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1
Griffin, Stephen M. "Bringing the State into Constitutional Theory: Public Authority and the Constitution." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 04 (1991): 659–710. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00864.x.
Анотація:
This article brings the state into constitutional theory by presenting a theory of the development of the American state from the late 19th century to the present. The focus of the theory is the ability of the national state to exercise sovereignty or public authority over civil society. The main thesis is that the Constitution did not establish a government with a level of public authority adequate to the requirements of a modem democratic state. The result was a mismatch between the demands of civil society and the competence of state institutions, causing a reorganization of the political institutions of civil society in the early 20th century and a crisis of public authority in the 1960s. The United States continues to experience the consequences of an imbalance between the state institutions established by an 18th-century constitution and 20th-century democratic politics.
2
Hartmann, Betsy. "Population Control I: Birth of an Ideology." International Journal of Health Services 27, no. 3 (July 1997): 523–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.2190/bl3n-xajx-0yqb-vqbx.
Анотація:
Population control, as a major international development strategy, is a relatively recent phenomenon. However, its origins reach back to social currents in the 19th and early 20th centuries, culminating in an organized birth control movement in Europe and the United States. The conflicts and contradictions in that movement's history presage many of today's debates over population policy and women's rights. Eugenics had a deep influence on the U.S. birth control movement in the first half of the 20th century. After World War II private agencies and foundations played an important role in legitimizing population control as a way to secure Western control over Third World resources and stem political instability. In the late 1960s the U.S. government became a major funder of population control programs overseas and built multilateral support through establishment of the U.N. Fund for Population Activities. At the 1974 World Population Conference, Third World governments challenged the primacy of population control. While their critique led population agencies to change their strategies, population control remained a central component of international development and national security policies in the United States.
3
Gill, Timothy M. "From Promoting Political Polyarchy to Defeating Participatory Democracy: U.S. Foreign Policy towards the Far Left in Latin America." Journal of World-Systems Research 24, no. 1 (March 22, 2018): 72–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.5195/jwsr.2018.750.
Анотація:
During the 1980s, the United States initiated an explicit policy of democracy promotion throughout the world. William Robinson (1996) more accurately described this initiative as “promoting polyarchy,” whereby the United States supported moderate elite actors that promoted neoliberal economic policies to displace both right-wing and communist despots, such as General Augusto Pinochet in Chile and Soviet rulers in Eastern Europe. While much of Latin America remained characterized by polyarchies throughout the late 20th Century, Latin American citizens began to reject these political arrangements and to elect anti-neoliberal candidates that promoted participatory democracy by the turn of the 21st Century, particularly in Bolivia, Ecuador, Nicaragua, and Venezuela. How has the United States changed its democracy promotion strategies to respond to these new dynamics? The purpose of this paper is to illustrate how the U.S. government, through agencies such as the National Endowment for Democracy (NED) and USAID, has altered the main thrust of its foreign policy in Latin America, from promoting polyarchy and displacing despotic leaders, to supporting opposition actors to unseat democratically-elected far leftist leaders that promote participatory democracy. This paper deploys a case study method involving recent U.S. foreign policy in Bolivia, Nicaragua, and Venezuela, and it utilizes both U.S. diplomatic cables and interviews with U.S. state elites to illustrate this shift.
4
Hanson, J. D., John Hendrickson, and Dave Archer. "Challenges for maintaining sustainable agricultural systems in the United States." Renewable Agriculture and Food Systems 23, no. 04 (July 4, 2008): 325–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1742170507001974.
Анотація:
AbstractDuring the 20th century, US agriculture underwent vast transformations. The number of farmers has decreased, more farmers are relying on off-farm income, agriculture's proportion of the US GDP has declined, and a minority of non-metro counties in the US are farming dependent. Agriculture's evolution will continue and we have identified key trends and future challenges to effectively manage our changing agricultural system. Eight current trends in US agriculture were identified. These included: (1) increased land degradation; (2) competing land uses; (3) focus on single ecosystem service; (4) increase in farm size; (5) movement toward commercialization; (6) genetic engineering; (7) global markets; and (8) changing social structure. Future trends likely to affect agriculture include: (1) diminishing and increasingly volatile farm incomes; (2) reduced government involvement in food regulation; (3) continued transition from farming to agribusiness; (4) land-use will become a major issue; (5) increasing animal protein consumption in the US; (6) increased public input on livestock production practices; (7) increasing urbanization of historically rural US counties; (8) increased public concern over food safety; (9) increased medicinal production from agriculture; (10) new tastes, markets and opportunities will emerge. We further postulated that future challenges facing US agriculture might include: (1) competitive pressures; (2) sustainable development; (3) resource conservation; and (4) research and development. Integrated agricultural systems may be flexible enough to address these challenges. However, robust principles will be needed to design adaptable integrated agricultural systems. We present a nonexclusive list of preliminary principles under the four general categories of (1) economics and economic policies; (2) environmental; (3) social and political; and (4) technological.
5
Shacillo, Vyacheslav. "The First (1895) and the Second (1903) Venezuelan Crises: a Comparative Analysis of Geopolitical Consequences." ISTORIYA 12, no. 12-1 (110) (2021): 0. http://dx.doi.org/10.18254/s207987840018150-4.
Анотація:
The article presents a comparative analysis of the geopolitical consequences of two international crises in Latin America in the end of 19th — the beginning of the 20th century. The first Venezuelan crisis caused by a territorial dispute between Venezuela and the British Empire, worsened also relations between Washington and London. The government of the USA considered that the territorial claims of Great Britain to one of the Latin American countries threatened the vital interests of the United States and were in contradiction with the principles of the Monroe doctrine. Based on such considerations, the White House demanded the convening of an international tribunal to resolve this territorial dispute. The British government originally refused to accept the American proposal, and then, under the pressure of international circumstances, agreed to arbitration and actually recognized the Monroe doctrine. Afterwards, the process of rapprochement between the two countries began. During the Second Venezuelan crisis, caused by the financial demands of a number of European countries to the Venezuelan government, the main opponent of the United States was the German Empire, which also did not recognize the Monroe doctrine and tried to strengthen its financial and military positions in Latin America. The German-American confrontation in Venezuela seriously worsened relations between Washington and Berlin and led to a closer Anglo-American cooperation. Thus, both crises changed the geopolitical situation not only in Latin America, but also worldwide.
6
Nordin, Yannick, Felipe Cruz-Vega, and Fernando Roman. "Terrorism in Mexico." Prehospital and Disaster Medicine 18, no. 2 (June 2003): 120–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049023x00000868.
Анотація:
AbstractEven though Mexico is considered internationally as a pacifist country, its economic, social, and geopolitical characteristics during the last half of the 20th century have resulted in internal events that can be considered acts of terrorism.Most of the acts of terrorism during the last 15 years have had to do either with political movements or drug-dealing actions. After the 11 September 2001 attacks in the United States, Mexican Health Authorities have strengthened the epidemiological surveillance system. More than 1,372 calls asking for information or reporting suspicious envelopes were received between 16 October and 21 October 2001.Following the earthquake in 1985 that caused great damage and many deaths in Mexico, the National Civil Protection System was created in 1986. This protection system is led by the President and the Secretary of Government. It was developed to improve preparedness for disaster coordination more than for terrorism responses. In addition, the emergency medical systems continue to lack organization, even though some states have shown significant progress in their emergency medical system.
7
Van Bostelen, Luke. "Analyzing the Civil Rights Movement: The Significance of Nonviolent Protest, International Influences, the Media, and Pre-existing Organizations." Political Science Undergraduate Review 6, no. 1 (April 19, 2021): 53–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.29173/psur185.
Анотація:
This essay is an analysis of the success of the mid-20th century civil rights movement in the United States. The civil rights movement was a seminal event in American history and resulted in several legislative victories, including the 1964 Civil Rights Act, and the 1965 Voting Rights Act. After a brief overview of segregation and Jim Crow laws in the southern U.S., I will argue that the success of the civil rights movement can be attributed to a combination of factors. One of these factors was the effective strategy of nonviolent protests, in which the American public witnessed the contrasting actions of peaceful protestors and violent local authorities. In addition, political opportunities also played a role in the movement’s success, as during the Cold War the U.S. federal government became increasingly concerned about their international image. Other reasons for the movement’s success include an increased access to television among the American public, and pre-existing black institutions and organizations. The civil rights movement left an important legacy and ensuing social movements have utilized similar framing techniques and strategies.
8
Sproul, Conrad. "“Don’t Kill My Buzz, Man!” – Explaining the Criminalization of Psychedelic Drugs." Oregon Undergraduate Research Journal 19, no. 1 (June 2021): 1–53. http://dx.doi.org/10.5399/uo/ourj.19.1.2.
Анотація:
In the 1950s, psychedelic drugs were the subject of extensive psychiatric research in the United States. By 1960, they had been found to be non-addictive, to have remarkable safety profiles, and to potentially be able to treat a range of psychological conditions. However, in 1968, the possession of psychedelics was criminalized by the US federal government. Consequently, medical research has been stifled, and today the possession and distribution of psychedelics are punished more severely than for more dangerous recreational drugs such as methamphetamine. Most scholars argue that psychedelics were criminalized due to a “moral panic” in the late 1960s. However, this theory overlooks several important aspects of the political process that led to psychedelic criminalization. This essay takes an alternative stance. First, early 20th century temperance advocates instilled an anti-drug moral framework into the American cultural consciousness. Then, in the early 1960s, safety concerns and professional biases led most mainstream psychiatrists to reject the therapeutic use of psychedelics. These factors interacted to cause both a moral panic and severe criminalization, but the moral panic did not itself cause criminalization.
9
Martín, William San. "Nitrogen, science, and environmental change: the politics of the Green Revolution in Chile and the global nitrogen challenge." Journal of Political Ecology 24, no. 1 (September 27, 2017): 777. http://dx.doi.org/10.2458/v24i1.20966.
Анотація:
Abstract The widespread use of nitrogen (N) fertilizers during the second half of the 20th century radically transformed agricultural production and ecosystems on a global scale. Although the "N challenge" or the "N problem" has had limited public attention compared to biodiversity loss and climate change, scientists consider N pollution a leading ecological concern for the 21st century. Accordingly, a major challenge for scientists and policymakers around the world today is how to meet food production demands while also protecting the environment. Using Chile as a case study—one of the highest consumers of N fertilizer per hectare in the Americas—this article examines the transnational politics of production and destruction in this process of agricultural modernization. In the Cold War context, a transnational network of scientists, agencies, and authorities created an institutional framework for the transference of knowledge and technology in Chile during the 1960s. Paradoxically, as local and global reliance on N fertilizers increased, scientists were able to generate a narrative about the negative environmental effects of intensive N use and highlight the ecological limits of the Green Revolution. After 1973, however, this knowledge network suffered as a result of the Chilean government's anti-communist crackdown and adoption of market-based agricultural policies. Understanding this history of how politics shaped N consumption, science, and policy is critical to current efforts to create new of agricultural production on a regional and global scale. Keywords: nitrogen, fertilizers, the Green Revolution, Cold War, Chile, science, environment, policy, Global Nitrogen Challenge, agriculture, United States
10
Manchikanti, Laxmaiah. "Evolution of US Health Care Reform." Pain Physician 3, no. 20;3 (March 9, 2017): 107–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.36076/ppj.2017.110.
Анотація:
Major health policy creation or changes, including governmental and private policies affecting health care delivery are based on health care reform(s). Health care reform has been a global issue over the years and the United States has seen proposals for multiple reforms over the years. A successful, health care proposal in the United States with involvement of the federal government was the short-lived establishment of the first system of national medical care in the South. In the 20th century, the United States was influenced by progressivism leading to the initiation of efforts to achieve universal coverage, supported by a Republican presidential candidate, Theodore Roosevelt. In 1933, Franklin D. Roosevelt, a Democrat, included a publicly funded health care program while drafting provisions to Social Security legislation, which was eliminated from the final legislation. Subsequently, multiple proposals were introduced, starting in 1949 with President Harry S Truman who proposed universal health care; the proposal by Lyndon B. Johnson with Social Security Act in 1965 which created Medicare and Medicaid; proposals by Ted Kennedy and President Richard Nixon that promoted variations of universal health care. presidential candidate Jimmy Carter also proposed universal health care. This was followed by an effort by President Bill Clinton and headed by first lady Hillary Clinton in 1993, but was not enacted into law. Finally, the election of President Barack Obama and control of both houses of Congress by the Democrats led to the passage of the Affordable Care Act (ACA), often referred to as “ObamaCare” was signed into law in March 2010. Since then, the ACA, or Obamacare, has become a centerpiece of political campaigning. The Republicans now control the presidency and both houses of Congress and are attempting to repeal and replace the ACA. Key words: Health care reform, Affordable Care Act (ACA), Obamacare, Medicare, Medicaid, American Health Care Act
11
Veselov, V. A. "A Long Shadow of World War II: Development of the National Security Concept in the United States." Moscow University Bulletin of World Politics 12, no. 3 (November 20, 2020): 85–130. http://dx.doi.org/10.48015/2076-7404-2020-12-3-85-130.
Анотація:
In recent years, the history of World War II has transformed into a battlefield in its own right in the ‘war of memory’. Besides the clear fact that the current attempts to revise the results of this war reflect the contemporary international tensions, yet another factor should be noted. The ‘shadow’ of the Second World War appears to be very long. It manifests itself not only in the contemporary system of international relations, but also in the fact that we still view the world around through the prism of concepts that appeared during the state of war and still bear its mark. Particularly, the concept of national security. This paper examines the emergence and development of this concept in the United States. The author notes that although the concept of national security existed throughout the 20th century, before World War II it was identified primarily with the defense of the state. The paper examines how lessons of the Second World War led to a rethinking of this concept, and how approaches to national security evolved during the war and immediately after it. Special attention is given to discussions that preceded the adoption of the National Security Act of 1947, as well as to its initial results. The author demonstrates that the national security concept was based on a fundamental recognition of the existence of a special state between peace and war. For successful functioning within this state, the government needs to rely on a wide range of tools of both economic and military-political and ideological nature. Based on the lessons from the war, national security was viewed as an ‘overarching structure’, aimed not only at integrating various components of the state’s policy, but also at eliminating any contradictions that may arise between them. On the other hand, the author emphasizes that from the very beginning the national security concept had a pronounced proactive, offensive and expansionist character. Being considered as an antipode to the concept of collective security, this concept reflected the will of the US elites not only to get integrated in the existing system of international relations, but to create a new one, which would be based on the American values and would ensure the stable functioning of the US economy. The author concludes that it is precisely the multidimensionality of the national security concept caused by the multidimensional nature of the challenges of World War II that explains its continued relevance for the study of world politics.
12
Bazaieva, M. "G.I. BILL OF RIGHTS: IMPACT ON THE IMAGE OF THE VETERAN IN COLLECTIVE CONSCIOUSNESS." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 148 (2021): 14–17. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2021.148.2.
Анотація:
The article explores the incipience of veterans' policies in the United States of America during 1940-1956. This period is notable in veterans' history. This is caused not only by social realities after World War II but by the implementation of brand-new fundamental principles in process of forming veterans' policies. These principles opened a new page in interactions between the government and the veteran community. The article analyzes drafting the Servicemen's Readjustment Act of 1944, commonly known as the G.I. Bill of Rights, as well as public discussions around it initiated by President Roosevelt's Administration. One of the main actors of the process was American Legion, influential conservative veterans' organization. The law presented by Legion was passed by Congress. The Act took effect on June 22, 1944, and lasted until 1956. G.I. Bill of Rights guaranteed numerous benefits for veterans in variable spheres of social policies, including medical care, education, housing and business loans, unemployment compensations. The most significant effect had educational programs of G.I. Bill. About 8 million American veterans, including women and African Americans, exercised their right to attend schools, colleges, and universities. Educational programs had great implications both for the veterans' population and social affairs, especially the educational system in the United States. Higher education became more widespread and democratic after the implementation of the G.I. Bill. World War II veterans had the opportunity to realize their potential in different fields, in particular in the political area. G.I. Bill of Rights had a great impact on forming the image of the veteran in the USA. The Act demonstrated the new role of veterans' policies in the context of government activities. Besides, thanks to the educational programs of the G.I. Bill veteran community became a proactive social group that played an important role in the US policy-making in the second half of the 20th century.
13
Wijkström, Filip, and Stefan Einarsson. "Comparing Swedish Foundations: A Carefully Negotiated Space of Existence." American Behavioral Scientist 62, no. 13 (May 20, 2018): 1889–918. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002764218773439.
Анотація:
Foundations and philanthropy currently play a very limited role in the Swedish welfare. The same is true in fields like Culture and Recreation or International Activities. Only in the case of funding of research do Swedish foundations exhibit a role possible to define in terms of substitution rather than weak complementarity in relation to government. Despite marginal positions for philanthropy, Sweden displays a wealthy as well as growing foundation population, which seems like a paradox, at least in comparison to the situation in Germany and the United States where foundations traditionally play a more visible and pronounced role in society. A striking difference between the Swedish foundations and their U.S. or German counterparts is their weak bonds to religious communities or causes. Instead, we can identify in our new data set a growing segment of the Swedish foundation world that is affiliated with other parts of civil society. The same is true for the category of independent foundations, which points toward the U.S. model. We find in the article some limited support for a “philanthropic turn” in Sweden, but overall the foundation world is still deeply embedded in the social contract and strong Social-Democratic regime of the 20th century. In comparison to neighboring Scandinavian or Nordic countries, both similarities and differences are identified where, for example, the Norwegian case display a much larger segment of operating foundations, closely affiliated with government, while in Denmark, on the other hand, the corporate-owning foundation seems to be a much more important form than in Sweden.
14
SEREDIUK, Mariia. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ACTIVITIES OF VOLODYMYR TSELEVYCH DURING NATIONAL LIBERATION STRUGGLE, 1918–1923." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 31 (2018): 181–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2018-31-181-189.
Анотація:
The article analyzes the features of the formation of the outlook and social and political activities of the well-known Galician politician Volodymyr Tselevych in the first third of the 20th century within the context of socio-political processes in the region. It is noted that after graduation from the rural and high school, he entered the Law Faculty of the Yan Kazimierz University of Lviv, where, since his student years, he was an activist of social and cultural life. As a member of the Ukrainian Student Union (UCS), the future leader of the National Democrats fought for the Ukrainian University in Lviv, took an active part in the work of the national democratic section of this student organization, where supporters of the Ukrainian National Democratic Party (UNDP) rallied. Attention is drawn to politician's work in the Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), the Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), his work on the protection of national-cultural, socio-political rights of Ukrainians who were persecuted by the Polish authorities after the Polish-Ukrainian War of 1918–1919. The circle of his associates, among them - the future leaders of Galician national parties, national-cultural organizations of land was singled out. The author has demonstrated that V. Tselevych was among those who signed a statement of the Inter-Party Council on complete trust in the government of Ye. Petrushevych on January 22, 1922. He also knew about specifics of S. Fedak's attempt to J. Pilsudski, as well as to S. Tverdohlib. It is shown that in 1923–1924 he was in the United States and Canada, where he raised funds for the cultural, educational and socio-economic needs of Ukraine. Keywords Volodymyr Tselevych, ZUNR, Ukrainian Civic Committee (UGC), Ukrainian Military Organization (UVO), Polish-Ukrainian war, repression.
15
Pochta, Yu M. "Development of the Russian Model of Federalism: Relationships of Center and Regions in 2007-2016." RUDN Journal of Political Science, no. 3 (December 15, 2016): 97–115. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2313-1438-2016-3-97-115.
Анотація:
This article was written by Yuriy Pochta for the Council of Europe and was published in the spring of 2016 in the collection: Regionalisation trends in European countries 2007-2015. A study by members of the Group of Independent Experts of the European Charter of Local Self-Government / Editor: Prof. Francesco Merloni. Strasburg, 2016. Yuriy Pochta is a member of a group of independent experts of the Congress of Local and Regional Authorities, which is the pan-European political assembly representing local and regional authorities from the forty-seven member states of the Council of Europe. The Congress entrusted the Group of Independent Experts on the European Charter of Local Self-Government with the task of producing a comparative academic study. This study is based on information from Council of Europe member States affected by the regionalisation process and on recent regionalisation developments in Europe. The intention is to review the situation regarding regionalisation since the 2007 report of the European Committee on Local and Regional Democracy (CDLR). Following on from this, the idea is to achieve a broader understanding of the phenomenon from both the legal and institutional angles. The main aim of this study is to evaluate regionalisation trends, towards both more and less regionalisation, in individual countries and consequently in Europe as a whole. At the same time it seeks to determine whether the various countries considered actually have regional institutions as defined by the 2009 Council of Europe Reference Framework for Regional Democracy. In preparing his section on Russia, Yuriy Pochta proceeded from the fact that the modern Russian state emerged relatively recently - at the turn of 1980-90-s. of the 20th century and its formation, including its federal structure continues. It is shown that since 2007 the process of regionalization of the Russian Federation is developing successfully. Having opted for the creation of a democratic society, post-Soviet Russian Federation borrowed Western model, adapting it to its own circumstances. The impact of these conditions leads to the fact that it is quite difficult to relate the existing Russian federal system to the classic Western model. On this occasion Russian and Western scholars participate in a lively debate about the nature of Russian federalism - whether it is real or a simulation, whether it is in the crisis. But in 2014, in connection with the entry of the Crimea and Sevastopol to the Russian Federation, Russian federalism issues become even more urgent, raising a number of questions about the evolution of Russian federalism, the possibility of the organic integration of the two new subjects in the federation in a situation of sharp complication of Russia's relations with the West, led by the United States, caused by the political and socio-economic crisis in the Republic of Ukraine.
16
Макарин, А. В., та С. В. Рац. "МЕСТО И РОЛЬ СССР ПО РАЗРЕШЕНИЮ ВОЕННО-ПОЛИТИЧЕСКОГО КОНФЛИКТА В ИСПАНИИ (1936–1939)". Konfliktologia 15, № 1 (27 квітня 2020): 66. http://dx.doi.org/10.31312/2310-6085-2020-15-1-66-73.
Анотація:
Nowadays, there is a strong need for the multidimensional socio-political comprehension of the Russia’s modern stage development. This stage allows us making a research on the reforms’ results in the context of the state institutions. The process of the certain results and meaning rethinking of these changes both on the post-soviet space en bloc and in Russia in particular. This article in this sense is aimed at the investigation of the state’s role and place in the historical dimension. The permanent interest to the state’s role and place as well as the variety of its interactions with other countries is caused in the modern world by the modern states’ crisis. The article in this case is very topical and does cover the military political conflict in Spain and the participation of the USSR in it throughout 1936–1939. The main reason of the republicans’ defeat, according to the authors’ opinion, was the change in the USSR’s foreign policy line and as a result the cease of the economic and military help to the republicans government, the remoteness of the civil war combat fields in Spain and also the all-round military and economic help of the fascist coalition which did take part in the direct intervention on the Iberian peninsula. Alongside with this during the period since august 1939 until march 1939 USSR by lending the military and economic help to Spain did clearly demonstrate its priorities which were the fight against the international fascism and trotskyism, militarism and the unhidden aggression against the republic. The military counselors under the conditions of the modern state war did gain the experience in the planning and participation in the big-scale strategic operations. Lastly, on the threshold of the World War ΙΙ the civil war in Spain is considered to be the largest military political conflict of the mid-30s in the 20th century. The subjects of this conflict was from one side the Spanish republic and from the other one the united forces of the coupists and their allies whereas the object of the conflict was all the absoluteness of the political power.
17
Ramaswamy, Mahesh, and S. Asha. "Caste Politics and State Integration: a Case Study of Mysore State." International Journal of Area Studies 10, no. 2 (December 1, 2015): 195–219. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/ijas-2015-0009.
Анотація:
Abstract The subject of unification is as vibrant as national movement even after 58 years of a fractured verdict. More than to achieve a physical conjugation it was an attempt for cultural fusion. The aspiration for linguistic unification was a part of the national discourse. The movement, which began with mystic originations, later on turned out to become communal. Political changes during 1799 A.D. and 1857 A.D. changed the fortunes of Mysore state and ultimately led to its disintegration and became the reason for this movement. The concept of unification is akin to the spirit of nationalism, against the background of colonial regime assigning parts of land to different administrative units without taking into consideration the historical or cultural aspects of that place. Kannadigas marooned in multi lingual states experient an orphaned situation got aroused with the turn of nineteenth century. The problem precipitated by the company was diluted by British when they introduced English education. Though the positive aspect like emergence of middle class is pragmatic, rise of communalism on the other hand is not idealistic. This research paper is designed to examine the polarization of castes during unification movement of Mysore State (Presently called as State of Karnataka, since 1973, which was termed Mysore when integrated) which came into being in 1956 A.D. Most of the previous studies concentrate on two aspects viz ideological discourse and organizational strategies adopted to gain Unification. The course of the unifi cation movement and role of Congress party dominates such studies while some of them concentrate on the leaders of the movement. Other studies are ethnographical in nature. ‘Community Dominance and Political Modernisation: The Lingayats’ written by Shankaragouda Hanamantagouda Patil is a classic example. Mention may be made here of an recent attempt by Harish Ramaswamy in his ‘Karnataka Government and Politics’ which has covered almost all aspects of emergence of Karnataka as a state but communal politics during unification movement has found no place. ‘Rethinking State Politics in India: Regions within Regions’ is an edited book by Ashutosh Kumar which has articles on ‘Castes and Politics of Marginality’ where a reference is made to caste associations and identity politics of Lingayats, but the area of study is neighboring Maharashtra and not Karnataka. Though it contains two articles on Karnataka its subject matter doesn’t pertain to this topic. One more important effort is by ‘Imagining Unimaginable Communities: Political and Social Discourse in Modern Karnataka’ where the author Raghavendra Rao thinks Karnataka and India as two unimaginable communities and discuss primarily the founding moments of negotiation between the discourses of Indian nationalism and Kannada linguistic nationalism. It is more an intellectual history and throws light on nationalism in a colonial context. Mostly studies concentrate on either the course or the leaders of the movement. Invariably congress as an organization finds place in all studies. But the blemish of such studies is a lesser concentration on activities of major socio cultural groups. The role of socio cultural groups assumes importance because of the milieu at the beginning of 20th century which annunciated a wave of social changes in the state. It is a known fact that the movement for linguistic state was successful in bringing a political integration of five separate sub regions but failed to unite people culturally. This concept of unification which is akin to the spirit of nationalism got expressed at the regional level in the sense of respect for once own culture, language and people. In case of Karnataka this expression had political overtones too which is expressed by some who fought for it (Srinivas & Narayan, 1946 ). Most of the early leaders of unification movement (and for that matter even movement for independence too can be cited here) belonged to one particular caste, and with passing of time has led to the notion of domination of that caste over the movement. This paper tries to give justice in a limited way by giving legitimate and adequate recognition for those castes which deserves it and do away with misconceptions. Two concepts political modernization and social mobility are used. The later derives its existence from the former in this case. The data used here is primarily gained from news papers and secondary sources like books and interviews given by participants. No hypothesis is tested nor any theory is developed in this attempt but historical materials are examined in the light of modernity. The key problem discussed here is emergence of communal politics and the role of social groups in unification. Biases of regionalism, caste and class have been overcome by rational thinking.
18
Augustine, Acheoah Ofeh. "Second Amendment and the Gun-Control Controversies: A Flaw in Constitutional Framing and an Antinomy of American Conservatism." Addaiyan Journal of Arts, Humanities and Social Sciences 1, no. 8 (November 10, 2019): 24–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.36099/ajahss.1.8.4.
Анотація:
This article is a critical input to the national and international debate on Gun Control and the 2nd Amendment to the United States Constitution since 1791. Auspiciously, the paper interrogates the historical, ideological, and socio-cultural roots of the Gun Rights from Medieval Europe to modern America as well as its implications for homeland security in 21st Century American society. The whole legalistic, philosophical and socio-cultural rationale for and against the Gun Control Question in mainstream American politics elicits many questions: Why has it been legislatively infeasible to address the frailties inherent in the 2nd Amendment texts? Is the Second Amendment immutable amid post-1791 realities? Has morality lost its place in American politics? Was the rights prescribed under 2nd Amendment vested on the individuals as construed impliedly or on the people as expressly stipulated in the constitution? And why has America with the most sophisticated military and intelligence architecture in the world failed to demonstrate the capability to contain sectarian killings in the land? The paper submits that the Gun Control Debate lays bare, one of the internal cleavages within the American political and social system, a nation so admired not just by her military, economic and diplomatic clout but also by the valued she stresses and defend world over: freedom, justice, equality and global peace, ideals for which the United States supplanted pax-Britanica for Pax-Americana. The appalling antecedents of gun killings in America knows no rank with 11 presidential assassination attempts for which four American presidents died: Abraham Lincoln (1865), James Garfield (1881); William McKinley (1901) John F Kennedy (1963) with Theodore Roosevelt and Ronald Reagan seriously injured in the 1912 and 1981 assassination attempts. The quartet presidential assassins: John Wilkes Booth; Charles J. Guiteau; Leon Czolgosz and Lee Harvey Oswald were all some of the first high profile abusers of the 2nd Amendment and the gun rights it granted. The death of Dr. Martin Luther King, Malcolm X among many also resonates one of the foundational flaws of a nation globally reputed as the policeman of the earth. When will this trend ever end?.Millions have gone yet there seems to be hyper-partisanship about the Gun Control Question. This political cleavage represents a failure of the present generation of the political elites, the people and the American institutions to rise above and repeal the frailty of the 2nd Amendment, couched in one of the most nebulous languages in constitutional framings since the first ten Amendment to the world’s first-ever written constitution was ratified on 15 December 1791.The lessons from the government response to the Gun Question never placed America as a society developing societies should aspire to become, it is totally antithetical to the admirable values known about the greatest nation since the collapse of Nazism, Fascism and in the last decade of the 20th Century Communism for which in the submissions of Francis Fukuyama, Liberal Democracy became the Last Man metaphorically outlasting all other contending ideological contemporaries thus: “The End History”. The moral, spiritual, political leaders of America must converge on one front on the Gun Question, the Republicans must not hide under conservative garb and watch the blood of innocent generation of Americans been wasted by abusers of the Second Amendment. The appropriate measures to put a permanent lid on the mindless gun-related deaths must be carried out. The Democrats must forge a bipartisan consensus to arrest the moral drift in the land under the guise of the 2nd Amendment’s immutability clause: “shall not be infringed upon”. American political leaders must not under whatever guise send the wrong signal to the international community that will characterize the state as a policeman that cannot police his home, Charity begins at home, it is contradictory, antithetical and undermined every value upon which America prides herself under the rubric Pax-Americana. Historical antecedents show that the National Rifle Association is a shadow of itself, haven being skewed from its original goal to promote martial qualities and marksmanship to a lobbyist group without conscience for humanity. The American Institutions must live up to their mandate to tame the sinister and overbearing influence of the group. To the political leaders of the land the patriots of the 1775 Revolution fought for a land of the free it is your bounden duty to ensure their labor never be in vain: Lincoln was conscious of this during the heady days as was Andrew John who put their differences aside to restore national psyche, President Trump must not trade the blood of the children of America with his 2020 presidential re-election ambition as the NRA pro-Trump for 2020 billboards suggests. The Gun-Control debates further lays bare one of the antinomies of American Conservatism “being pro-life, anti-abortion and at the same time, pro-gun” as the abuses and defense of the 2nd Amendment represent one of the Ideological conspiracies against under the garb of Classical Liberalism propagated by contemporary votaries of American conservatism.
19
Prudon, Theodore. "Preservation and public housing in the United States." Housing for All, no. 65 (2021): 84–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.52200/65.a.08i5whu3.
Анотація:
Public housing is an important part of the heritage of the 20th century that deserves preservation, but is in danger of being demolished or unrecognizably altered. The United States, which saw the construction of such government sponsored projects, largely between 1930 and 1975, is no exception. In the last four decades government efforts have continued to shift towards financial incentives for private initiatives for design, construction and property management. This housing legacy, if being preserved, still needs to be improved so it can continue to serve as affordable housing in the 21st century.
20
Meynell, Leola. "Aimi Hamraie Building Access: Universal Design and the Politics of Disability." Genealogy 3, no. 1 (February 19, 2019): 8. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/genealogy3010008.
Анотація:
Aimi Hamraie’s Building Access: Universal Design and the Politics of Disability (University of Minnesota Press, 2017) critically traces the Universal Design movement in the United States, from its diverse inceptions in the mid-20th century to its broad applications today [...]
21
Cortez, Jonathan. "Ruminations on the Camp Space in the United States during the 20th Century." SHS Web of Conferences 136 (2022): 04002. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/shsconf/202213604002.
Анотація:
This paper is a brief stream of thought on the function of encampments in the United States during the 20th century. This work derives directly from my still-in-progress dissertation, “The Age of Encampment: Race, Surveillance, and the Power of Spatial Scripts, 19331950.” The dissertation charts a history of the creation of federally-funded camps and their lasting legacies beginning with the creation of New Deal-era liberal policies through the incarceration of enemies of the state during WWII. By revealing the history of federally-funded encampments in the US, I argue that camp spaces were racialized and classist projects dependent on a pathologized “other.” Further, the materialization of camp spaces became a tool used by the US government to surveille bodies deemed threatening to the local community and/or nation-state – a theory I call “spatial scripts.”
22
Orren, Karen. "Union Politics and Postwar Liberalism in the United States, 1946–1979." Studies in American Political Development 1 (1986): 215–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898588x00000365.
Анотація:
It is evident now that the political structures built in the United States over the last half-century depended for their successful functioning on a set of international conditions that no longer exist. The government programs of the 1930s to protect labor organization, promote high agricultural prices, and provide cheap credit would have caused, had the gold standard not been defunct, massive gold outflows, worsening the already severe economic contraction. The postwar offspring of these programs have multiplied under conditions of international trade and finance that in effect permitted the export of excess economic demand. For the last decade, with international circumstances less obliging, the task of whittling government down or at least controlling its growth has vexed successive administrations.
23
Галиев, Ф. Х., and А. Х. Султанов. "THEORY OF SEPARATION OF AUTHORITIES: A MODERN READING." Теория государства и права, no. 4(25) (January 18, 2022): 96–109. http://dx.doi.org/10.47905/matgip.2021.25.4.008.
Анотація:
Как известно, в современных условиях в большинстве государств законодательно предусмотрены меры обособления органов одной власти от другой, с той целью, чтобы она ограничивалась собственной компетенцией и, в конечном счете, не допустить нарушений полномочий каждого органа в отдельности. Однако, следует учитывать, что соотношение между полномочиями органов всех ветвей государственной власти определяется в конституции в строгом соответствии с господствующим пониманием в данном государстве сущности демократии и народоправства. В литературе также принято ссылаться на американский парламентаризм, который в течение двух столетий развивается в условиях двухпартийной системы. В Соединенных Штатах Америки подобный механизм способствует тому, что демократам и республиканцам с определенной степенью частоты удается попеременно сменять друг друга. В этом отношении картина политической борьбы между партией, преобладающей в конгрессе, и главой государства, представляющим противоположную силу, содержит черты, которые в крайне невыгодном свете отражают особенности американской политической жизни. Достаточно вспомнить ожесточенные схватки между Президентом США Дональдом Трампом (республиканцем) и палатой представителей Конгресса, где преобладали демократы. В столь ожесточенной борьбе дело доходило до процедуры импичмента, вершиной же подобного противостояния стало то, что больше месяца американцы не могли получить официальные результаты итогов выборов нового главы государства. Авторы статьи делают вывод о том, что следует стремиться к тому, чтобы в представительном учреждении депутаты различных политических партий постоянно взаимодействовали, а не противостояли друг другу. Подобный подход будет способствовать реализации всех законодательно закрепленных функций парламента. В этом нам видится один из главных инструментов, который позволит преодолеть парадокс XX века, когда теория разделения властей на практике подчас приобретала центробежный характер. Obviously, in modern conditions in most states, legislative measures are provided for separating the bodies of one government from another, in order to limit it to its own competence and, ultimately, to prevent violations of the powers of each body separately. However it should be borne in mind that the correlation between the powers of the bodies of all branches of state power is determined in the constitution in strict accordance with the prevailing understanding in the given state of the essence of democracy and the rule of the people. In the literature, it is also customary to refer to American parliamentarianism, which has been developing in a two-party system for two centuries. In the United States of America, this arrangement encourages Democrats and Republicans to alternate with a certain degree of frequency. In this regard, the picture of the political struggle between the dominant party in Congress and the head of state representing the opposite force contains features that reflect in an extremely unfavorable light the peculiarities of American political life. Suffice it to recall the fierce battles between US President Donald Trump (Republican) and the Democratic-dominated House of Representatives. In such a fierce struggle, the matter came to the impeachment procedure, the peak of such a confrontation was that for more than a month the Americans could not get the official results of the election of the new head of state. The authors of the article conclude that one should strive to ensure that in a representative institution the deputies of various political parties constantly interact, and not oppose each other. This approach will contribute to the implementation of all legislatively enshrined functions of the parliament. Thus, we see one of the main tools that will allow us to overcome the paradox of the 20th century, when the theory of separation of powers in practice sometimes acquired a centrifugal character.
24
Schmidt, Josef M. "Die Entwicklung der Homöopathie in den Vereinigten Staaten." Gesnerus 51, no. 1-2 (November 27, 1994): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22977953-0510102007.
Анотація:
After an enormous spread in the United States of America during the 19th century homeopathy had almost completely vanished from the scene by the beginning of the 20th century. For the past two decades, however, it seems once again to experience a kind of renaissance. Major aspects of this development—in terms of medical and cultural history, sociology, politics, and economics—are illustrated on the basis of a general history of homeopathy in the United States. Using original sources, a first attempt is made to reconstruct the history of homeopathy in San Francisco which has some institutional peculiarities that make it unique within the whole country.
25
Raja, Muhammad Yasin Sultan, Muhammad Rehan Zafar, and Sidra Sulman Malik. "Dynamics of Sino Russian Cooperation: History and future Prospects." Global International Relations Review V, no. III (September 30, 2022): 35–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.31703/girr.2022(v-iii).05.
Анотація:
After the end of the cold war international politics had moved from bi-polar to uni-polar resulting in instability. The United States of America to achieve her geo strategic interests took aggressive action which made other states insecure. We have witnessed a rise in the number of wars happened in the last decade of the 20th century and the first decade of the 21st century. The Middle East is still facing the aftershocks of Arab Spring and the Europe is still divided the way it was during the cold war. To counter the hegemonic designs of the United States of America and its allies Sino Russian cooperation has tried to balance the dynamics of International power power politics. This Sino Russian cooperation is based on an economic, strategic and political level. The very nature of this Sino Russian cooperation revolves around the integration of interests and inclusiveness of other likeminded states. In the second decade of the 21st Century this cooperation has evolved at the international level as an alternative to the Western political block led by the USA
26
Rønnedal, Vibeke Sofie Sandager. "The Politics of Gun Control in the United States." Leviathan: Interdisciplinary Journal in English, no. 5 (August 19, 2019): 46–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.7146/lev.v0i5.115497.
Анотація:
The discussion of the right to keep and bear arms has been a growing issue in American society during the past two decades. This article examines the origin of the right and whether it is still relevant in contemporary American society. It is found that the Second Amendment was written for two main reasons: to protect the people of the frontier from wildlife and foreign as well as native enemies, and to ensure the citizen militia being armed and ready to fight for a country with a deep-rooted mistrust of a standing army and a strongly centralized government. As neither of these reasons have applied to American society for at least the past century, it is concluded that American society has changed immensely since the Second Amendment was ratified in 1791, and that the original purpose of the right to keep and bear arms thus has been outdated long ago.
27
Bulkley, J. W. "Entering the 21st Century: Water Quality Issues River Basin Management." Water Science and Technology 26, no. 7-8 (October 1, 1992): 1857–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.2166/wst.1992.0630.
Анотація:
Water quality issues have developed primarily in the 20th century in the United States of America. Historically, the emphasis has been placed upon the protection of human health with the states and local units of government having responsibility for ensuring implementation of programs and activities to provide for maintenance of public health needs. In 1948, legislation established an active role for the federal government in the provision of water quality and protection of public health. In 1972, the federal government initiated a vigorous program aimed to limit both industrial and municipal point source discharges, provide for control of toxics, set discharge limits, and provide adequate federal funding to assist governmental units to meet the stringent requirements established by the legislation. New perspectives and new realities require farsighted and innovative means to address water quality issues in the 21st century.
28
Blue, Ethan. "National Vitality, Migrant Abjection, and Coercive Mobility: The Biopolitical History of American Deportation." Leonardo 48, no. 3 (June 2015): 268–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/leon_a_01027.
Анотація:
The United States has one of the world’s most extensive systems of mass removal. Its historical roots draw on 19th century biopolitical traditions of border control and internal anti-immigrant policing. In the early 20th century, rail technologies enabled an economical assemblage of steel and law, of racism and politics, attempting national purification by expelling ‘undesirable aliens.’ The process differentiated between the categories of privileged citizenship and abject alienage. The possibilities of national cleansing through deportation allowed new modes of sovereign governance, defined territories, and controlled populations—foundational aspects of modern nationhood.
29
Linde, Robyn. "From Rapists to Superpredators: what the practice of capital punishment says about race, rights and the American child." International Journal of Children's Rights 19, no. 1 (2011): 127–50. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157181810x528706.
Анотація:
AbstractAt the turn of the 20th century, the United States was widely considered to be a world leader in matters of child protection and welfare, a reputation lost by the century's end. This paper suggests that the United States' loss of international esteem concerning child welfare was directly related to its practice of executing juvenile off enders. The paper analyzes why the United States continued to carry out the juvenile death penalty after the establishment of juvenile courts and other protections for child criminals. Two factors allowed the United States to continue the juvenile death penalty after most states in the international system had ended the practice: the politics of American federalism and a system of racial subordination that excluded some juvenile off enders from the umbrella of child protection measures, a conclusion suggesting that racial prejudice has interfered with U.S. compliance with international norms of child welfare and juvenile justice.
30
Yu, Henry. "Reviving a Lost Potential of the Chicago School of Sociology?" Journal of Migration History 1, no. 2 (October 29, 2015): 215–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/23519924-00102004.
Анотація:
This paper traces the effects of anti-Asian politics and immigration exclusion in shaping early studies of Asian migration in the Pacific region, in particular within the United States, Canada, and Australian. Yu argues that there are collaborative community research approaches that marked early 20th century studies of Asian migrants to North America that should be recovered, a lost potential of early survey research work of the Chicago school of sociology in general.
31
Hesser, James E., David Bohlender, and Dennis Crabtree. "Canada's Dominion Astrophysical Observatory and the rise of 20th Century Astrophysics and Technology." Proceedings of the International Astronomical Union 11, A29A (August 2015): 109–11. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1743921316002520.
Анотація:
AbstractConstruction of Canada's Dominion Astrophysical Observatory (DAO) commenced in 1914 with first light on 6 May 1918. As distinct from the contemporaneous development with private funding of major observatories in the western United States, DAO was (and remains) funded by the federal government. Canada's initial foray into ‘big science’, creation of DAO during the First World War was driven by Canada's desire to contribute significantly to the international rise of observational astrophysics enabled by photographic spectroscopy. In 2009 the Observatory was designated a National Historic Site. DAO's varied, rich contributions to the astronomical heritage of the 20th century continue in the 21st century, with particularly strong ties to Maunakea.
32
KITLV, Redactie. "Book Reviews." New West Indian Guide / Nieuwe West-Indische Gids 60, no. 1-2 (January 1, 1986): 55–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/13822373-90002066.
Анотація:
-John Parker, Norman J.W. Thrower, Sir Francis Drake and the famous voyage, 1577-1580. Los Angeles: University of California Press, Contributions of the UCLA Center for Medieval and Renaissance Studies Vol. 11, 1984. xix + 214 pp.-Franklin W. Knight, B.W. Higman, Trade, government and society in Caribbean history 1700-1920. Kingston: Heinemann Educational Books, 1983. xii + 172 pp.-A.J.R. Russel-Wood, Lyle N. McAlister, Spain and Portugal in the New World, 1492-1700. Minneapolis, University of Minnesota Press, Europe and the World in the Age of Expansion Volume III, 1984. xxxi + 585 pp.-Tony Martin, John Gaffar la Guerre, The social and political thought of the colonial intelligentsia. Mona, Jamaica: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1982. 136 pp.-Egenek K. Galbraith, Raymond T. Smith, Kinship ideology and practice in Latin America. Chapel Hill NC: University of North Carolina Press, 1984. 341 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, James Pack, Nelson's blood: the story of naval rum. Annapolis MD, U.S.A.: Naval Institute Press and Havant Hampshire, U.K.: Kenneth Mason, 1982. 200 pp.-Anthony P. Maingot, Hugh Barty-King ,Rum: yesterday and today. London: William Heineman, 1983. xviii + 264 pp., Anton Massel (eds)-Helen I. Safa, Alejandro Portes ,Latin journey: Cuban and Mexican immigrants in the United States. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1985. xxi + 387 pp., Robert L. Bach (eds)-Wayne S. Smith, Carlos Franqui, Family portrait wth Fidel: a memoir. New York: Random House, 1984. xxiii + 263 pp.-Sergio G. Roca, Claes Brundenius, Revolutionary Cuba: the challenge of economic growth with equity. Boulder CO: Westview Press and London: Heinemann, 1984. xvi + 224 pp.-H. Hoetink, Bernardo Vega, La migración española de 1939 y los inicios del marxismo-leninismo en la República Dominicana. Santo Domingo: Fundación Cultural Dominicana, 1984. 208 pp.-Antonio T. Díaz-Royo, César Andreú-Iglesias, Memoirs of Bernardo Vega: a contribution to the history of the Puerto Rican community in New York. Translated by Juan Flores. New York and London: Monthly Review, 1984. xix + 243 pp.-Mariano Negrón-Portillo, Harold J. Lidin, History of the Puerto Rican independence movement: 20th century. Maplewood NJ; Waterfront Press, 1983. 250 pp.-Roberto DaMatta, Teodore Vidal, Las caretas de cartón del Carnaval de Ponce. San Juan: Ediciones Alba, 1983. 107 pp.-Manuel Alvarez Nazario, Nicolás del Castillo Mathieu, Esclavos negros en Cartagena y sus aportes léxicos. Bogotá: Institute Caro y Cuervo, 1982. xvii + 247 pp.-J.T. Gilmore, P.F. Campbell, The church in Barbados in the seventeenth century. Garrison, Barbados; Barbados Museum and Historical Society, 1982. 188 pp.-Douglas K. Midgett, Neville Duncan ,Women and politics in Barbados 1948-1981. Cave Hill, Barbados: Institute of Social and Economic Research (Eastern Caribbean), Women in the Caribbean Project vol. 3, 1983. x + 68 pp., Kenneth O'Brien (eds)-Ken I. Boodhoo, Maurice Bishop, Forward ever! Three years of the Grenadian Revolution. Speeches of Maurice Bishop. Sydney: Pathfinder Press, 1982. 287 pp.-Michael L. Conniff, Velma Newton, The silver men: West Indian labour migration to Panama, 1850-1914. Kingston: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1984. xx + 218 pp.-Robert Dirks, Frank L. Mills ,Christmas sports in St. Kitts: our neglected cultural tradition. With lessons by Bertram Eugene. Frederiksted VI: Eastern Caribbean Institute, 1984. iv + 66 pp., S.B. Jones-Hendrickson (eds)-Catherine L. Macklin, Virginia Kerns, Woman and the ancestors: Black Carib kinship and ritual. Urbana IL: University of Illinois Press, 1983. xv + 229 pp.-Marian McClure, Brian Weinstein ,Haiti: political failures, cultural successes. New York: Praeger (copublished with Hoover Institution Press, Stanford), 1984. xi + 175 pp., Aaron Segal (eds)-A.J.F. Köbben, W.S.M. Hoogbergen, De Boni-oorlogen, 1757-1860: marronage en guerilla in Oost-Suriname (The Boni wars, 1757-1860; maroons and guerilla warfare in Eastern Suriname). Bronnen voor de studie van Afro-amerikaanse samenlevinen in de Guyana's, deel 11 (Sources for the Study of Afro-American Societies in the Guyanas, no. 11). Dissertation, University of Utrecht, 1985. 527 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Baijah Mhango, Aid and dependence: the case of Suriname, a study in bilateral aid relations. Paramaribo: SWI, Foundation in the Arts and Sciences, 1984. xiv + 171 pp.-Edward M. Dew, Sandew Hira, Balans van een coup: drie jaar 'surinaamse revolutie.' Rotterdam: Futile (Blok & Flohr), 1983. 175 pp.-Ian Robertson, John A. Holm ,Dictionary of Bahamian English. New York: Lexik House Publishers, 1982. xxxix + 228 pp., Alison Watt Shilling (eds)-Erica Williams Connell, Paul Sutton, Commentary: A reply from Williams Connell (to the review by Anthony Maingot in NWIG 57:89-97).
33
Vaillancourt, François, and Robert D. Ebel. "The Size, Growth, and Composition of Government: Analysis and Evidence for Canada and the United States." Canadian Tax Journal/Revue fiscale canadienne 70, Supp (2022): 5–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.32721/ctj.2022.70.supp.vaillancourt.
Анотація:
The topic of measuring the growth and size of government, on which there is now a robust literature and policy debate, held little interest for economists in the 18th and 19th centuries and throughout much of the 20th century. Although it is a bit dangerous to date when perceptions of the importance of the topic began to shift, a good place to start is with Richard Bird's research for the Canadian Tax Foundation in 1970 on the growth of government spending in Canada. The purpose of this paper is to briefly review what Bird recognized is an evolutionary process, and then to examine the manner in which the growth and size of government can be measured in Canada and the United States. The trends in four key measures following the Second World War are defined and documented. The paper reveals two especially important features. The first is the increase in the role of the subnational government sector. The second is that, in both countries, the public sector is trending away from spending on (and taxing for) the public's physical infrastructure and toward transfers to individuals, particularly in the form of health and income security programs.
34
Muhammad, Fida, Muhammad Ayaz Khan, and Saif Ul Islam. "Role of religion in American politics: An analysis of the influence of Evangelical Church in Israeli Palestinian conflict." Journal of Humanities, Social and Management Sciences (JHSMS) 2, no. 2 (November 23, 2021): 168–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.47264/idea.jhsms/2.2.12.
Анотація:
The politics of the Holy land is of crucial importance to the followers of the three Abrahamic religions in terms of religious beliefs, which metamorphosed into military and political significance in the 20th Century. The United States (U.S) support for Israel is especially visible during the republican presidencies. The U.S had five republican presidents from 1980 to 2020, and their evangelical beliefs shaped American foreign policy toward this region, a policy that may loosely be termed as affected by Christian Zionism, which was originally a 16th Century religious Puritan movement, who latter shaped into Christian political movement. U.S Christian Zionism reiterates favourable images of Jews and is pessimistic about peace in Holy land. Christian Zionists believe Lord has bestowed the land of Palestine to Jews and have held up this claim since the turn of the 20th Century. This paper first describes the fundamental nature of Christian Zionism, their view of the modern Israel and resultant political and military policies. This also focuses Christian Zionists support of republican presidents and specially President Trump relationship with Christian Zionism. The shifting of U.S embassy to Jerusalem, the formal approval to Jerusalem as the capital of Israel by President Trump are studied.
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Subotin, A. "FUTURE OF US HEGEMONY." Actual Problems of International Relations, no. 139 (2019): 4–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/apmv.2019.139.0.4-12.
Анотація:
Abstract. The demise of the bipolar system of international politics has revived interest in such closely related and contested terms as "superpower", "hegemon", "empire" and "imperialism". This article represents an attempt to define the most probable trend in the future evolution of the international system with regard to the role of the United States of America as the most prominent state power of today's world. This article seeks to analyse the US power posture in today's world politics by comparing its core capabilities to those of the classical empire of the previous century - the British Empire - with analytical emphasis on both the "hard power" and the "soft power" dimensions. The author maintains that the notion of US hegemony or even American Empire is still relevant despite a clear historic tendency of hegemonic decline seen throughout the second part of the 20th century. The United States still ranks high on the scale of most traditional power factors and, what is by far more important, they continue to be able to shape and control the scale and the volume of international exposure of all other major players within the framework of contemporary global international system. The relative decline of US influence upon world politics at the beginning of the new millennia has been effectively off-set by the profound change in the nature of American power which is now assuming the form of a structural dominance. The author's personal view is that US hegemony is not doomed to wane, given the enormous impact the United States have already made economically, politically and intellectually upon the post World War II international relations. The continuance of the US playing the pivotal role in the international politics of the 21st century will be dependent on the ability of the US political class to adapt to and to harness the social power of numerous non-state international actors that are due take over the leading role in the future world's politics.
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MERTON, JOE. "RETHINKING THE POLITICS OF WHITE ETHNICITY IN 1970s AMERICA." Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (August 3, 2012): 731–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1200026x.
Анотація:
ABSTRACTHistorians have tended to characterize the ‘white ethnic’ identity politics of the 1970s in the United States as a significant feature of the conservative counterrevolution, especially the rise of populist racial conservatism and its splintering of the Democratic New Deal coalition. Seeking to provide a broader, more representative portrait of white ethnic mobilization, activism, and institutionalization in government, with particular focus on the work of Rev. Geno Baroni, the National Center for Urban Ethnic Affairs, and the Carter administration's Office of Ethnic Affairs, this article challenges that assumption. It posits that the politics of white ethnicity was a far more complex, diverse phenomenon, of appeal to liberals and conservatives in an era of considerable political flux. This reconsideration also reveals that the 1970s were not conservative in the United States, but a watershed decade of uncertainty, volatility, and experimentation, in which ethnic identities and affiliations were reshaped, political norms upended, and new forms of organization and mobilization trialled out, with great significance for today's ‘post-ethnic’ United States. White ethnic politics was of considerable importance to American political development in the late twentieth century, but not in the way usually thought.
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Danilov, Alexey Vitalievich. "Retrospective of using the US universities and the Foreign Policy Association as elements of public diplomacy in the United States." RUDN Journal of World History 12, no. 3 (December 15, 2020): 286–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.22363/2312-8127-2020-12-3-286-291.
Анотація:
The article covers the period of implemetation of the leading US universities and the Foreign Policy Association as elements of US public diplomacy wchich their impact in economic, political and cultural influence all over the world. The author methodically and consistently cites analytical, historical facts proving an indirect and direct impact on the foreign policy of countries. The relevance of the article is due to the high significance and influence of non-state actors on world politics nowdays. The author points out that the political course of the leadership of the United States from the second half of the 20th century was focused on more active inclusion of the country in international politics and the rejection of isolationism, which was primarily reflected in the departure from the postulates of the Monroe Doctrine and the entry of the United States into the First World War. This, in turn, had a great influence on the development of public diplomacy in the United States as a tool to promote the interests of the country, the creation of the necessary information support for foreign policy actions of the state, as well as a favorable image of the United States in other countries. Thus it required the active involvement of the leading US universities in US public diplomacy, as well as the creation of new non-state institutions.
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K. Ryan, Mary. "Filming Change: Civil Rights through the Lens of Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner? and To Kill a Mockingbird." [Inter]sections 9, no. 23 (January 4, 2021): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.31178/inter.9.23.1.
Анотація:
The 1960s were a turbulent decade in the United States. Significant social changes, especially in the realm of antiracism and antisexism, were afoot. Concurrently, in an echo to such dramatic social change, popular culture was also evolving. This article examines two relevant films to evaluate their ability to perform a moral critique of gender and racial politics in the 1960s. Alongside an analysis of social and political trends and Supreme Court cases, I compare two critically acclaimed industry films, To Kill a Mockingbird (1962) and Guess Who’s Coming to Dinner (1967), to better understand cultural and political reforms in the 20th century.
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Williams, Brian. "“That we may live”: Pesticides, plantations, and environmental racism in the United States South." Environment and Planning E: Nature and Space 1, no. 1-2 (March 2018): 243–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2514848618778085.
Анотація:
This article situates pesticides as technologies marked by both continuities and discontinuities from previous modes of agrarian racism in the Yazoo-Mississippi Delta, a plantation region of the United States South. Attention to the historical-geographical specificity of pesticide intensification, I argue, provides the means to understand pesticide intensification as a mode of what I term agro-environmental racism. Anti-Black racism shaped the politics of pesticides, underpinning policies and material practices that were destructive of both the environment and human welfare in the Delta and beyond. The structures and ideologies of plantation racism helped position the Delta as one of the most pesticide-intensive sectors of U.S. agriculture during the mid-20th century—a particularly consequential period for both the intensification of pesticides and the formation of contemporary environmentalism. Pesticides were defended by agro-industrial interests as technologies supporting agricultural production—and particularly that of cotton, the most pesticide-intensive commodity crop. Simultaneously, they were figured as technologies crucial to a normative way of life. Although pesticides were articulated without explicit mention of race by the 1960s, I argue that the freedom struggle activism of the Mississippi Freedom Labor Union and Fannie Lou Hamer provide context necessary to explain the pesticide politics of the Delta’s plantation bloc. These mobilizations to enact more just, sustainable, and livable geographies were an indictment of a plantation politics which put the health of cotton and profitability of plantations above all else.
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Malatsai, I. "MIGRATION FROM HUNGARY TO AMERICA IN THE LATE 19TH – EARLY 20TH CENTURY (BASED ON THE MATERIALS OF THE "COLLECTION OF CONSULAR REPORTS")." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 25–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.5.
Анотація:
The article is devoted to the study of the problem of migration processes in the late 19th – early 20th centuries from the territory of Austria-Hungary to America. Demand for workers in the United States, which has been active since the mid-19th century and exacerbation of socio-economic contradictions in Austria-Hungary in the second half of the 19th century, caused the intensification of migration flows between the two continents. Among the emigrants were all the nations who inhabited the Austro-Hungarian monarchy. But the population of the north-eastern regions of the country prevailed. At first there were Slovaks and Ukrainians. They traveled to improve their lives and the lives of their families. Low living standards due to economic backwardness, slow growth of production, lack of new technologies in agriculture only increased the flow of migrants. Lack of land suitable for agriculture, low wages also contributed to travel abroad. There were two main categories, workers, who returned home at the end of the working season, and it was mostly part of spring, summer and autumn, and the next year they went again to search some work. The second category – those who left and never returned. In the following years, some immigrants, Slovaks and Ukrainians, formed community centers, which played an important role in the formation of independent states. At the turn of the 19th – 20th centuries. There was the migration process between the United States and Austria-Hungary took place. The main routes of the continents passed through the ports of Hamburg and Bremen. The diplomacy of the Russian Empire paid much attention to the issue of migration. The interest was due to a desire to understand more about a country that was a political opponent of Russia in European politics. The work is written on the basis of diplomatic reports published in the "Collection of diplomatic reports" in the late 19th – early 20th century. The used materials provide an opportunity to study the process of resettlement of the nations of Hungary to America from the standpoint of Russian diplomacy in the late 19th – early 20th century.
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Lewis-Beck, Michael S., and Peverill Squire. "The Politics of Institutional Choice: Presidential Ballot Access for Third Parties in the United States." British Journal of Political Science 25, no. 3 (July 1995): 419–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0007123400007274.
Анотація:
During the nineteenth century, a presidential voter actually selected a party-prepared candidate list, casting it in full view of others. The ‘Australian’ ballot, adopted in nearly all states by 1900, took away party preparation of the ballot. State officials now prepared overall candidate lists from which the voter picked in secret. The introduction of the Australian ballot was heralded as a blow against political corruption and for ‘good government’. But practical questions arose. With the state itself responsible for the ballot, how should it decide which candidates to list? Some barriers to entry seemed necessary, otherwise the list would be unwieldy. Each of the states began to pass laws restricting ballot access, often aimed at third parties.
42
Gratton, Brian. "Race or Politics? Henry Cabot Lodge and the Origins of the Immigration Restriction Movement in the United States." Journal of Policy History 30, no. 1 (December 19, 2017): 128–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0898030617000410.
Анотація:
Abstract:This article addresses the origins of the immigration restriction movement in the late 19th century United States, a movement that realized its aims in the early 20th. It critiques the dominant scholarly interpretation, which holds that the movement sprang from a racism that viewed the new immigrants of this period as biologically inferior. It argues first that activists did not have at hand a biological theory sufficient to this characterization and did not employ one. It argues second that the movement arose as an adroit political response to labor market competition. The Republican Party recognized the discontent of resident workers (including those of older immigrant origin) with competition from new immigrants. The Party discerned ethnic differences among new and old immigrants and capitalized on these conditions in order to win elections. Ethnocentrism and middle-class anxiety over mass immigrant added to a movement that depended on bringing working class voters into the Party.
43
CALCAGNO, PETER T., and EDWARD J. LÓPEZ. "Informal norms trump formal constraints: the evolution of fiscal policy institutions in the United States." Journal of Institutional Economics 13, no. 1 (November 3, 2016): 211–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1744137416000321.
Анотація:
AbstractTwo shifts of informal rules occurred in the decades around the turn of the 20th century that continue to shape U.S. fiscal policy outcomes. Spending norms in the electorate shifted to expand the scope of the government budget to promote economic security and macroeconomic stability. Simultaneously, norms for elected office shifted to careerism. Both norms were later codified into formal rules as legislation creating entitlement programs, macroeconomic responsibility, and organizational changes to the fiscal policy process. This institutional evolution increased demand for federal expenditures while creating budgetary commons, thus imparting strong motivations to spend through deficit finance in normal times. Despite the last four decades of legislative attempts to constrain spending relative to taxes, the informal norms have trumped the formal constraints. While the empirical literature on deficits has examined the constraining effects of informal rules, this paper offers a novel treatment of shifting norms as having expansionary effects on deficits.
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Forbath, William E. "Courts, Constitutions, and Labor Politics in England and America: A Study of the Constitutive Power of Law." Law & Social Inquiry 16, no. 01 (1991): 1–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-4469.1991.tb00282.x.
Анотація:
For most of the 19th century, the labor movements of England and America seemed to be developing along similar lines. Then, in the decades around the turn of the century, both movements were embroiled in a common battle over the political soul of trade unionism. In England, the champions of broad, class-based social and industrial reforms prevailed. In the United States, they lost, and the winners were the voluntarists, who held that labor should steer clear of politics as much as possible. This article suggests that the key reasons for the divergence lie not in the sociology of the working class or labor movement, so much as in the character of the state and polity and the lessons trade unionists drew from experiences in those arenas. The difference between judicial supremacy in the United States and parliamentary supremacy in England combined with other differences in the two nations’ forms of government to produce sharply contrasting lessons about the value of state-based reforms.
45
Zhao, Jialin, and Rainer Feldbacher. "Reflection of Sexual Morality in Literature and Art." Journal of Critical Studies in Language and Literature 1, no. 3 (August 21, 2020): 81–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.46809/jcsll.v1i3.32.
Анотація:
Tocqueville, in his book “Democracy in America”, talked about the concept of sexual morality, introduced it into his newpolitical science, and reflected on the situation of social morality before and after the French Revolution with the help of hisinvestigation of American social morality. From the end of the 19th century to late 20th century, the development of sexualmorality in the US and France has undergone different changes. In France before and after the Revolution, sexual ethicsshowed a very different picture, from palace porn culture and pornography before the Revolution to revolutionary moralethics during the revolutionary period and to sexual ethics after the revolution. The US turned from the Puritans' sexualmorality in the early 18th century to the sexual liberation movement in the 19th and 20th centuries. From the historicalexperience of the US and France, we can see three basic forms of sexual morality: the state of greed, the state of politics, andthe state of holy love. The revolutions were not only initiating the construction of democracy, but also changed the definitionof its most basic figure that is the individual. This paper places sexual morality in the three dimensions of reality, politics andreligion. Taking The United States and France as examples, with the help of textual analysis and comparison, thedevelopment course, different forms and contemporary values of sexual morality will be explored.
46
Kinnersley, Randall L. "THE DEVELOPMENT OF THE TOTALS COLUMN ON THE COMBINED BALANCE SHEET FOR STATE AND LOCAL GOVERNMENTS IN THE UNITED STATES DURING THE 20th CENTURY." Accounting Historians Journal 43, no. 1 (June 1, 2016): 33–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.2308/0148-4184.43.1.33.
Анотація:
This study examines the historical development during the 20th century of the totals column reported on the financial statement that reported assets, liabilities, and equity for all funds of state and local governments (SLGs) within the United States. This research documents the evolution of accounting standards that addressed the totals column. SLG accounting professionals and standards-setters debated whether it was appropriate for SLGs to report a combined totals column throughout the century. The totals column was optional or forbidden in some reporting standards. Other SLG standards permitted a totals column, but always with reservation. A consolidated totals column was never acceptable until Governmental Accounting Standards Board (GASB) Statement 34. Statement 34, issued in 1999, required SLGs to report all primary government funds in a single consolidated totals column on a new Statement of Net Assets. The Statement of Net Assets was the first time users were able to assess the financial position of the SLG primary government in a single consolidated column. This study provides the historical developments that led to this major revision in SLG financial reporting.
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Ade-Ibijola, Aderemi Opeyemi, and Bheki Richard Mngomezulu. "The East-West Ideological Struggle and the Politics of African Decolonization in the United Nations: Historical Analysis." Issues in Social Science 8, no. 2 (December 5, 2020): 59. http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/iss.v8i2.18067.
Анотація:
The history of African decolonization discourses in the United Nations (UN) in the 20th century was replete with vested interests under the guise of moral concerns. This interest was occasioned mainly by the prevalence of the Ideological struggles better known as the ‘Cold War’ between West which the United States led, and the East which was led by the then Soviet Union and allies respectively. Against this background, this paper argues based on the preponderance of archival documents and relevant scholarly resources that the deep-rooted worldwide rivalry for world dominance which ensued between these power blocs after the end of the Second World War in 1945 ushered in a period of politicization of African decolonization issues in the UN from 1960 onwards. The line between egotism and empathy narrowed significantly to the extent that it became too thin to recognize. The findings of this paper show that the Cold War phenomenon significantly shaped the position taken by member states during the debates on the African colonial problem in the UN. Secondly, we conclude in this paper that from the 1960s, the UN became the battleground between the East and the West each fighting for supremacy.
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Rogaski, Ruth. "The Manchurian Plague and COVID-19: China, the United States, and the “Sick Man,” Then and Now." American Journal of Public Health 111, no. 3 (March 2021): 423–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.2105/ajph.2020.305960.
Анотація:
In this article, I explore the historical resonances between China’s 1911 pneumonic plague and our current situation with COVID-19. At the turn of the 20th century, China was labeled “the Sick Man of the Far East”: a once-powerful country that had become burdened by opium addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. In 1911, this weakened China faced an outbreak of pneumonic plague in Manchuria that killed more than 60 000 people. After the 1911 plague, a revolutionized China radically restructured its approach to public health to eliminate the stigma of being “the Sick Man.” Ironically, given the US mishandling of the COVID pandemic, observers in today’s China are now calling the United States “the Sick Man of the West”: a country burdened by opioid addiction, infectious disease, and an ineffective government. The historical significance of the phrase “Sick Man”—and its potential to now be associated with the United States—highlights the continued links between epidemic control and international status in a changing world. This historical comparison also reveals that plagues bring not only tragedy but also the opportunity for change.
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Sheffield, Rebecca M., Frances M. D’Andrea, Valerie Morash, and Sarah Chatfield. "How Many Braille Readers? Policy, Politics, and Perception." Journal of Visual Impairment & Blindness 116, no. 1 (January 2022): 14–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0145482x211071125.
Анотація:
Introduction This study involved a systematic literature review to document the sources behind publications and citations that comprise knowledge about rates of braille usage/literacy among people with visual impairments in the United States. Methods Predefined search criteria were used to extract publications that potentially mentioned claims about braille literacy and usage rates, dating back as far as the early 20th century. Systematic analyses narrowed the set of publications to a collection of 95 articles and manuscripts that made specific statements about the prevalence of braille readership. Results The analysis revealed that even in peer-reviewed publications, many claims about braille literacy are made without citations to dependable sources. All identified citations used as the basis for braille literacy rates since the 1970s can be traced back to two primary sources: a National Library Service report from 1979 and the American Printing House for the Blind (APH) Federal Quota data (which should not be used as a source for braille literacy rates). Discussion This research explains the source of the often-cited “10%” statistic. The findings also challenge the field to question the bases for statements about braille literacy rates, including asking, “What do we mean by braille literacy?” Implications for Practitioners There is no current source of data that succinctly measures braille literacy rates in the United States, and there are no data that explain whether braille literacy rates are rising or declining. Making effective, data-based decisions requires asking the right questions and being informed readers of research in the field of visual impairment.
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Ros, Jaime. "Free Trade Area or Common Capital Market? Notes on Mexico-US Economic Integration and Current NAFTA Negotiations." Journal of Interamerican Studies and World Affairs 34, no. 2 (1992): 53–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/166029.
Анотація:
This Article addresses some of the key issues involved in understanding current trade negotiations between Mexico and the United States, as well as their significance for the process of economic integration in North America. These issues derive from the new setting produced by (a) Mexico's trade and investment liberalization in the 1980s, (b) the incentives which underlie the drive towards integration, as well as (c) those factors which will condition the final content of the current negotiating process.A free trade agreement (FTA) with the United States could be seen as the logical conclusion of the process of trade and investment liberalization carried out by the Mexican government ever since the mid-1980s. At the same time, it also represents a shift in Mexico's initial trade strategy, from multilateralism to bilateralism, or from globalization to regionalization, as a consequence of the global trend, toward the end of the 20th century, to create large regional economic blocs.