanding prisoner biographies for the purpose of microhistorical case studies.
This thesis contrasts existing work on Pentonville by challenging the blanket assumption that all prisoners under separate treatment became mad as a result of their confinement. Significantly, the mixed methods approach of this thesis raises fresh questions on separate treatment and sheds light on the impact of this discipline on the minds and bodies of those exposed to it. This thesis finds that instead of passive bodies who became ill, prisoners were far more resilient than has been previously thought.
39
Joel, CR. "Party, politics and penalism, 1836-1845 : an analysis of the role of John Montagu in the penal politics of Van Diemen's Land." Thesis, 2004. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/20604/1/whole_JoelCraigRobert2005_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When Sir John Franklin, polar hero and explorer, succeeded George Arthur as governor of Van Diemen's Land in January 1837, there was an expectation among some of the colonists that the old, autocratic bureaucracy would be broken up and replaced by a more liberal regime. Van Diemen's Land was still a great open air prison, of whom 17,593 souls out of a total population of 42,795, including the military and aboriginals, were convicts. Most of the convicts were employed in private or assigned service, building houses, fences and roads, and generally increasing the value of the colony's holdings. Consequently, the success of the convict system and the safety of the colony's free inhabitants depended on the sometimes invasive vigilance and industry of the government, and it was partly this policy which made Arthur and his officials unpopular in the colony. Subsequently, some colonists, who did not directly benefit from the labour of the convicts, demanded the introduction of representative government, and the gradual abolition of convict transportation altogether. Franklin however was inexperienced in penal and colonial affairs, and naturally enough, he could not 'easily evade' the advice of Arthur's close officials, or the "faction" as they were known by their critics. A 'change of men and measures' however was not forthcoming, and Franklin placed almost unlimited confidence in his predecessor's favourites to administer the penal establishment. Meanwhile, Franklin's attention was averted to the progressing of civil reforms in the convict colony, and was distracted by matters which were not of primary interest to the "faction". Indeed, by the end of Franklin's first year in government, John Montagu, the Colonial Secretary, wrote to Arthur that 'the high qualities which were so conspicuous in Sir John... at the North Pole have not accompanied him to the South'.
Franklin's troubles with the "faction" were exacerbated by the introduction of the vast new 'separate' or probation system of convict punishment and reform in Van Diemen's Land, which was seen as being more politically safe or scientifically correct than assignment, and this thesis examines how the convict assignment system, which related penal outcomes of reform and punishment to economic productivity, was discarded for political and ideological reasons, rather than a consideration of the needs of the Australian colonies. The probation system, emerging out of the recommendations of a parliamentary committee on transportation chaired by William Molesworth, was to have quiet the opposite effect, and that it was persevered with, 'in the face of all reason', was a consequence of political ambition and administrative miscalculation both in London and Van Diemen's Land, and was to profoundly affect the political development of the colony.
Inevitably, the probation system of discipline deprived the colonists of cheap and plentiful labour, and saturated the unsettled parts of the colony with idle gangs of convicts. The central focus of this thesis is how Van Diemen's Land could be perceived as a continuing part of Britain's penal system in the post-Molesworth era, and analysis's in detail John Montagu's responsibility for suggesting that the probation system was an acceptable successor to the assignment system, and the consequences which followed from this advice.
40
Johnson, LD. "An analysis of the penal experiences and social outcomes of Salford Hundred convicts transported from Britain to Van Diemen's Land between 1828 and 1837." Thesis, 2002. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/20518/1/whole_JohnsonLeonardDavid2002_thesis.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is an analysis of the outcomes of the trials of 7,763 committals to
the Salford Hundred quarter sessions between 1828 and 1837, and an examination of
the penal and social experiences of 723 Salford Hundred convicts who were
transported to Van Diemen's Land.
It is presented in three parts. The first contains essential background: an
historiographical survey of frameworks used by recent historians to explain convict
behaviour; the methodology used to identify the convict cohort and analyse
experiences; a description of distinguishing geographic, demographic, economic and
social features of the Salford Hundred; and an account of the historic roles of quarter
sessions, justices of the peace and the law on larceny as they affected trials in the
Salford Hundred.
The second part is a detailed statistical assessment of offences and offenders
at Salford Hundred quarter sessions. It identifies some characteristics of the 7,763
people committed to trial and the 1,728 convicted felons sentenced to transportation,
provides six basic tables which give quantitative assessments of offences, makes
some historiographical evaluations, and compares the outcomes with similar
historiographical examinations. A major feature which emerges is an unmistakable
association between sentencing to transportation and previous criminal conduct. The third part describes social, economic and penal conditions in Van Diemen's Land, identifies some characteristics of the 723 Salford Hundred convicts
actually transported, examines their social and penal experiences, identifies some
important features of their behaviour, and makes comparisons between their criminal
involvement prior to transportation and their experiences in Van Diemen's Land.
This thesis concludes that sentences of transportation at the Salford Hundred
quarter sessions were given to hardened and persistent criminals and not to
occasional or accidental offenders; that women convicts were sentenced to
transportation not because of their gender but because of their criminality; that there
was less criminal behaviour in Van Diemen's Land than was commonly believed in
Britain; that the Salford Hundred convicts generally responded favourably to their
new circumstances in Van Diemen's Land; and that the transportation system in
regard to Salford Hundred convicts was successful as a means of reformation.
41
McFarlane, I. "Aboriginal society in North West Tasmania : dispossession and genocide." Thesis, 2002. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/220/2/02Whole.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As the title indicates this study is restricted to those Aboriginal tribes located in the North West region of Tasmania. This approach enables the regional character and diversity of Aboriginal communities to be brought into focus; it also facilitates an examination of the unique process of dispossession that took place in the North West region, an area totally under the control of the Van Diemen's Land Company (VDL Co). Issues dealing with entitlement to ownership and sovereignty will be established by an examination of the structure and function of traditional Aboriginal Societies in the region, as well as the occupation and use they made of their lands. Early contact history with the Europeans is examined to demonstrate that there was a real possibility of developing productive relationships with the indigenous inhabitants at the time the VDL Co. took up their land grants.
The character of the VDL Co manager Edward Curr, his role in the development of the VDL Co and his harsh treatment of those under his authority, including the Aborigines is also an important area of study. While Company Directors were prepared to countenance the dispossession of the Aborigines and consequent destruction of their culture, Curr was content to preside over their physical destruction. This thesis will demonstrate that Edward Curr persistently ignored instructions from his Directors to the contrary and created, fostered and supported an ethos that encouraged the systematic eradication of the Aboriginal population on allocated Company lands. In 1834, after only eight years under the care of Curr's administration, less than one sixth of the original Aboriginal inhabitants had survived to be taken into exile by the Friendly Mission.
Robinson's Friendly Mission provided the main physical contact between the North West Aborigines and Arthur's administration. Thus the activities of the Friendly Mission and its role in removing many of the Aborigines, by force in many cases, is detailed, as is their treatment and condition at the Wybalenna Establishment.
The history of the North West Aboriginal tribes will continue by tracing the events and experiences that followed the exile to Flinders Island and Oyster Cove, concluding with the death in 1857 of the last survivor of the North West population. It will be established that the genocide perpetrated against these tribes, was initiated as part of local VDL Co policy, a process exacerbated through colonial administrative expediency and brought to completion by neglect.
Finally, there is a brief review of the popular ideologies concerning race, current during the period under study and the extent to which these ideas moulded attitudes and policies relating to Aborigines both in the North West and in general.
42
Harman, KE. "Aboriginal convicts: race, law, and transportation in colonial New South Wales." Thesis, 2008. https://eprints.utas.edu.au/7467/1/Kris_Harman_Thesis_Introductory_Section.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis challenges the long-standing convention within Australian historiography whereby ‘Aborigines’ and ‘convicts’ have been treated as two distinct categories. It identifies the points at which these descriptors converge, that is, in the bodies of Aboriginal men from New South Wales sentenced to banishment or transportation. It locates their experiences on a trajectory extending from the early part of the nineteenth century through to the formative middle decades during which the rationale underpinning the trial and transportation of Aboriginal men was refined by the colonial state.
In the opening decades of the nineteenth century colonial governors occasionally exercised their prerogative to banish Aboriginal men considered fomenters of hostilities against the colonists. However, they were constrained from making public examples of such men by way of staging trials as early legal opinion railed against doing so. By the middle decades of the nineteenth century colonial discourses constructing Aborigines as British subjects were deployed to argue for the sameness of Aboriginal and white subjects before the law. The perverse corollary of affording Aboriginal people protection under the law was that they also became accountable under colonial laws whose functions were often well outside their ambit of experience.
This thesis argues that advocating equal treatment for all served to naturalise the disadvantages faced by Aboriginal defendants in the colonial courtroom thus facilitating trials described as farcical by some contemporaneous commentators. It demonstrates that situating Aboriginal people as British subjects facilitated the criminalisation of some acts that might otherwise be read as political resistance as it was reasoned that one cohort of British subjects could not be considered to be at war with other British subjects. Paradoxically, atypical treatment of Aboriginal people both within and beyond the courtroom was predicated on notions of difference. This led, for example, to the employment of court interpreters to facilitate the trials of Aboriginal defendants. Difference also informed official edicts eventually issued in relation to Aboriginal deaths in custody later in the middle decades of the nineteenth century. Most of all, notions of difference underpinned the rationale of exemplary sentencing that saw sixty Aboriginal men from New South Wales incorporated into the convict system during the first half of the nineteenth century as a strategy to subdue not only the captives but also their respective communities. Tellingly, no Aboriginal women became convicts. It was men, not women, who colonists considered to be martial enemies.