Статті в журналах з теми "United Australia Party"
Щоб переглянути інші типи публікацій з цієї теми, перейдіть за посиланням: United Australia Party.
Оформте джерело за APA, MLA, Chicago, Harvard та іншими стилями
Ознайомтеся з топ-50 статей у журналах для дослідження на тему "United Australia Party".
Біля кожної праці в переліку літератури доступна кнопка «Додати до бібліографії». Скористайтеся нею – і ми автоматично оформимо бібліографічне посилання на обрану працю в потрібному вам стилі цитування: APA, MLA, «Гарвард», «Чикаго», «Ванкувер» тощо.
Також ви можете завантажити повний текст наукової публікації у форматі «.pdf» та прочитати онлайн анотацію до роботи, якщо відповідні параметри наявні в метаданих.
Переглядайте статті в журналах для різних дисциплін та оформлюйте правильно вашу бібліографію.
1
Tsokhas, Kosmas. "Business, empire and the United Australia party." Politics 24, no. 2 (November 1989): 39–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00323268908402089.
Повний текст джерела
2
Shannon, Victoria. "Recent Developments in Third-Party Funding." Journal of International Arbitration 30, Issue 4 (August 1, 2013): 443–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2013028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article addresses recent developments in third-party funding that occurred during late 2012 and early 2013 in the three leading jurisdictions: Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States. The most important developments are the following. On 22 April 2013, the Australian Securities and Investment Commission (ASIC) issued regulatory guidelines clarifying the status of funders with respect to ASIC's regulations and detailing how funders should manage conflicts of interest and handle certain provisions of their funding arrangements. In the United Kingdom, the Jackson Reforms took effect on 1 April 2013, bringing sweeping changes to the allowable fee agreements, discovery rules and cost allocations in that jurisdiction. In the United States, at least twenty pieces of legislation have been filed in various state legislatures since the beginning of 2013 aimed at regulating the third-party funding industry in a variety of different ways. Thus, in these three leading third-party funding jurisdictions, it appears that the legislatures - rather than the courts - are seeking to lead the way in shaping the future of the third-party funding industry.
3
Reilly, Benjamin. "Ranked Choice Voting in Australia and America: Do Voters Follow Party Cues?" Politics and Governance 9, no. 2 (June 15, 2021): 271–79. http://dx.doi.org/10.17645/pag.v9i2.3889.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ranked choice voting (RCV) is experiencing a surge of interest in the United States, highlighted by its 2018 use for Congressional elections in Maine, the first application of a ranked ballot for national-level elections in American history. A century ago, the same system was introduced in another federal, two-party continental-sized democracy: Australia. RCV’s utility as a solution to inter-party coordination problems helps to explain its appeal in both countries, underscoring the potential benefits of a comparative analytical approach. This article examines this history of adoption and then turns to a comparison of recent RCV elections in Maine with state elections in New South Wales and Queensland, the two Australian states which share the same form of RCV as that used in the United States. This comparison shows how candidate and party endorsements influence voters’ rankings and can, over time, promote reciprocal exchanges between parties and broader systemic support for RCV. Such cross-partisan support helps explain the stability of RCV in Australia, with implications for the system’s prospects in the United States.
4
Benvenuti, Andrea, and David Martin Jones. "With Friends Like These: Australia, the United States, and Southeast Asian Détente." Journal of Cold War Studies 21, no. 2 (May 2019): 27–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jcws_a_00876.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A generation of scholars has depicted the premiership of Labor Party leader Gough Whitlam as a watershed in Australian foreign policy. According to the prevailing consensus, Whitlam carved out a more independent and progressive role in international affairs without significantly endangering relations with Western-aligned states in East and Southeast Asia or with Australia's traditionally closest allies, the United States and the United Kingdom. This article takes issue with these views and offers a more skeptical assessment of Whitlam's diplomacy and questions his handling of Australia's alliance with the United States. In doing so, it shows that Whitlam, in his eagerness to embrace détente, reject containment, and project an image of an allegedly more progressive and independent Australia, in fact exacerbated tensions with Richard Nixon's Republican administration and caused disquiet among Southeast Asian countries that were aligned with or at least friendly toward the West.
5
YUAN, Jingdong. "Australia–China Relations at 50." East Asian Policy 14, no. 02 (April 2022): 93–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930522000149.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Australia–China relations are at a turning point 50 years after diplomatic recognition. While the past five decades have witnessed extensive growth in economic exchanges, in recent years, bilateral ties have experienced serious deterioration. Australia’s alliance with the United States, domestic politics—in particular the two major parties’ approaches to foreign policy—and economic interdependence are important variables in Canberra’s approach to China. There will be no exception for the incoming Australian Labor Party government to deal with these.
6
HAYES, BERNADETTE C., and IAN McALLISTER. "Gender, Party Leaders, and Election Outcomes in Australia, Britain, and the United States." Comparative Political Studies 30, no. 1 (February 1997): 3–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414097030001001.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Election outcomes are now, more than at any time in the past, determined by voters' assessments of party leaders. However, despite its potential importance, little is known about the differences in how men and women view political leaders. This article uses recent Australian, British, and U.S. survey data to examine gender differences in the evaluations that voters make of party leaders. The results show that there are comparatively few gender differences in the personal qualities that voters rate as important, with the exception of British Labour's Neil Kinnock, who was rated more highly by men, and Bill Clinton, who was rated more highly by women. However, what gender differences in leader evaluations that do exist are mediated by partisanship and views on economic performance. In both Australia and the United States, gender significantly affects the vote, but in opposite directions. The results suggest that gender may have a more important future role in elections in these three countries.
7
Gauja, Anika, and Max Grömping. "The expanding party universe: Patterns of partisan engagement in Australia and the United Kingdom." Party Politics 26, no. 6 (January 29, 2019): 822–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068818822251.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Although membership is declining, parties continue to perform roles central to democratic governance in modern societies. Given this seeming paradox, we suggest that partisan identification, in complementing studies of formal membership, is a promising way of assessing the strength of parties’ democratic linkage. Using data from an original survey of voters in Australia and the United Kingdom, we analyse the participatory and demographic profiles of party supporters. We show that there are significant differences between supporters and those not committed to any party, as well as between supporters based on the strength of their party identification, substantiating the idea that parties can be conceptualized as a series of concentric circles of increasing engagement but declining representativeness. Stronger supporters are more likely to engage with parties online, volunteer and donate, but are older, more likely to be male and less likely to be foreign-born. Our findings have important implications for democratic practice as parties seek to expand and rejuvenate their networks of affiliates.
8
Sinnreich, Aram, Patricia Aufderheide, and Donte Newman. "Creative Action Under Two Copyright Regimes: Filmmaking and Visual Arts in Australia and the United States." Communication, Culture and Critique 13, no. 3 (June 10, 2020): 384–401. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ccc/tcaa003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract A comparison of the behaviors of two creative populations operating within cross-media environments in the United States and Australia tests the comparative effect of the two nations' legal environments on the range of creative expression and on costs of production in increasingly digitized production processes. The U.S. creators have access to the flexible and expansive exception of fair use, while Australian creators' ability to use third-party copyrighted content are far more constrained. While availability of copyright exceptions plays a crucial role, other factors including demographics, disciplinary norms, and social inequality may also be important in creative practices and professions.
9
Lecours, André, Daniel Béland, Alan Fenna, Tracy Beck Fenwick, Mireille Paquet, Philip Rocco, and Alex Waddan. "Explaining Intergovernmental Conflict in the COVID-19 Crisis: The United States, Canada, and Australia." Publius: The Journal of Federalism 51, no. 4 (June 15, 2021): 513–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/publius/pjab010.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The Covid-19 pandemic produced more significant immediate intergovernmental conflict in the U.S. than in Australia and Canada. This article considers three variables for this cross-national divergence: presidentialism versus parliamentarism; vertical party integration; and strength of intergovernmental arrangements. We find that the U.S. presidential system, contrary to parliamentarism in Canada and Australia, provided an opportunity for a populist outsider skeptical of experts to win the presidency and pursue a personalized style that favored intergovernmental conflict in times of crisis. Then, the intergovernmental conflict-inducing effect of the Trump presidency during the pandemic was compounded by the vertical integration of political parties, which provided incentives for the President to criticize Democratic governors and vice-versa. Third, the virtual absence of any structure for intergovernmental relations in the United States meant that, unlike Australian states and Canadian provinces, American states struggled to get the federal government’s attention and publicly deplored its lack of leadership.
10
Sved Williams, Anne E. "Perinatal and infant mental health in Australia: moving forward towards REAL prevention and early intervention – can we do it?" Australasian Psychiatry 25, no. 3 (April 27, 2017): 274–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1039856217700761.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Objectives: Australia has been at the forefront of appropriate early intervention. Prevention of mental illness in infants by early identification and intervention in the mental health of their mothers has stalled since the cessation of funding through the National Perinatal Depression Initiative (NPDI, 2009–2015). Whilst screening for maternal mental illness has been widely implemented throughout Australia during the last two decades, services are now diminishing and great opportunities to ride the crest of a wave for appropriate mental illness intervention are receding. Reviews of history and interventions internationally may help guide future directions. Conclusions: Advocacy through across-agency and across-political-party support has been markedly successful for perinatal and infant mental health in the United Kingdom. A solid foundation exists in Australia. Australian psychiatrists have the ability to continue to change the face of prevention and early intervention.
11
Heggen, Richard J., and Alfred G. Cuzán. "Incumbent Party Reelection in Australia, Canada, and the United States: An Exponential Decay Model." PS: Political Science & Politics 55, no. 3 (June 13, 2022): 490–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096522000233.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ABSTRACTExponential functions, widely used in the physical sciences, also have been used to model political phenomena. To our knowledge, however, this tool has not been used to replicate the electoral survival of the government or administration in several democracies. This article reports that an exponential survival model is a good fit for the reelection rate of the party that controls the executive office in states, territories, or provinces in three countries: Australia, Canada, and the United States.
12
Rotstein, Fiona, and Chris Dent. "Third-Party Patent Challenges in Europe, the United States and Australia: A Comparative Analysis." Journal of World Intellectual Property 12, no. 5 (September 2009): 467–500. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1747-1796.2009.00381.x.
Повний текст джерела
13
Cross, Eugene D. "International Cooperation in Competition Law Enforcement." Leiden Journal of International Law 5, no. 1 (February 1992): 117–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0922156500002028.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
On September 23,1991, an agreement was signed by the Commission of the European Communities and the United States government to promote cooperation and coordination of theircompetition law enforcement efforts. This is the fourth such bilateral agreement to which the United States is a party, and the first for the Commission. Previous US agreements are in force with Canada, the Federal Republic of Germany, and Australia.
14
Scutt, Jocelynne Annette. "‘CHANGE THE CONSTITUTION? INTERPRETATION, (MIS)CALCULATION, WRONGS RIGHTED OR REACTION & REITERATION’." Denning Law Journal 30, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 121–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.5750/dlj.v30i2.1701.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since the United States adopted a written constitution as a consequence of the War of Independence, it is fair to say that most Western democracies with written constitutions have taken some guidance from that founding document. Inevitably, a key provision for any written constitution is ‘how can it be amended’. Even where there is an unwritten constitution (as for the United Kingdom, Aotearoa/New Zealand and Israel), the ‘rules’ established by convention or custom or some other means cannot be immutable: the passage of time or changing ideas require some means of altering or updating the rules. Changing a constitution is a matter of law, yet one inescapably imbued with politics. This article explores the way constitutional change has come, and how the rules have worked, in Australia (the 1951 referendum to ban the Australian Communist Party – unsuccessful, and the 1967 referendum to recognise rights of Indigenous Australians – successful) and the United States (the Equal Rights Amendment – situation ongoing), with a foray into the referendum process in United Kingdom (the 2017 ‘Brexit’ vote). It explores, too, the ‘change’ to a constitution where there is no change to the words of the document, but a change in interpretation – this in the context of Canada in 1929. There, consistent with judgments in Aotearoa/New Zealand, Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States, the Canadian Supreme Court interpreted ‘person’ as appearing in the North America Act as not including women, denying women any entitlement to be appointed to the Canadian Senate. As related here, women were finally acknowledged as ‘persons’ when the Privy Council pronounced this to be so, an unanticipated outcome from a judicial body considered by both Canada and Australia to be so hidebound as not to be ‘right’ as the final court of appeal for Britain’s former colonies.
15
Kirchengast, Tyrone. "Victim legal representation and the adversarial criminal trial: A critical analysis of proposals for third-party counsel for complainants of serious sexual violence." International Journal of Evidence & Proof 25, no. 1 (January 2021): 53–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1365712720983931.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The past several decades have witnessed a shift toward victim interests being considered and incorporated within adversarial systems of justice. More recently, some jurisdictions have somewhat contentiously considered granting sex offences complainants’ legal representation at trial. In Australia, the Royal Commission into Institutional Responses to Child Abuse (2017), the Royal Commission into Family Violence (2016) and the Victorian Law Reform Commission (2016) considered the potential role of legal counsel for complainants in the criminal trial process. While contrasting quite significantly with the traditional adversarial framework—which sees crime as contested between state and accused—legal representation for complainants is not unprecedented, and victims may already retain counsel for limited matters. Despite broader use of victim legal representation in the United States, Ireland and Scotland, and as recently considered by the Sir John Gillen Review in Northern Ireland, legal representation for sex offences complainants is only just developing in Australia. Notwithstanding recent reference to legal representation for complainants where sexual history or reputational evidence may be adduced, there exists no sufficient guidance as to how such representation may be integrated in the Australian criminal trial context. This article explores the implications of introducing such counsel in Australia, including the possible role of non-legal victim advocates.
16
Gauja, Anika. "The ‘Push’ for Primaries: What Drives Party Organisational Reform in Australia and the United Kingdom?" Australian Journal of Political Science 47, no. 4 (December 2012): 641–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10361146.2012.731490.
Повний текст джерела
17
Carabetta, Giuseppe. "Police Bargaining Disputes and Third-Party Intervention in Australia: Which Way Forward?" Deakin Law Review 18, no. 1 (August 1, 2013): 67. http://dx.doi.org/10.21153/dlr2013vol18no1art58.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The essential duties that police officers perform, and the absence of a right to strike, creates the need for an effective, impartial procedure for the resolution of bargaining disputes. This article argues that, with the shift of focus under the Fair Work Act 2009 (Cth) to good-faith bargaining, police officers have been left without an effective dispute resolution mechanism, partly because of the limitations on arbitration but also because of uncertainties surrounding the scope of the ‘protected action’ provisions of the Act for police officers. Following a review of police pay-setting arrangements in comparable jurisdictions, this article examines and proposes options for an alternative model, including a mandatory ‘final-offer’ arbitration (‘FOA’) model as used for police bargaining in Canada, New Zealand and the United States. Research shows that — aside from providing an effective closure mechanism for bargaining disputes where strikes or lock-outs are unavailable — mandatory FOA offers a range of benefits to police bargaining, and could provide an ideal ‘fit’ for the current bargaining-centred system. The article’s findings are of significance not only to police officers, but to all emergency services workers covered by the Fair Work bargaining regime.
18
Bolleyer, Nicole, and Anika Gauja. "The Limits of Regulation: Indirect Party Access to State Resources in Australia and the United Kingdom." Governance 28, no. 3 (March 26, 2014): 321–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/gove.12090.
Повний текст джерела
19
Thorlakson, Lori. "Patterns of Party Integration, Influence and Autonomy in Seven Federations." Party Politics 15, no. 2 (March 2009): 157–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1354068808099979.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, I develop three measures of party organization in multi-level systems: vertical integration, influence and autonomy. I assess these in 27 parties in Canada, Australia, Germany, Austria, Switzerland, the United States and Spain and investigate how parties respond to the incentives and opportunities created by their institutional environment. Clear patterns emerge between the form of federal state design and the predominant form of party organization: in decentralized federations with low coordination requirements between federal and state-level governments, a tendency can be found towards highly autonomous state parties. Where resources are centralized and intergovernmental coordination requirements are high, integrated parties with low autonomy can be found. However, neither aspect of institutional design has a significant relationship with `upward' influence of state-level parties in the governance structure of federal parties.
20
Tuck, Stephen. "To the Rescue: Liability in Negligence for Third Party Criminal Acts in the United States and Australia." Indiana International & Comparative Law Review 23, no. 2 (January 2, 2013): 183–212. http://dx.doi.org/10.18060/17877.
Повний текст джерела
21
Taflaga, Marija, and Katrine Beauregard. "The Merit of Party Institutions: Women’s Descriptive Representation and Conservative Parties in Australia and the United Kingdom." Journal of Women, Politics & Policy 41, no. 1 (January 2, 2020): 66–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1554477x.2020.1701934.
Повний текст джерела
22
Myers, William M., and Davia Cox Downey. "Which Governments Come Out Ahead?" Perspectives on Federalism 9, no. 1 (August 28, 2017): 13–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/pof-2017-0002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Party capability theory assumes that governments, due to their immense resources and status as repeat players, hold a great advantage over individuals and organizations pursuing litigation in courts. Less known is whether all levels of government enjoy this advantage, how they fare against one another and how an institutional arrangement such as federalism complicates such relationships. These questions are investigated using decisions made by the high courts of Australia, Canada, and the United States. The descriptive findings indicate that institutional arrangements, such as federalism, in some ways, confirm and in others confound traditional notions of which governments come out ahead, which yields important implications for party capability theory, specifically, and federalism, generally.
23
Griffen-Foley, Bridget. "The Press Proprietor and the Politician: Sir Frank Packer and Sir Robert Menzies." Media International Australia 99, no. 1 (May 2001): 23–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x0109900106.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article surveys the relationship between Australian's longest serving prime minister. Sir Robert Menzies, and the controversial media proprietor Sir Frank Packer. It begins by briefly discussing the progressive liberalism that characterised the Daily and Sunday Telegraphs in the 1930s and 1940s. It then considers Packer's flirtations with the affairs of the United Australia Party and the Liberal Party in the 1940s, and the way in which Menzies, as leader of the opposition, viewed the press proprietor. The main part of the article explores the value that the prime minister and the Liberal Party placed on the support of the Packer media outlets, and the form that this support took. The article goes some way to describing how media tycoons and political correspondents interacted with politicians in the days before press releases and professional lobbyists became highly sophisticated news management devices.
24
Monteiro, Ana, and Daniel Ferreira. "Third-party funding na arbitragem contra Estados: a relativização da imunidade executória na execução da sentença arbitral contra Estados." REVISTA BRASILEIRA DE ALTERNATIVE DISPUTE RESOLUTION 1, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 203–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.52028/rbadr.v1i1.10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of this article is to assess the risk for preventing the execution of arbitral awards made against Sovereign States due to the State’s immunity shield. Given the importance of an accurate asset pricing in the business of third-party funding (TPF), the topic entails a particular relevance to the current context of globalized litigation in light of its contribution to the promotion of TPF at the international arbitration community. After reviewing the literature on TPF, on the peculiarities of investment and commercial arbitrations against States and on the evolution of State immunity (also in terms of domestic legislation, considering the local laws passed by the United States, the United Kingdom and Australia), the article aims explore how the funder should incorporate into its risk assessment the risk of not executing awards rendered against Sovereign States.
25
Crump, Larry. "Competitively-Linked and Non-Competitively-Linked Negotiations: Bilateral Trade Policy Negotiations in Australia, Singapore and the United States." International Negotiation 11, no. 3 (2006): 431–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/157180606779155219.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIt is unusual to find a negotiation not linked to at least one other negotiation. In some domains, such as international trade policy, we can identify negotiation networks with parties simultaneously involved in negotiations in global, multilateral, regional, and bilateral trade policy settings. A single party (i.e., a national government) will manage similar issues in all four settings and also manage these same issues with multiple parties in a single setting. International trade policy is one of many "linkage-rich" environments.This study examines the relationship between two discrete but linked treaty negotiations: the Singapore-Australia Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (SAFTA) and the United States-Singapore Free Trade Agreement of 2003 (USSFTA). Case analysis identifies five structural factors that enhance the potential and fundamentally shape the nature of negotiation linkage dynamics. If linkage occurs then role theory can be employed to define two functional role types, a link-pin party (Singapore in this study) and linked parties (Australia and the United States). Such theory and case analysis support the development of propositions and help establish guidance for managing negotiation behavior. Key structural characteristics that appear to create linkage dynamics in this study are used to build a four-part structural framework that maps the universe of negotiation-linkage phenomena and determines the fundamental nature of four discrete linkage conditions. This framework also provides descriptive and prescriptive guidance for managing strategy and power in linked negotiations.
26
Kristin, Debby, and Chloryne Trie Isana Dewi. "TINDAK PIDANA KEJAHATAN PENYELUNDUPAN MANUSIA (PEOPLE SMUGGLING) DI INDONESIA: TANGGUG JAWAB INDONESIA DAN AUSTRALIA." Padjadjaran Journal of International Law 1, no. 1 (January 12, 2017): 84–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.23920/pjil.v1i1.278.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstrakPenyelundupan manusia merupakan salah satu kejahatan transnasional terorganisir yang semakin meningkat di Indonesia, khususnya pulau-pulau perbatasan yang letaknya dekat dengan Australia. Lemahnya pengawasan di wilayah perbatasan dan kurangnya pengetahuan masyarakat setempat tentang kejahatan penyelundupan manusia memudahkan pihak-pihak tertentu untuk menyelundupkan para imigran ilegal ke Ashmore Reef (Australia). Sebagai Negara pihak United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) dan Palermo Protocol, Indonesia dan Australia mempunyai kewajiban dalam rangka pencegahan dan pemberantasan tindak pidana penyelundupan manusia. Makalah ini adalah untuk menganalisis apakah Indonesia dan Australia telah memenuhi kewajibannya sebagai Negara Peserta UNTOC dan Palermo Protocol, serta memberikan rekomendasi kepada kedua negara dalam melaksanakan kewajibannya terkait kejahatan penyelundupan manusia sebagai bentuk tanggung jawab Negara.Kata kunci: kejahatan transnasional terorganisir, penyelundupan manusia, tanggung jawab negara.AbstractPeople smuggling is one of transnational organized crimes that has been increasing in Indonesia, especially in the outermost Indonesian’s islands which are close to Australia. Lack of surveillance in the border region and lack of knowledge on the local people in regards to the crimes of people smuggling makes it easy to smuggle illegal immigrants to Ashmore Reef (Australia). Hence, it leads to the increasing number of people smuggling in Indonesia. As state parties to the United Nations Convention Against Transnational Organized Crime (UNTOC) as well as its Protocol, Indonesia and Australia bound by the obligation to prevent and combat people smuggling. The purpose of this paper is to analyze whether Indonesia and Australia have fulfil their obligation as State Parties of the UNTOC and the Palermo Protocol, also to propose actions that can be taken by both Governments to fulfill their obligation as state party in regards to the state responsibility.Keywords: people smuggling, state responsibility, transnational organized crime.
27
Turnidge, John. "Australian Government attempts at regulatory and other control of antimicrobial resistance." Microbiology Australia 28, no. 4 (2007): 198. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/ma07198.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Antimicrobial resistance has been on the government agenda in Australia since the early 1980s. At that time the National Health and Medical Research Council (NHMRC) established a working party composed of human and veterinary microbiologists to look at antibiotic use and, in particular, the risks of using them in stockfeed. This action was taken in response to continuing reports from overseas, particularly the United Kingdom, of resistant and multi-resistant Salmonella species being selected in food animals and spread to humans. The working party report made a number of regulatory recommendations in terms of resistance surveillance and scheduling. None of these recommendations were adopted directly, but the national regulators continued to call on NHMRC for advice and in various guises the NHMRC maintained a working group on antibiotics and resistance until 1997, when it was decided that antimicrobial resistance was no longer a priority issue. As the regulators still wished to receive advice, the Therapeutic Goods Administration (TGA) took temporary responsibility for maintaining the expertise or the working party.
28
McKnight, David. "Henry Mayer Lecture 2012: The Market Populism of Rupert Murdoch." Media International Australia 144, no. 1 (August 2012): 5–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1329878x1214400103.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Rupert Murdoch's News Corporation is the most powerful media organisation in the world. Murdoch's commercial success is obvious, but less well understood is his successful pursuit of political goals, using his news media. Murdoch himself is probably the most influential Australian of all time. He says the recent News of the World hacking scandal went ‘went against everything [he stands] for’. But how true is this? He sees himself as an anti-establishment rebel, yet his influence in Australia, the United Kingdom and the United States makes him part of a global elite. He has become one of the key promoters of neo-liberal ideology of small government and deregulation over the past 30 years. The basis of his philosophy was expressed by one of his former editors, David Montgomery, who said ‘Rupert has contempt for the rules. Contempt even for governments.’ Murdoch is also a devotee of the neo-conservative wing of the US Republican Party. The possibility of exercising power through ownership of the news media has been little studied in recent years, but Murdoch's role in English-speaking countries over the last 30 years shows that perhaps we need to look again at such media theories.
29
Béland, Daniel, and André Lecours. "Fiscal federalism and American exceptionalism: why is there no federal equalisation system in the United States?" Journal of Public Policy 34, no. 2 (February 14, 2014): 303–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0143814x14000038.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractThis article addresses the absence of a federal equalisation programme in the United States, which is a significant aspect of “American exceptionalism”. Comparing the United States with Australia and Canada, we argue that three factors are relevant when accounting for this absence. On one hand, we turn to two societal factors to explain why there was never much political appetite for the creation of a stand-alone equalisation programme in the United States, namely the lack of a direct threat to the territorial integrity of the United States after 1865 and the comparative weakness of the idea of social citizenship in that country. On the other hand, our analysis shows that key institutional features of American political institutions, particularly strong bicameralism combined with the absence of formal party discipline, help illuminate why it would have been difficult to create an equalisation programme even if there had been some societal pressures to do so.
30
Abdolhosseini, Parirash, Chantel Bonner, Alexandra Montano, Yves-Yvette Young, Daniel Wadsworth, Michelle Williams, and Lee Stoner. "Should the governments of ‘developed’ countries be held responsible for equalizing the indigenous health gap?" Global Health Promotion 23, no. 4 (July 9, 2016): 70–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1757975915574255.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Across the globe there is significant variation between and within indigenous populations in terms of world view, culture, and socio-political forces. However, many indigenous groups do share a striking commonality: greater rates of non-communicable diseases and shorter life expectancies than non-indigenous compatriots. Notably, this health gap persists for ‘developed’ countries, including Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United States. The question of who is responsible for equalizing the gap is complicated. Using Australia as an exemplar context, this commentary will present arguments ‘for’ and ‘against’ the governments of developed nations being held liable for closing the indigenous health gap. We will discuss the history and nature of the health gap, actions needed to ‘close the gap’, and which party has the necessary resources to do so.
31
Jensen, Jakob Linaa, and Sander Andreas Schwartz. "Introduction: A Decade of Social Media Elections." Social Media + Society 8, no. 1 (January 2022): 205630512110634. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211063461.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Social media has been a part of election campaigns for more than a decade. In this special issue, we combine longitudinal and cross-national studies of social media in election campaigns, expanding the time span as well as number of countries compared to former comparative studies. The four papers present examples of longitudinal studies, covering multiple election cycles from four different countries: Australia, the United States of America, Denmark, and Italy. By including the countries mentioned, we focus on countries considered to be “first movers” when it comes to the digitization and internetization of the political life. As such, they are “most similar cases.” However, they also have different political systems: the United States and Australia are characterized by a Westminster system dominated by a few large parties and a tradition of strong confrontation between government and opposition, whereas Denmark and Italy are multi-party systems with a tradition of collaboration and coalition governments. Technologically, the four countries might be similar, but politically and in terms of media systems, they differ; the United States is characterized by a commercialized American media system with little role for public service broadcasters, Denmark has very strong public service media, and Australia has elements of both these systems. Finally, Italy represents a Southern European media system with traces of clientelism as well as public service media. Thus, studies of the four countries form a diverse yet solid set of cases for exploring the growing (and changing) role of social media in national elections.
32
Harris, Bede. "Human Rights and the Same-Sex Marriage Debate in Australia." Journal of Politics and Law 10, no. 4 (August 30, 2017): 60. http://dx.doi.org/10.5539/jpl.v10n4p60.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Australia is currently confronting the issue of whether to legalise same-sex marriage. Thus far debate has been conducted with little reference to human rights theory. This article draws on the theories of John Rawls and John Stuart Mill and analyses whether, by confining the right to marry to heterosexual couples, the law infringes the right to privacy and, conversely, whether the legalisation of same-sex marriage would infringe religious rights of those who are unwilling to provide goods and services to same-sex couples. In so doing, the article adopts a comparative approach, drawing on case law from the United States. The article examines the way in which political debate on the issue has been conducted by the major parties in Australia, and concludes that both the Liberal-National coalition and the Labor party have been motivated by a desire to appease the religious right within their ranks, at the expense of human rights principles.
33
Yeoh, Derric. "Third Party Funding in International Arbitration: A Slippery Slope or Levelling the Playing Field?" Journal of International Arbitration 33, Issue 1 (February 1, 2016): 115–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/joia2016005.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Common law jurisdictions have traditionally been averse to the notion of third party funding (‘TPF’) due to the ancient doctrines of champerty and maintenance. Founded on considerations of public policy, the laws of champerty and maintenance were targeted at frivolous and vexatious claims ‘fomented and sustained by unscrupulous men of power’. While common law jurisdictions such as the United Kingdom and Australia have removed prohibitions on TPF in arbitration, other common law jurisdictions are less eager to follow suit. In this article, the author argues that TPF in international arbitration should not be prohibited, but regulated, as it levels the playing field for claimants who are either impecunious or unable to bear the associated financial risks due to their limited financial resources. It examines the various arguments presented against TPF, such as the encouragement of frivolous claims, the control of the claim and conflict of interests, while also proposing various measures to curtail the risks of a slippery slope from TPF.
34
Bal, Aleksandra. "Developing a Regulatory Framework for the Taxation of Virtual Currencies." Intertax 47, Issue 2 (February 1, 2019): 219–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/taxi2019019.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article reviews virtual currency regulations in five selected countries (Australia, Germany, the Netherlands, the United States and the Unites Kingdom), develops a methodology for creating an effective regulatory framework for the taxation of virtual currencies, and makes recommendations for the improvement of certain characteristics of the existing income tax systems that currently struggle with the enforcement of tax compliance obligations regarding transactions in virtual currencies. The author advocates the use of legislation to clarify the fundamental aspects of virtual currency transactions together with more detailed non-binding interpretative guidance that can be quickly adapted to changing circumstances. Enforcement and monitoring measures by tax authorities should not target an infinitely large number of unidentified individuals but a much smaller number of operators providing exchange services and wallet providers. A third-party reporting regime for virtual currency intermediaries should be aligned with the existing reporting obligations for anti-money laundering purposes.
35
Wong, Kevin, Kris Christmann, Michelle Rogerson, and Neil Monk. "Reality versus rhetoric: Assessing the efficacy of third-party hate crime reporting centres." International Review of Victimology 26, no. 1 (April 11, 2019): 79–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0269758019837798.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The underreporting of hate crime is recognised as problematic for jurisdictions across Europe and beyond. Within the UK, the landmark inquiry report into the murder of Stephen Lawrence 25 years ago has seen governments faithfully adhering to a policy of promoting the increased reporting of hate crime. An enduring legacy of the inquiry, third-party reporting centres (TPRCs) have been equally faithfully promoted as the primary vehicle for achieving such increases. While the nations of the United Kingdom have pioneered the development of TPRCs, their function and form have been adopted in other jurisdictions, including Victoria, Australia. Nevertheless, despite their reliance on TPRCs, policymakers have given limited attention to their efficacy. The evidence from a plethora of small scale studies has consistently found that TPRCs have been limited by public awareness, capability, capacity and poor oversight difficulties. Responding to these long-standing problems, the authors have developed the first ‘TPRC assessment tool’ which offers a diagnostic facility to improve effectiveness. This paper describes the development and piloting of this tool and highlights its potential to inform policy and practice both in the UK and internationally, providing an original contribution to the limited evidence base around third-party reporting.
36
Tranter, Bruce, and Libby Lester. "Climate patriots? Concern over climate change and other environmental issues in Australia." Public Understanding of Science 26, no. 6 (December 15, 2015): 738–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0963662515618553.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Echoing the anti-pollution and resource conservation campaigns in the United States in the early-to-mid-twentieth century, some scholars advocate mobilising support for environmental issues by harnessing the notion of environmental patriotism. Taking action to reduce the impact of global warming has also been cast as a patriotic cause. Drawing upon quantitative data from a recent national survey, we examine the link between patriotism and environmental attitudes in Australia, focussing upon climate change. We find that patriotism has a largely neutral association with concern over environmental issues, with the exception of climate change and, to a lesser extent, wildlife preservation. Expressing concern over climate change appears to be unpatriotic for some Australians. Even after controlling for political party identification and other important correlates of environmental issue concerns, patriots are less likely than others to prioritise climate change as their most urgent environmental issue and less likely to believe that climate change is actually occurring.
37
McKelvey, Fenwick, and Jill Piebiak. "Porting the political campaign: The NationBuilder platform and the global flows of political technology." New Media & Society 20, no. 3 (December 1, 2016): 901–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1461444816675439.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Political parties rely on digital technologies to manage volunteering, fundraising, fieldwork, and data collection. They also need tools to manage web, email, and social media outreach. Increasingly, new political engagement platforms integrate these tasks into one unified system. These platforms pose important questions about the flows of political practices from campaigns to platforms and vice versa as well as across campaigns globally. NationBuilder is a critical case in their study. It is a leading non-partisan platform used in the United States, Canada, the United Kingdom, and Australia. The case of NationBuilder in Canada analyzes how political engagement platforms coordinate the global flows of politics. Through interviews, we find reciprocal influence among developers, party activists, consultants, and the NationBuilder platform. We call this process porting. It results in NationBuilder becoming a more portable global platform in tandem with becoming an imported, hybridized part of a campaign’s digital infrastructure.
38
Piletta, Massaro. "The new directive on an EU-wide representative action and third-party litigation funding: An opportunity for European consumers?" Revija Kopaonicke skole prirodnog prava 3, no. 1 (2021): 95–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.5937/rkspp2101095p.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
After years of compensatory collective redress being left to a sort of regulatory competition among Member States, Directive 1828/2020 finally introduced an EU wide representative action scheme, aimed at strengthening the position of European consumers vis-à-vis new market dynamics such as globalisation and digitalisation. The new system, which shall run in parallel with national tools, introduces some innovations such as a cross-border action mechanism, the possibility of adopting an opt-out model and a specific regulation of third-party litigation funding in the context of collective redress. This aspect, addressed already in the 2013 Recommendation, is of particular interest, because third party funding represents a particularly powerful complement to collective redress in easing citizens' access to justice. However, the provisions introduced with Directive 1828/2020 leave some issues open. In particular, the Court's role in managing the funding agreement, with special reference to the funder's fee, and the effect of the funding agreement in case an opt-out adhesion mechanism is adopted are of paramount importance and still need to be addressed interpretatively. In this task, the comparative method will be particularly helpful in analysing the solution which Countries more familiar with third party funding, like Australia, Canada or the United States have introduced or discussed.
39
ALFORD, JOHN R., CAROLYN L. FUNK, and JOHN R. HIBBING. "Are Political Orientations Genetically Transmitted?" American Political Science Review 99, no. 2 (May 2005): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003055405051579.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We test the possibility that political attitudes and behaviors are the result of both environmental and genetic factors. Employing standard methodological approaches in behavioral genetics—specifically, comparisons of the differential correlations of the attitudes of monozygotic twins and dizygotic twins—we analyze data drawn from a large sample of twins in the United States, supplemented with findings from twins in Australia. The results indicate that genetics plays an important role in shaping political attitudes and ideologies but a more modest role in forming party identification; as such, they call for finer distinctions in theorizing about the sources of political attitudes. We conclude by urging political scientists to incorporate genetic influences, specifically interactions between genetic heritability and social environment, into models of political attitude formation.
40
Bosch, A. "Why is There No Labor Party in the United States? A Comparative New World Case Study: Australia and the U.S., 1783-1914." Radical History Review 1997, no. 67 (January 1, 1997): 35–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/01636545-1997-67-35.
Повний текст джерела
41
KANG, Taewook. "Problems of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS)." Journal of Advanced Research in Law and Economics 10, no. 2 (March 31, 2020): 561. http://dx.doi.org/10.14505//jarle.v10.2(40).16.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The research deals with Problems of Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) focused on Investment Arbitration. The author especially focuses on the problems under BIT (Bilateral Investment Treaties) and FTA (Free Trade Agreements. Mentioned in this article, International investment disputes are generated due to host countries and foreign investors. ISDS is Dispute settlements between investors and countries. This is not suit proceedings but arbitration proceedings. That is, ‘activities of the third party to arbitrate and settle disputes by intervening between parties in dispute. ’However, Dispute Settlement through this way, is it really reasonable and fair system? If it is indeed fair and reasonable system, advanced countries like the United States and Australia would not have abandoned it. Therefore, the investment arbitration system is never a dispute settlement proceeding that has been verified and stabilized internationally.
42
Gauja, Anika. "State Regulation and the Internal Organisation of Political Parties: The Impact of Party Law in Australia, Canada, New Zealand and the United Kingdom." Commonwealth & Comparative Politics 46, no. 2 (April 2008): 244–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14662040801990264.
Повний текст джерела
43
Berlie, Jean A. "East Timor: A Dependent State Expert in Mass Communication." Asian Journal of Social Science 38, no. 6 (2010): 949–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156853110x530822.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
AbstractIn 2010, despite the payment of important royalties from oil and gas resources, East Timor continues to be heavily dependent on the United Nations, including Australia, Portugal and other donor countries. Despite its expertise in mass communication, East Timor needs new type of governance to reduce both the impoverishment of the people and youth unemployment. Among other possible options, the implementation of new laws on education and vocational schools are suggestions to develop the country, as well as having new leaders replace the UN staff, together with a new military and police force after drastic reforms. This may reduce youth disillusionment. CNRT, the National Congress for the Reconstruction of East Timor, the party of Prime Minister Xanana Gusmão, and Fretilin currently dominate the political life of the country. Unity and motivation of the majority who cultivate the land may restore the confidence, courage and creativity of the Timorese.
44
Anand, Ghansham, Xavier Nugraha, Dita Elvia Kusuma Putri, and Angelina Regita Nathalia. "Forced Marriage as an Unlawful Act in Indonesia: A Comparative Analysis." Lambung Mangkurat Law Journal 7, no. 2 (September 24, 2022): 159–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.32801/lamlaj.v7i2.353.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Marriage is an inner and outer bond between a man and a woman as husband and wife to form happy and eternal family-based God Almighty, therefore, in implementation of marriage must be approved by both parties who carry out the marriage, without any coercion from any party. However, in practice, some marriages are carried out not because the free will of the parties, but of pressure or influence from a third party, unlawfully, coercing, placing someone under his control or another person, or abusing his power to do or allow it to be done with him or with another person, which is called forced marriage. Against forced marriages, in Indonesia, there are civil and criminal legal remedies, specifically in the case of forced marriages. Meanwhile, various legal remedies exist for forced marriages in other countries, such as Australia and United Kingdom. Herefore, it is necessary to make legal comparison to obtain comprehensive perspective, both the regulation, as well the practice the regulation, so that the proper legal framework will be obtained terms of providing legal remedies in the case of forced marriages in Indonesia. Based on this background, the formulation of the problem in this article: 1) legal remedies against forced marriages in Indonesia and 2) legal remedies that can be taken in the case of forced marriages in other countries. The research method in this article is legal research with statute approach, conceptual approach, comparative approach, and case approach. The results of the article: 1) analyze legal remedies forced marriage in Indonesia, 2) describe comparative laws from Australia and UK regarding the handling of forced marriages so that the proper legal framework will be obtained in terms of providing legal remedies for forced marriages in Indonesia.
45
Somlai, Réka. "Conceptions and misconceptions of hostels worldwide." Applied Studies in Agribusiness and Commerce 8, no. 2-3 (September 30, 2014): 61–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.19041/apstract/2014/2-3/7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Present research is inspired to study the conceptions and misconceptions of hostels in eight different countries (Spain, United States, United Kingdom, Germany, Hungary, Venezuela, China, Australia). The outcome of the research reports that the participants in the United States, United Kingdom, Germany and in Hungary define hostels as youth accommodations, Spanish participants as cheap hotels and Venezuelans call them homeless shelters. The majority of the participants of all the above mentioned countries determine that the most important difference between hostels and hotels is the price. Americans, English, Germans, and Hungarians believe that a night would cost between 10 and 30 Euro in an average hostel, while Spaniards and Venezuelans say it would be under 10 Euro. Most respondents agree that hostels are; located in the city center, great places to socialize, offer safe accommodation, staying in there allows guests to save up money, and they are popular choices among travelers. American and English participants think hostels are only for people who like to party. Spaniards and Venezuelans think, hostels are outside of the city center. Spanish and English participants believe that hostels are too cheap to be able to offer a good service. Most participants say, the low price would be the main reason to stay in a hostel. Americans, English and Germans also think that other values are important besides the price: fun, the opportunity to meet people and atmosphere. In spite of all the above, most participants think people would rather stay in a hotel than in a hostel. Stereotypes evolve in different ways, which also explains how misconceptions about hostels developed.
46
Henry, Beverley, Chris Mitchell, Annette Cowie, Oliver Woldring, and John Carter. "A regional interpretation of rules and good practice for greenhouse accounting: northern Australian savanna systems." Australian Journal of Botany 53, no. 7 (2005): 589. http://dx.doi.org/10.1071/bt04200.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Land-use change, particularly clearing of forests for agriculture, has contributed significantly to the observed rise in atmospheric carbon dioxide concentration. Concern about the impacts on climate has led to efforts to monitor and curtail the rapid increase in concentrations of carbon dioxide and other greenhouse gases in the atmosphere. Internationally, much of the current focus is on the Kyoto Protocol to the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC). Although electing to not ratify the Protocol, Australia, as a party to the UNFCCC, reports on national greenhouse gas emissions, trends in emissions and abatement measures. In this paper we review the complex accounting rules for human activities affecting greenhouse gas fluxes in the terrestrial biosphere and explore implications and potential opportunities for managing carbon in the savanna ecosystems of northern Australia. Savannas in Australia are managed for grazing as well as for cultural and environmental values against a background of extreme climate variability and disturbance, notably fire. Methane from livestock and non-CO2 emissions from burning are important components of the total greenhouse gas emissions associated with management of savannas. International developments in carbon accounting for the terrestrial biosphere bring a requirement for better attribution of change in carbon stocks and more detailed and spatially explicit data on such characteristics of savanna ecosystems as fire regimes, production and type of fuel for burning, drivers of woody encroachment, rates of woody regrowth, stocking rates and grazing impacts. The benefits of improved biophysical information and of understanding the impacts on ecosystem function of natural factors and management options will extend beyond greenhouse accounting to better land management for multiple objectives.
47
Paul, Kathleen. "“British Subjects” and “British Stock”: Labour's Postwar Imperialism." Journal of British Studies 34, no. 2 (April 1995): 233–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/386075.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
If Conservative Party leader Winston Churchill fought World War II determined not to be the prime minister who lost the Empire, Clement Attlee, Ernest Bevin, and Herbert Morrison, who as Labour members of the Coalition government served with him, were equally determined to hold on to Empire once peace was won. The Empire/Commonwealth offered both political and economic benefits to Labour. Politically, the Commonwealth provided substance for Britain's pretensions to a world power role equal in stature to the new superpowers of the United States and the Soviet Union. For this claim to be effective, however, the Commonwealth needed to be demographically strong and firmly united under British leadership. Economically, imperial preferences and the sterling area offered a financial buffer against Britain's true plight of accumulated wartime debts and major infrastructural damage and neglect. Receiving over 40 percent of British exports and providing substantial, and in the case of Australia and New Zealand, dollar-free imports of meat, wheat, timber, and dairy produce, the Commonwealth seemed a logical body on which the United Kingdom could draw for financial support. In short, postwar policy makers believed preservation of the Empire/Commonwealth to be a necessary first step in domestic and foreign reconstruction.Yet in 1945, a variety of circumstances combined to make the task of imperial preservation one of reconstitution rather than simple maintenance. First, it seemed that, just at the moment when Britain needed them most, some of the strongest and oldest members of the Commonwealth appeared to be moving away.
48
Nakandala, Dilupa, Yung Po Tsang, Henry Lau, and Carman Ka Man Lee. "An Industrial Blockchain-Based Multi-Criteria Decision Framework for Global Freight Management in Agricultural Supply Chains." Mathematics 10, no. 19 (September 29, 2022): 3550. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math10193550.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In view of increasing supply chain disruption events, for example the China–United States trade war, the COVID-19 pandemic, and the Russia–Ukraine war, the complexity and dynamicity of global freight management keeps increasing. To build a resilient and sustainable supply chain, industrial practitioners are eager to systematically revamp the freight management decision process related to the selection of carriers, shipping lanes, and third-party logistics service providers. Therefore, this study aims at strengthening decision-making capabilities for global freight management, in which an industrial blockchain-based global freight decision framework (IB-GFDF) is proposed to incorporate consortium blockchain technology with the Bayesian best-worst method. Through the blockchain technology, pairwise comparisons can be conducted over the international freight network in a decentralized and immutable manner, and thus, a secure and commonly agreed-on pairwise comparison dataset is acquired. Subsequently, the pairwise comparison dataset with multi-stakeholder opinions is analyzed using the Bayesian best-worst method in order to prioritize the selection decision criteria related to carriers, shipping lanes, and 3PL service providers for global freight management. To verify the methodological feasibility, a case study of an Australian agricultural supply chain firm was conducted to support the development end-to-end (E2E) supply chain solutions originated from Australia. It was found that port infrastructure, ports of call and communication effectiveness were the major criteria for the selection decision, which can be emphasized in future global freight collaboration. In addition, an immutable and append-only record of pairwise comparisons can be established to support the visibility of time-varying stakeholders’ preferences.
49
Churchill, R. R. "II International Tribunal For The Law Of The Sea The Southern Bluefin Tuna Cases (New Zealand v. Japan; Australia v. Japan): Order For Provisional Measures Of 27 August 1999." International and Comparative Law Quarterly 49, no. 4 (October 2000): 979–90. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0020589300064794.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Under Part XV of the 1982 United Nations Convention on the Law of the Sea, any dispute concerning the interpretation or application of the Convention which cannot be settled by the consensual means set out in section 1 of that Part, may be referred by any party to the dispute for compulsory settlement under section 2. There are four possible fora for such settlement—the International Court of Justice, the International Tribunal for the Law of the Sea (hereafter ITLOS), an arbitral tribunal constituted in accordance with Annex VII of the Convention, and a special arbitral tribunal constituted in accordance with Annex VIII. If the parties to a dispute have made a declaration under Article 287 (which is optional) specifying their choice of forum, and their choices coincide, that body will be the forum for the settlement of the dispute. If their choices do not coincide or if not all parties have made a declaration, the forum for settlement will be an Annex VII arbitral tribunal.1
50
Beatty, David M. "Covid, Courts, Communists and Common Sense." Constitutional Forum / Forum constitutionnel 31, no. 1 (April 29, 2022): 1–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.21991/cf29436.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Covid-19 is a serial killer. In less than two years it has taken the lives of over five million people. It preys on the vulnerable and the elderly. Seniors in long term care facilities are a favorite target.
Governments have reacted differently to the threat. Some, including China and Australia, have adopted an aggressive, no- nonsense approach, locking down major cities for months at a time. Others, including Sweden and Brazil were, at least initially, more restrained and laissez faire, allowing their citizens to move about freely and letting the virus run its natural course. Countries also differed in the extent to which the general public was engaged in deciding which approach to adopt. In some the public were very active; in others not at all. In China, public debate and criticism were prohibited. Decisions were made by senior members of the Communist Party from behind closed doors and policies were presented as a fait accompli. In Europe and the United States, members of the general public were much more vocal and outspoken. Citizens who disagreed with their governments organized large protests and demonstrations and, when they were not listened to, took their political masters to court.