Статті в журналах з теми "Underground movements, War"

This article discusses the underground cinema of the German Democratic Republic during the 1980s in regard to its contributions to the arts and the avant-garde. While scholars including Claus Löser and Katrin Frietzsche have contributed greatly to the remembrance of the East German underground cinema, its influences have been disregarded by film studies, not least within the anglophone field. As a result, little to no research has been conducted regarding its contributions to the avant-garde or through the scope of other art movements as the political aspect continues to be emphasized. This article draws upon multiple art developments such as dada, surrealism, performance and body art as well as Eastern European-specific movements. Therefore, it evaluates how the East German underground interprets those influences and further contributes to them. Significant works by Cornelia Schleime, Gabriele Stötzer, Thomas Frydetzki and Tohm di Roes are subject to analyses to reveal anarchist feminist tendencies and surrealism with anarchist aspects. It concludes that the East German underground must be seen as a contribution to the less-researched necrorealism as an art movement paralleling the constitutional socialist realism. As such, political implications cannot be subtracted altogether but shall rather be viewed alongside the emergence of anarchist surrealism during the Cold War.

During the first half of the Second World War, a network of secretive ultra-right movements emerged in Ireland for the purpose of assisting the Axis cause. These groups had little contact with fascist organizations overseas, but rather were indigenous expressions of discontent with the perceived failure of Irish liberal democracy to address the country’s political and economic problems. Numerically weak, poorly led, and ideologically unsophisticated, the pro-Axis underground made little progress in its subversive activities and was kept in check by the security services. Nonetheless, evidence suggests that a considerable number of Irishmen and women on both sides of the Border shared its underlying objective of aligning Ireland with what they regarded as an emerging post-democratic world order.

In the late 1970s a new music movement, rooted in British punk and New Wave music, emerged in West Germany. It distinctly was not only sung in German, but the lyrics played with the German language by adding Dadaistic elements or youth slang, and reflected on the political, cultural and social zeitgeist of late Cold War West Germany. Over the years this formerly underground music genre was labelled ‘Neue Deutsche Welle’ (NDW) and became a commercial success, both domestically and abroad: Artists like Peter Schilling became known in the United States, the biggest hit ‘99 Luftballons’ by the band Nena reached number 2 in the Billboard Hot 100 in 1983 in its original German version. Like many other New Wave music, NDW songs found their way to mainstream success in the United States through the club scene, radio shows and the then new music television. At the same time, coming from the then still divided Germany catapulted the bands right in the middle of the Anti-war and Anti-nuclear movements at the end of the cold war, even when NDW bands themselves oftentimes labelled their music as non-political.

The article highlights the behind-the-scenes policies of hybrid war of the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic (RSFSR) against the Ukrainian State headed by Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi (April – December 1918). The author examines anti-Ukrainian activities of the Council of People’s Commissars of the RSFSR, the ruling Russian Communist Party (Bolsheviks), and the allied Russian parties of left and right socialist-revolution-aries and anarchists. These include Soviet Russia’s efforts to undermine social and political stability in Ukraine; organisational, armed, and financial assistance to anti-government insurgent units; guidance of the rebel movement; organisation of large-scale strikes and sabotage via secret agents as well as setting up arms caches and underground networks of revolutionary committees, etc. The article exposes secret aspects of subversive anti-Ukrainian activities of Bolshevik diplomacy in Ukraine, particularly of the Soviet consulate in Odesa, and its assistance to the anti-hetman movement with the acquiescence of German diplomats accredited to the Ukrainian State. Special attention is attached to the Soviet-Bolshevik policy of establishing secret military units of the underground socialist terrorist army in Ukraine and such steps of the Russian Soviet government as supporting and sponsoring mass rebel and terrorist movements and the direct organisation of acts of individual terror against Ukrainian public figures, including several attempts to assassinate Hetman Pavlo Skoropadskyi. The author notes that Ukrainian security services were aware of the structure, network, subversive activities, and organisation of attempted assassinations of the Ukrainian hetman. The article describes the preparation of the Soviet armed invasion of Ukraine and records the beginning of the military aggression in the autumn of 1918. Keywords: Bolshevik terror, RSFSR, Skoropadskyi, Ukrainian State, hybrid war.

Following the defeat of Nazi Germany, the Soviet Union sought to reestablish its control over the areas of Eastern Europe that it had occupied prior to the RussoGerman war. These areas included Western Ukraine, Byelorussia, and the Baltic States of Lithuanian, Latvia, and Estonia.2 In these regions, the Soviets found wellorganized underground resistance movements that were determined to hold off the complete Sovietization of their homelands, a task the Soviets had initially begun in 1940 and 1941, but which had been interrupted by war. While complete victory over the Soviets was recognized as an unreachable goal, these resistance fighters fought on in the hope that either the Soviets would grow weary of waging war or, as the above statement by Juozas Luksa suggests, the Western powers would return to finish the job of liberating Europe. Therefore, the period of 1944 to 1953 in this region is marked by an intense conflict between Eastern European guerrillas and Soviet counterinsurgency forces.

On the basis of documents from various archives, little-known pages of the history of the Orthodox Church in Belarus during the Great Patriotic War are being investigated. The main directions of activity of the Orthodox clergy during the years of the Nazi occupation, previously not of interest to the national historical science, are revealed. The author reflects the role of individual priests in the normalization and development of parish life and the salvation of parishioners. The examples show the forms of interaction of the Orthodox clergy with partisan and underground movements, the problems of relations with representatives of the occupying power and collaboration.

THE LAST MONTHS OF THE GERMAN OCCUPATION IN LITHUANIA: ESCAPE OF THE CIVILIAN POPULATION TO THE REICH AND POLITICAL EXPECTATIONS IN 1944 The article analyses the situation in Lithuania in the last months of the German occupation, focusing on what preparations were made for the evacuation of the population in the spring and summer of 1944 and how it proceeded, and the impact of the actions and propaganda of the German authorities and the deliberations of Lithuanian underground organisations regarding the political and military situation and the end of the war on the numbers of war refugees (around 80,000 people left in July–October, with the exception of the Klaipėda region, which was deserted after the Germans retreated) and citizens’ political expectations. The research is based on historiography, official and underground publications, diaries and memoirs. During the war, there was no political centre in Lithuania that processed reliable political information and provided it to the public. Although, starting from 1943, there were institutions and organisations to take care of war refugees flooding in from the USSR, when the Red Army crossed the Lithuanian border in early July 1944, local government was no longer coordinating population movements. The German occupying authorities and the Lithuanian government, consisting of general advisers, had prepared plans for the evacuation of the population and property; however, until the very last minute, no one risked taking the initiative to implement them. People in Lithuania were still quite optimistic in the summer and autumn of 1944. Quite a few believed that the front would stabilise at the German border, and that the Soviet Union ‘will run out of steam’ and suspend hostilities. Optimism was encouraged by official German propaganda, and the fact that in August–October, military action ‘stuck’ in Lithuania for two and a half months, as the Red Army stopped in order to replenish its supplies. Moreover, influential Lithuanian underground organisations did not believe that the country was on the brink of a long Soviet occupation, and did not discuss the situation of the civilian population. Lithuanian underground organisations, from Social Democrats to Nationalists, which were unequivocally optimistic about the international situation, believing the promises of US and British politicians to restore prewar borders, used the press and proclamations to shape expectations in society that the Soviet occupation would be temporary. Politicians leaving Lithuania expected to return soon, thus leaving the people with the hope of rapid political change.

The activities of the Ukrainian Social Democratic Party (USDP), founded in 1899, in the second half of the 1930s are highlighted. This party tried to combine the national idea and Marxism, took an active part in political life in Western Ukraine (until September 1939). The USDP used parliamentary methods for the creation of an independent Ukrainian socialist state, opposed the Ukrainian nationalist underground, and had a relationship with Polish and Jewish socialists. Since 1935, for the third time in the pre-war decade, the party has been a participant in the consolidation process of legal Ukrainian parties of national-state movements in Poland, which have periodically emerged under the influence of a number of internal and external factors. On the eve of the Second World War, the crisis of democratic forces, the rise of authoritarianism in various forms across Europe negatively affected the public influence of the USDP, as well as Social Democracy in general in the Second Polish Republic.

Importance. In 2024, G.H. Bumagin, secretary of the Leningrad and Novgorod regional Committees of the CPSU(b), who played a very important role in many events of the Battle for Leningrad, as well as in the restoration of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years and actively studying the activities of the partisans and underground workers of the Leningrad region in the last years of his life, will turn 120 years old. Now, there are no biographical fundamental works about him, and in books and articles, researchers most often described his work during the Great Patriotic War and in the first post-war years. The purpose of the study is to examine in detail his life path. Its tasks are to establish life periods and their chronological framework, to determine the criteria for choosing chronological frameworks, to describe each life period and its features, to establish the results and contribution of G.H. Bumagin to the events that he participated in.Materials and Methods. The research is based on archival materials from the Central State Archive of Historical and Political Documents of St. Petersburg and the Novgorod Museum-Reserve. A descriptive-narrative, biographical methods, analysis and periodization are used for it.Results and Discussion. Based on archival materials, it is possible to describe the formation of G.H. Bumagin as the party leader of the Leningrad region before the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War and the development of his career path. In addition, his work on the formation of the resistance movement in the first months of the Battle for Leningrad, the leadership of the Commission of the eastern districts of the Leningrad region and the leadership of the Novgorod region in the first post-war years is described.Conclusion. G.H. Bumagin had a difficult fate. A guy from a poor family who lived almost halfstarved, made every effort to get out into the world. He decided to do this by serving in the Red Army. Thanks to her, he was able to develop a political career in Leningrad and became secretary of the Leningrad and then Novgorod Regional Party Committee. They tried to blacken his name during the Leningrad case. Even though he was imprisoned without any evidence, he endured adversity with his family and, after rehabilitation, adjusted his life. When he retired, he had another front of work – studying the Resistance movement, which he led in the first months of the war. His accumulated material and work experience were subsequently useful for compiling memoirs and reports on the history of the partisan and underground movements of the Leningrad, Novgorod and Pskov regions. He left valuable materials after his death, which formed the basis not only for this article, but also for other historical works.

The US government established contact in Western Europe with anti-Communist refugees following World War II and covertly supported a variety of groups. Initially in the 1940s cooperation between the OSS/CIA and émigré groups provided support for the parachuting of couriers to contact underground organizations in ethnic homelands and over the next four decades until the late 1980s through support for non-violent methods against Soviet power. One of the organisations supported by the US government was Prolog Research and Publishing Corporation that existed from 1952 to 1992. Prolog was established by zpUHVR (external representation of the Ukrainian Supreme Liberation Council), the political umbrella of Ukrainian nationalist, anti-Soviet partisans who fought a guerrilla war against the Soviet state until the early 1950s. US government support facilitated a democratic alternative to nationalist émigrés who dominated the Ukrainian diaspora as well as a different strategy towards the pursuit of the liberation of Ukraine. Prolog proved to be more successful in its liberation strategy of providing large volumes of technical, publishing and financial support to dissidents and opposition currents within the Communist Party of Ukraine. The alternative nationalist strategy of building underground structures in Soviet Ukraine routinely came under threat from infiltration by the KGB. US government support enabled Prolog to publish books and journals, including the only Russian-language journal published by a Ukrainian émigré organization, across the political spectrum and to closely work with opposition movements in central-eastern Europe, especially Poland.

AbstractPeter Carey has said of his 2008 novel, His Illegal Self, that it grew from an image he recalled of a hippie mother and her son wandering along the edge of the Bruce Highway near Caboolture, and an American who arrived in his commune near Yandina who turned out to be a drug dealer wanted by the FBI. In typical Carey fashion, the three central characters in His Illegal Self are in the process of escaping from the narratives that have been imposed upon them, and metamorphosing into different and better selves. His Illegal Self is the first of Carey's books in which he reverses the angle of vision on the cross-cultural comparison of Australia and America that has engaged him throughout his career. This reverse comparison is set some thirty-five years in the past, against a background of the protest movements against the Vietnam War in both countries. Unlike several of his earlier novels, His Illegal Self lacks a pronounced sense of self-conscious storytelling, and this increases the direct emotional impact of the novel, intensifying the reader's empathy with the characters’ emergence from their imposed identities.

Al-Qaeda's infiltration into the Southeast Asian region is inseparable from the existence of Jamaah Islamiyah (JI). Some Jamaah Islamiyah cadres are veterans of the Afghanistan War. Historically Al-Qaeda under the leadership of Osama Bin Laden has trained the military skills of Jamaah Islamiyah cadres to help the Afghan jihadists fight Soviet communism until the Soviets defeated and left Afghanistan. Then Al-Qaeda succeeded in entering Indonesia through the Jamaah Islamiyah network and its cells in Southeast Asia by mobilizing key actors and radical actions. In Indonesia, Jamaah Islamiyah with the support of Al-Qaeda succeeded in carrying out a series of bomb attacks including Bali Bomb (2002), Kuningan Bomb (2004), JW Marriot and Ritz-Carlton Bomb Jakarta (2009). The strategy of the Al-Qaeda movement in Indonesia does not appear openly by forming an underground organization (clandestine). Its existence exists but in the form of a Formless Organization (OTB) for the security of its organization. Their infiltration through these networks has succeeded in bringing in their radical ideology and movements in Indonesia in particular and in the Southeast Asian region in general.

The role of professional revolutionaries is usually reserved for men. One exception is Teresa Noce, a prominent Italian Communist leader in the (residual) quota reserved for women, who was the wife of Luigi Longo, but with an independence that made her existence an original example of militancy and activism. Both underground and within republican Italy, Noce never adapted to what already existed, but fought to subvert the order, especially in the face of exploitation and discrimination. A member of the ICP, Noce fought against fascism, transporting clandestine material, writing articles for anti-fascist papers, promoting strikes by rice weeders and labourers. In France, she directed partisan movements and, in Spain, she was a militant in voluntary groups against Francisco Franco. After the war, she was elected to the Parliament as a “Constituent Mother”. She also revolutionised the world of labour as the first female Secretary General of the textile trade union.

In this article, with the help of a detailed analysis of the documents of the Ukrainian nationalist underground, which were issued during the Second World War, the topic of the involvement of the "third forces", namely the Third Reich and the Soviet Union, in the Ukrainian-Polish conflict of 1939 – 1945 is raised. Based on the analyzed reports , social and political reviews, etc., the methods used by the Germans and Bolsheviks to incite mutual hatred between Ukrainians and Poles are singled out. It was found out that the Germans created special police departments for their own purposes, where they recruited both Poles and Ukrainians, provided them with weapons, encouraged the Poles to rob the Ukrainian population, and often practiced handing over Ukrainian jobs or farms to Poles, and vice versa. It has been investigated that the Soviets, in turn, contributed to the creation of Polish partisan units, in some places transferred the responsibility for the murders of Poles committed by them to Ukrainians and gave Poles ammunition to fight against Ukrainians. Particular attention is paid to the contemporary phenomenon of informants by Poles against Ukrainians, to which the Ukrainian nationalist underground reacted by distributing warning leaflets addressed to Poles. The article also analyzes those documents in which the Germans and the Soviets are called the enemies of the Ukrainian and Polish peoples and in which the awareness of Ukrainian nationalists that the German and Bolshevik regimes were interested in the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation is traced at the same time. It has been suggested that the strengthening of enmity between Ukrainians and Poles on the part of the Germans and the Soviets could be based in some places on the fear of the deployment of Ukrainian and Polish liberation movements with the aim of creating their own independent states. It was concluded that the documents of the Ukrainian nationalist underground are an informative and noteworthy source in the context of the Ukrainian-Polish struggle during the Second World War. Scientific works related to the specified topic were involved in writing the article. It was found that until now there is no comprehensive scientific work devoted to the issues raised in the article. This requires further research on the impact of the Third Reich on the USSR on the Ukrainian-Polish inter-ethnic conflict of 1939 – 1945.

ABSTRACTThis article analyses the emergence of politically motivated acts of left-wing terrorism in Britain between 1967 and 1972. Through the case of the ‘Angry Brigade’, an ill-defined grouping which claimed responsibility for a number of attacks against property between 1970 and 1971, it analyses how protest and political violence emerged from discourses and events in the British New Left, the anti-war protest movements, the counterculture, and the underground press. Against common interpretations of ’68 as a watershed of naïve hopes that waned into inaction, this article identifies a consistency of political activity that developed beyond traditional party and class politics towards a more internationally aware and diverse network of struggles for civil equality. Among the shared political and cultural commitments of the counterculture, campaigns around squatting, women's liberation, or the necessity of ‘armed propaganda’ each became possible and at times overlapped. It analyses the group's development, actions, communications, as well as surrounding media discourses, subsequent police investigation, and the criminal trials of ten individuals for their involvement in the Angry Brigade. The article reappraises their overlooked historical significance among the wider countercultural militancy and discourses of political violence of the late 1960s to early 1970s.

In Bolivia, neo-liberalism did not only have social-economic and political effects, but it also created spaces that allowed for new discourses related to culture and national identity. This research focuses on the changes of the metal underground scene in La Paz that led to the formation of a hardcore punk scene that tried to incorporate Indigenous symbolism in their music and performances as a form of resistance against western-cultural hegemony but also to highlight the positive values of their ancestral cultural heritage. Scholars, journalists and activists have written extensively about the transformations in Bolivia during the age of neo-liberalism but there has not been much research that focused on youth movements specifically those that use music to inspire new forms of social dialogues concerning national identity. This research is self-ethnographic and it includes qualitative in-depth interviews of band members and media figures of that time. The La Paz hardcore punk scene grew as an effort from band members to Indigenize the metal underground scene based on their interpretation of what they believed was Indigenous since none of the band members themselves were considered Indigenous. The meaning of Indigenous symbolism in their music was a result of their daily experiences of the social-political contentious environment during the country’s neo-liberal era. Street protesters used Indigenous symbols to defy the western-led free-market economic policies of the Washington Consensus. Therefore, the need to distinguish themselves from a metal musical genre that was traditionally western gave rise to a hardcore punk scene that focused on Indigenous cultural pride intricately connected to a form of patriotism and national pride. This was fuelled by the emergence of a national collective consciousness to reclaim the Indigenous culture due to the failures of western economic policies and US interventions tied to the ‘War on Drugs’.

State of danger: Internal security of the Second Polish Republic The paper deals concisely with issues of the internal security in interwar Poland, especially those related to the political determinants. It contains a discussion of the chronology of the transformations that affected the state of security in the years 1918–1939. In the chronological overview of the changes, several sections can be distinguished: 1) the first months of the formation of the state when the public sentiments were also shaped by the extreme emotions being the effect of the end of the war and by the revolutionary movements in the neighbouring territories; 2) the culmination of the Polish-Bolshevik War in the summer of 1920 when the Soviet Army invaded the territory of Poland under the pretence of social revolution; 3) the relatively peaceful 1920s; 4) the Great Depression (in Poland 1930–1935) with a rapid increase in social unrest; 5) the last four years before the outbreak of WWII, characterised by variable intensity of internal tensions. Of key importance to the internal order was the activity of subversive organisations. The most important ones were the communist movement and the Ukrainian nationalist underground. Both took into account armed fight against the Polish state, either on an ongoing basis or in the future. The state of security was also influenced by legitimate political organisations (socialists, peasants’parties and nationalists) but the threat from them was only of a short-term nature and it was not an immediate effect of the decisions made by leaders of these communities. The state apparatus was forced to struggle against different threats to the internal security. The most severe forms were armed revolts, most of which took place in the early 1920s in the eastern provinces; some of them were provoked by the Soviet secret services. The whole interwar period was full of radical political demonstrations, protests against unemployment, and different forms of peasants’riots. The administration often proved unable to recognise the threats; however, the authorities never allowed the incidents to escalate into a wave of unrest that would jeopardise the national and social order.

Статья посвящена проблеме обращения художников разных направлений к мотиву «простые вещи», что нашло отражение в натюрморте 1960–1970-х годов. Обычно каждое направление рассматривается отдельно от общего художественного процесса. Автор на примере натюрморта прослеживает, как трансформируется проблематика, заданная временем, в творчестве мастеров официального круга, сурового стиля и различных вариантах андеграунда. Простые вещи неизбежно должны были привлечь внимание после почти тридцатилетнего преобладания тематической картины в советском искусстве. В период оттепели начинают цениться малые жанры, в которых выражение личностного мироощущения не зажимается большой темой. В статье анализируется подход к натюрморту с набором простых предметов В.Ф. Стожарова, А.В. Васнецова, О.Я. Рабина, М.А. Рогинского, А.Б. Гросицкого, В.Г. Вейсберга и Д.М. Краснопевцева. Становится очевидно, что в творчестве представителя официального круга художников, В.Ф. Стожарова, преобладает интерес к выражению национального характера через предметы старорусского быта. Представитель «суровых» А.В. Васнецов передает в натюрмортах атмосферу человеческого тепла домашнего очага, что особенно ценилось в то время. М.А. Рогинский, яркий художник андеграунда, творчество которого не вписывается полностью ни в одно направление, через простые вещи бедного послевоенного быта выражает свое понимание России, в котором нет критики, глумления или восторга, но есть глубокое понимание основ российской жизни. В.Г. Вейсберг и Д.М. Краснопевцев в жанре натюрморта воплотили основные позиции метафизического направления в андеграунде, сосредоточенного на вопросах экзистенциального мироощущения. Таким образом, натюрморт не только возвращается на художественную сцену в качестве отнюдь не «малого жанра», но и оказывается достаточно гибкой формой для выражения различных позиций и проблем своего времени, а простые предметы выступают как их метафоры. The article examines the issue of artists from diverse backgrounds exploring the theme of “simple things” through still life paintings during the 1960s–1970s. Typically, each artistic style is evaluated in isolation from the wider artistic process. However, the author employs still life artwork as a case study to track how the challenges of that period were translated in the work of artists from the official sphere, the austere movement, and various underground movements. Simple things naturally drew attention after almost three decades of thematic painting dominating in Soviet art. In the Thaw period, small genres, where expression of a personal worldview wasn't hampered by larger themes, gained appreciation. This article analyses the approach to still life featuring simple objects by V.F. Stozharov, A.V. Vasnetsov, O.Y. Rabin, M.A. Roginsky, A.B. Grositsky, V.G. Veisberg and D.M. Krasnopevtsev. It is evident that V.F. Stozharov, a member of the official circle of artists, focuses on expressing the national character through Old Russian life objects. A.V. Vasnetsov, on the other hand, conveys the atmosphere of homely warmth in his still lifes, which was highly valued during that era. M.A. Roginsky is an underground artist whose work defies categorization. Through depictions of everyday life in the aftermath of war, Roginsky exhibits a deep understanding of the foundations of Russian society without resorting to criticism, mockery, or excessive enthusiasm. V.G. Veisberg and D.M. Krasnopevtsev embodied the key positions of the metaphysical trend within the underground still life genre, focused on existential worldviews. This demonstrates how still life not only resurfaces as an important artistic genre but also proves to be a diverse enough form to express a range of positions and issues in its contemporary era, with everyday objects acting as their metaphors.

Witold Bieńkowski (1906–1965) was a Polish Catholic activist, entangled in the dilemmas of the era in which he lived. Before the war, he was associated with Catholic youth movements, during the war, he was an activist of the Front for the Rebirth of Poland. Ge devotedly worked to save Jews in the Council to Aid Jews „Żegota” and in the Jewish section of the Department of Internal Affairs of the Government Delegation for Poland. However, as early as 1944 he was accused of the murder of Ludwik Widerszal and Jerzy Makowiecki, officials from the Information and Propaganda Bureau of the Home Army Headquarters. On the eve of the Warsaw Uprising, he found himself in territories occupied by the Soviet army, where he attempted to act as a government representative for the lands free from Germany. He then made contact with Bolesław Piasecki, but soon he was arrested by the Soviets, with whom he probably held secret political talks. Released by the underground branch in May 1945, at the turn of summer and autumn 1945 legalized thanks to Piasecki, soon assuming the position of editor-in-chief of the „Today and Tomorrow” magazine, and two years later he was appointed a member of the Legislative Sejm. He was a spokesman for the recognition of People’s Poland not only for geopolitical but also ideological reasons, proclaiming the need for radical socio-economic transformations, encouraging Catholics to support them. To gain the authority of this concept, he demanded that the communists should represent Catholics politically, but not in the form of a traditional Christian Democrat party, but with time he came to the conclusion that an informal political environment, even the most influential, meant less than a legal party. Therefore, he became a spokesman for the radical left-wing Catholic party, and when this vision failed, he persuaded Piasecki to formalize their movement ideologically and politically. This is documented by the quoted letter from Bieńkowski to the leader of „Today and Tomorrow” of December 1947, in which he noted that the environment may disintegrate if it is not bound by a specific form serving to implement the program. Bieńkowski quarreled with Piasecki in 1948, later becoming the press clerk of Primate Stefan Wyszyński, and briefly associated with the Christian Social Association. He died, forgotten in 1965, charged with suspicions of the murder of BIP officials. Regardless of this, Piasecki largely took up his concept, creating the „PAX” Association, grading, as Bieńkowski wanted, his leadership and giving it a clear, ambitious program of „overcoming the winner” through „multi-worldview socialism.”

In 2022, the Swiss branch of the international publishing house Springer published a book, a collection of papers entitled Military Geoscience: A Multifaceted Approach to the Study of Warfare. It consists of selected contributions by international researchers in the field of military geoscience, presented at the 13th International Conference on Military Geosciences, held in Padua in June 2019. The first paper is by the editors, Aldin Bondesan and Judy Ehlen, and provides a brief overview of understanding the concept of military geoscience as an application of geology and geography to the military domain, and the historical development of the discipline. It should also be pointed out that the International Conferences on Military Geosciences (ICMG), which organises this biennial international conference, has over the past two decades also covered other aspects, such as conflict archaeology. The publication is further divided into three parts. The first part comprises three contributions covering military geoscience up to the 20th century. The first paper, by Chris Fuhriman and Jason Ridgeway, provides an insights into the Battle of Marathon through topography visualisation. The geography of the Marathon field, the valley between Mt. Cotroni and Mt. Agrieliki, allowed the Greek defenders to nullify the advantage of the Persian cavalry and archers, who were unable to develop their full potential. This is followed by a paper by Judy Ehlen, who explores the geological background of the Anglo-British coastal fortification system along the English Channel, focusing on the Portsmouth area of Hampshire. The author thus points out that changes in artillery technology and naval tactics between the 16th and 19th centuries necessitated changes in the construction of coastal fortifications, both in terms of the form of the fortifications and the method of construction, including the choice of basic building materials, as well as the siting of the fortifications in space. The next article is then dedicated to the Monte Baldo Fortress in north-eastern Italy, between Lake Garda and the Adige River. In his article, Francesco Premi analyses the presence of the fortress in the transition area between the Germanic world and the Mediterranean, and the importance of this part of Italy (at the southernmost part of the pre-Alpine mountains) in military history, as reflected in the large number of important military and war relics and monuments. The second part of the book, which is the most comprehensive, focuses on the two World Wars and consists of nine papers. The first paper in this part provides an analysis of the operation of trench warfare training camps in the Aube region of France. The group of authors, Jérôme Brenot, Yves Desfossés, Robin Perarnau, Marc Lozano and Alain Devos, initially note that static warfare training camps have not received much attention so far. Using aerial photography of the region dating from 1948 and surviving World War II photographic material, they identified some 20 sites where soldiers of the Entente forces were trained for front-line service in trenches. Combined archaeological and sociological fieldwork followed, confirming the presence of these camps, both through preserved remains and the collective memory. The second paper in this volume also concerns the survey on trenches, located in northern Italy in the Venezia Tridentina Veneto area in northern Italy. The authors Luigi Magnini, Giulia Rovera, Armando De Guio and Giovanni Azzalin thus use digital classification methods and archaeology to determine how Italian and Austro-Hungarian First World War trenches have been preserved or, in case they have disappeared, why this was the case, both from the point of view of the natural features as well as from the anthropological point of view of the restoration of the pre-war settings. The next paper, by Paolo Macini and Paolo Sammuri, analyses the activities of the miners and pioneers of the Italian Corps of Engineers during the First World War, in particular with regard to innovative approaches to underground mine warfare. In the Dolomites, the Italian engineers, using various listening devices, drilling machinery and geophysical methods, developed a system for drilling underground mine chambers, which they intended to use and actually used to destroy parts of Austro-Hungarian positions. The paper by Elena Dai Prà, Nicola Gabellieri and Matteo Boschian Bailo concerns the Italian Army's operations during the First World War. It focuses on the use of tactical maps with emphasis on typological classification, the use of symbols, and digital cartography. The authors thus analysed the tactical maps of the Italian Third Army, which were being constantly updated by plotting the changes in positions and tactical movements of both sides. These changes were examined both in terms of the use of new symbols and the analysis of the movements. This is followed by a geographical presentation of the Italian Army's activities during the First World War. The authors Paolo Plini, Sabina Di Franco and Rosamaria Salvatori have thus collected 21,856 toponyms by analysing documents and maps. The locations were also geolocated to give an overview of the places where the Italian Army operated during the First World War. The analysis initially revealed the complexity of the events on the battlefields, but also that the sources had misidentified the places of operation, as toponyms were misidentified, especially in the case of homonyms. Consequently, the area of operation was misidentified as well. In this respect, the case of Vipava was highlighted, which can refer to both a river and a settlement. The following paper is the first on the Second World War. It is the article by H. A. P. Smith on Italian prisoners of war in South Africa. The author outlines the circumstances in which Italian soldiers arrived to and lived in the southern African continent, and the contribution they made to the local environment and the society, and the remnants of their presence preserved to the present day. In their article, William W. Doe III and Michael R. Czaja analyse the history, geography and significance of Camp Hale in the state of Colorado. In doing so, they focus on the analysis of the military organization and its impact on the local community. Camp Hale was thus the first military installation of the U.S. Army, designated to test and train U.S. soldiers in mountain and alpine warfare. It was here that the U.S. 10th Mountain Division was formed, which concluded its war path on Slovenian soil. The Division's presence in this former camp, which was in military use also after the war until 1965, and in the surrounding area is still visible through numerous monuments. This is followed by a paper by Hermann Häusler, who deals with German military geography and geology on the Eastern Front of the Second World War. A good year before the German attack on the Soviet Union, German and Austrian military geologists began an analysis of the topography, population and infrastructure of the European part of the Soviet Union, which led to a series of publications, including maps showing the suitability of the terrain for military operations. During the war, military geological teams then followed the frontline units and carried out geotechnical tasks such as water supply, construction of fortifications, supply of building materials for transport infrastructure, and analysis of the suitability of the terrain for all-terrain driving of tracked and other vehicles. The same author also authored a paper in the next chapter, this time focusing on the activities of German military geologists in the Adriatic area. Similarly to his first contribution, the author presents the work of military geologists in northern Italy and north-western Slovenia. He also focuses on the construction of fortification systems in northern Italy and presents the work of karst hunters in the Operational Zone of the Adriatic Littoral. Part 3 covers the 21st century with five different papers (chapters). The first paper by Alexander K. Stewart deals with the operations of the U.S. Army specialised teams in Afghanistan. These Agribusiness Development Teams (ADTs) carried out a specialised form of counter-guerrilla warfare in which they sought to improve the conditions for the development of local communities through agricultural assistance to the local population. In this way, they were also counteracting support for the Taliban. The author notes that, in the decade after the programme's launch, the project had only a 19% success rate. However, he stresses that such forms of civil-military cooperation should be present in future operations. The next chapter, by Francis A. Galgan, analyses the activities of modern pirates through military-geographical or geological methods. Pirates, who pose a major international security threat, are present in four regions of the world: South and South-East Asia, East Africa and the Gulf of Guinea. Building on the data on pirate attacks between 1997 and 2017, the author shows the temporal and spatial patterns of pirate activities, as well as the influence of the geography of coastal areas on their activities. This is followed by another chapter with a maritime topic. Mark Stephen Blaine discusses the geography of territorial disputes in the South China Sea. Through a presentation of international law, the strategic importance of the sea (sea lanes, natural resources) and the overlapping territorial claims of China, Taiwan, Malaysia, Vietnam and Indonesia, the author shows the increasing level of conflict in the area and calls for the utmost efforts to be made to prevent the outbreak of hostilities or war. M. H. Bulmer's paper analyses the Turkish Armed Forces' activities in Syria from the perspective of military geology. The author focuses on the Kurdish forces' defence projects, which mainly involved the construction of gun trenches, observation towers or points, tunnels and underground facilities, as well as on the Turkish armed forces' actions against this military infrastructure. This involved both mountain and underground warfare activities. While these defensive infrastructures proved to be successful during the guerrilla warfare period, direct Turkish attacks on these installations demonstrated their vulnerability. The last chapter deals with the current operational needs and limitations of military geosciences from the perspective of the Austrian Armed Forces. Friedrich Teichmann points out that the global operational interest of states determines the need for accurate geo-data as well as geo-support in case of rapidly evolving requirements. In this context, geoscience must respond to new forms of threats, both asymmetric and cyber, at a time when resources for geospatial services are limited, which also requires greater synergy and an innovative approach to finding solutions among multiple stakeholders. This also includes increased digitisation, including the use of satellite and other space technologies. The number of chapters in the publication illustrates the breadth and depth of military geoscience, as well as the relevance of geoscience to past, present and future conflicts or military operations and missions. The current military operations in Ukraine demonstrate the need to take into account the geo-geological realities of the environment and that terrain remains one of the decisive factors for success on the battlefield, irrespective of the technological developments in military engineering and technology. This can also be an incentive for Slovenian researchers and the Slovenian Armed Forces to increase research activities in the field of military geosciences, especially in view of the rich military and war history in the geographically and geologically diverse territory of Slovenia.

The paper deals with one of the little-studied issues in the history of the resistance movement during the Great Patriotic War, namely, the participation of Soviet prisoners of war in the anti-fascist struggle in the ranks of the Communist underground organization in occupied Sevastopol in 1943–1944. The purpose of this article was to study the formation and structure of the aforementioned organization, as well as the involvement in the antifascist struggle of Soviet prisoners of war, and to identify the effect of their activities on the general course of the anti-Hitler struggle in occupied Crimea. The objects of the research are the underground group headed by Nikolai Ignatyevich Tereshchenko (pseudonym Mikhailov), which was part of the Communist underground organization, and the places where it carried out its anti-fascist operations: camps for Soviet prisoners of war around Sevastopol and in the city itself, especially after Tereshchenko’s escape from German captivity. The study was performed within the framework of the large-scale All-Russian educational project “Without Statute of Limitations” aimed at preserving historical memory. Along with providing insights into the tragedy of the civilian population of the USSR during the Great Patriotic War, the paper highlights the heroic deeds of the anti-fascist resistance movement in the temporarily occupied territory of the Soviet Union and demonstrates the contribution of individuals and groups to the defeat of Nazi Germany and its satellites. The author used documents that were declassified in the course of this project by the Federal Security Service Office for the Republic of Crimea and the city of Sevastopol and transferred to the Sevastopol Archives. The analysis revealed a significant feature of the Sevastopol underground: prisoners of war were one of the most important components of the Communist underground organization, performing risky and dangerous tasks deep behind enemy lines. According to the plan, in the event of a Black Sea Fleet landing, it was the prisoners of war who were supposed to be the striking force and spark an armed uprising in the occupied city. Consequently, it is concluded that Soviet prisoners of war were one of the combat weapons teams of the Sevastopol underground movement, which carried out various operations: reconnaissance, agitation and propaganda, as well as sabotage and subversion deep behind enemy lines.

38 newspaper editions of the Zhytomyr region during the Second World War (1939-1945) was selected as the object of the study. The subject of the study is the conditions of origin of newspapers, the peculiarities of their operation and time of publication, as well as the features of the materials of these publications. Research methods are traditional analysis (qualitative); historical method; logical method; synthesis; generalization. It is expedient to divide newspaper editions into legal editions of the Ukrainian independence movement; official German publications; underground Soviet publications; underground nationalist publications. After the occupation, the first newspapers began to appear in the Zhytomyr region in late summer and early autumn 1941, and the most were influenced by the independence movement. Immediately, the occupying German authorities, using censorship, launched a propaganda campaign about the benefits of the "new order". From the end of November 1941, the publications came under the control of the occupying German government and became its main information and propaganda body. One of the tools of alternative propaganda influence on the local population was the underground Soviet periodicals. For some time an underground nationalist publication was published in the region but had no significant impact on the population. Since 1944 (the time of the return of the Soviet army) all publications of the Ukrainian independence movement, the German official press and nationalist periodicals have ceased to be published. Only one of the underground pro-Soviet newspapers, which became official, continued to be published. Comparison of the number of publications on the territory of Zhytomyr region in the war, pre-war and post-war periods gives grounds to hypothesize that the possible dependence of the number of publications from the degree of freedom of the press. The study of foreign language periodicals, in particular in Polish, remains promising.

General Reinhard Gehlen and his report on the Polish underground The article presents the brilliant military career of Wehrmacht officer Reinhard Gehlen, who led the intelligence of the German land forces on the eastern front from 1942 to 1945. He developed this intelligence and became Germany’s best expert in the Soviet Army, which made it easier for him to establish close cooperation with the CIA after the war and become head of West German Intelligence (BND ). During the war, General Gehlen’s intelligence was, among other things, involved in the development of the Polish resistance movement. For this reason, when in the last weeks of the war, the German leadership considered the creation of a major Nazi resistance movement after the Third Reich’s capitulation, Gehlen presented an extensive one in April 1945, The final report under the title Militärische und nachrichtendienstliche Kräfte im Gesamtrahmen der Polnischen Widerstandsbewegung [Military and Intelligence Forces within the overall framework of the Polish Resistance], because he considered the Polish underground to be the best resistance movement in Europe. The report contains, among others, positive opinions about the will to survive and the resistance of the Polish society, high professional evaluations of the Polish underground army and even words of admiration for the activities of Polish military intelligence.

The presented paper concerns press in the period of the Warsaw Uprising, especially “Biuletyn Informacyjny”. Polish underground editing movement was the greatest amongst European countries covered by the World War II. Differently than underground press published during occupancy, press of the Warsaw Uprising is considered as open. The purpose of this paper is to present press of the Warsaw Uprising on the example of the “Biuletyn Informacyjny” (1939−1945). The author analyzed 68 numbers of the newspaper edited during the Warsaw Uprising to show the genre structure of the “Biuletyn Informacyjny” on the background of the Warsaw Uprising press, with the reference to underground press of the period of World War II.

This essay describes the forms of counterpropaganda of the guerilla movement during the Japanese Occupation particularly in the guerilla newspapers which were an integral part of the underground resistance movement. Combining historical research and content analysis of thre guerrilla newspapers in the Visayas where the resistance was the strongest — the Leyte Samar Free Philippines, The Coordinator and Ang Tigbatas — the study analyzes how the guerilla newspapers kept the Filipino people informed about war developments and boosted their morale. With their emphasis on news, the guerilla newspapers, despite their lack of polish and limited resources, effectively met the needs of the Filipinos and countered the massive Japanese propaganda machinery.

Currently, the source study part of the underground movement of the Leningrad region is poorly investigated. The problem is that over the past 82 years there have been no works where the authors would have conducted a detailed analysis of them. This applies not only to diaries and memoirs, but also to legislative acts. In the presented article, the author analyzes in detail those of them that were published by the governing bodies of the USSR, Leningrad, and Leningrad region in June – December 1941. Based on them, the process of their creation, adoption and further implementation was described. They were created taking into account the military situation that existed during the period concerned. This process was also influenced by the fact that many Leningrad party workers did not take part in the Civil War and had no experience in creating underground organizations. Despite this, they laid the foundation for the formation of an underground movement.

Literary Translation during World War 2 – A Reconnaissance On the basis of studies by literary historians (especially the monumental Polish Literature and Theatre in the Years of World War II) and memoirs of initiators, creators and recipients of translations in the years 1939–1945, I present examples of translators who died during the war and those who managed to survive and work. I show the place of translations in the underground publishing movement and theatre; I discuss different ways translations made before the war as well as new ones, undertaken within structures such as the Secret Theatre Council or on private initiative, were present in occupational cultural life.

<p class="EW-abstract"><strong>Abstract: </strong>In the 1940s and 1950s, thousands of Ukrainian women joined the underground nationalist movement on west Ukrainian lands as members of the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN) and the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). However, their experiences and contributions to this movement remain understudied, marginalized and trivialized in historical research. A study of personal testimonies of former female insurgents allows one to question the established perception that women served only in auxiliary and secondary roles in the nationalist organizations. This paper examines whether the concept of normative femininity—as constructed by the nationalist ideology—actually corresponded to the women’s real life experiences in the underground. It explores the variety of ways in which a traditional notion of femininity was maintained, broadened, negotiated, contested and transgressed through women’s active involvement in guerrilla war.</p><p class="EW-Keyword">Keywords: Ukrainian Women, Militarism, Nationalist Underground, Femininity, OUN, UPA</p>

Stanisław Kulik was a pre-war professional non-commissioned officer of armored troops. He fought in September 1939, escaped from the German captivity, in a conspiracy in the Lublin region, he became a commander of a partisan unit, he was decorated many times. In 1945, he organized one of the biggest desertions from the Polish „folk” army. He continued his underground activity in the Lublin region. From September 1945 to March 1946, he was the commander of the underground movement in Pomerania, operating under the name KD-111. He was arrested and murdered on December 28th, 1946 in Gdańsk.

The article examines an almost unexplored topic about the resistance of the Jews to the Nazi genocidal policy in Kremenchuk. The author reviewed historiographical developments on this issue, outlined terminology, and characterized the source base (a part of the sources is introduced into scientific circulation for the first time). The article analyzes the factors that influenced Holocaust flow in the city: the evolution of the “Final Solution to the Jewish Question” during the occupation of the town; events at the front that determined the priority of current tasks for rear structures; demands or the lack of demands for Jewish labor, etc. In accordance with this, the author researched the condition of local Jews and Jews-prisoners of war who got to the Kremenchuk due to the encirclement of parts of the South-Western Front and analyzed the dynamics of the implementation of the Holocaust in the city.The article considers the aspects that prevented the development of a purely Jewish resistance movement in Kremenchuk. Therefore the author explores the opposition of Jews at the individual level and their activities as a member of underground organizations that actively helped Jews (those who were prisoners of war, local people, and those who arrived in the city during the occupation). Consequently, it was investigated that thanks to the cooperation of leaders from among the Soviet prisoners of war and local activists, it was possible to create an effective infrastructure for providing help and rescue to persecuted groups, including Jews. For example, in the «Patriot of the Motherland» underground organization, this infrastructure consisted of a prisoner of war camp, the first city hospital, a Red Cross station, and underground apartments. This enabled those persecuted within the framework of underground organizations to effectively resist the Nazi genocidal policy. The article also analyzes, on an individual level, how both local and Jewish prisoners of war, as well as those who arrived in Kremenchuk, resisted the genocide.

The regional aspect of partisan movement at World War II (East Front) on the example of Novozybkov district of Bryansk Region is considered in the article, process of creation and activity of the guerrilla groups in the specifi ed region is analysed. The authors of the article represent historiography of this issue, restore a way of development of partisan movement in the region as well as its features, on the basis of investigations. Special attention is paid to the description of structure and work of underground groups. The article contains important factual material; the chronology of fi ghts and actions as well as information on completeness of groups with equipment and weapon is described by the authors; the signifi cant role of partisan movement in advance of the Soviet troops to the victory is emphasised.

The article analyzes the activities of the state security bodies (as part of the NKVD of the USSR) of counterintelligence support of the partisan movement, in order to identify and prevent the introduction of agents of the German special services into partisan formations and underground organizations, the creation of a secrecy regime in partisan detachments and formations, increasing the effectiveness of guerrilla warfare in the territories occupied by the enemy during the Great Patriotic War.

AbstractThe French government and an armed insurrectionary movement – the National Liberation Front (FLN) – confronted each other for over seven years in the Algerian War, which would become the archetype of wars of national liberation. It brought the new conditions of struggle in revolutionary warfare to a convulsive climax characterized by terrorist attacks, underground warfare, and repression. On the humanitarian front, the challenge of ensuring respect for humanitarian rules in asymmetric warfare was posed more bluntly than in any previous conflict. The International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) faced the triple challenge of offering its services to a government facing an armed insurgency that it claimed to be able to bring under control through police action alone, of entering into contact with a liberation movement, and of conducting a humanitarian action in the context of an insurrectionary war.

The article examines the issues of the anti-fascist struggle in the Ak-Sheikhsky district of the Crimean ASSR during the Great Patriotic War and the assistance of patriots to the intelligence of the 51st Army of the 4th Ukrainian Front. The purpose of the article is to analyze the above-mentioned scientific problems on the basis of previously unpublished documents from the funds of the municipal archive of the Administration of the Razdolnensky district, the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea and the Yalta Historical and Literary Museum. The research methods used are source studies, historical and typological, retrospective, statistical and biographical methods.The author focuses on the problem of organizing the underground movement in the territory of the Akh-Sheikh region from the middle of 1942, on the role of A.A. Mikhailov, authorized by the Crimean Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks, in uniting disparate underground groups into an integral cohesive structure, analyzing the activities of the underground workers of the Ak-Sheikh region district, on the establishment of contacts by patriots of the Ak-Sheikh region with intelligence structures of the 51st Army of the 4th Ukrainian Front (late 1943 – early 1944).The study revealed previously unpublished materials on the activities of the underground movement on the territory of the Akh-Sheikhsky, the Larindorfsky, the Krasno-Perekopsky regions of the Crimean Autonomous Soviet Socialist Republic. The contribution of the undergrounders to the common cause of the anti-fascist struggle, as well as the creation of conditions for the successful liberation of the Peninsula from the German-Romanian occupation in the spring of 1944 was noted.

Abstract This article presents the formal and material innovations of The Underground Rail Road (1872) and its author and publisher, William Still. Before the Civil War, Still chaired the Philadelphia Vigilance Committee, which assisted hundreds of fugitives from slavery in making their way to freedom. After the Civil War, Still wrote a book based on his records of their stories. The discrimination Black writers and readers experienced from the publishing business convinced Still to start his own. Still’s publishing business, like the movement his book documented, was the work of a collective. He called on family members, allies in reform, and friends in Black periodical publishing to produce and distribute the book. Still promoted the book and the business as an extension of the liberation movement. The labors of the fugitives he had helped, and of the booksellers he employed, would stimulate the economic progress, and protect the political and social gains, for which African Americans were striving. Still, a race man and a businessman, proposed a solution to the inequitable production and distribution of Black books. “The time has come,” he declared, “for colored men to be writing books & selling them too.”

Abstract: The couriers of revolution: Estonian Bolshevik émigrés in Copenhagen 1918–1921 The history of the early twentieth-century Estonian left-wing radicalism has remained a relatively neglected field in the post-1991 period; not least due to its previous institutional role as the most favoured, but also the most highly politicised subject of historical research in Soviet Estonia. This state of affairs resulted in voluminous scholarship in “party history” produced over the decades following World War II, but its findings and conclusions are almost entirely untrustworthy and thoroughly biased in favour of Soviet-style Communism. In the last five years, however, the history of the Estonian left has attracted new attention on part of both younger scholars and senior academics – a highly positive development in light of the major role that left-wing ideas and movements have played in Estonian history from the 1905 Russian revolution onwards. Nevertheless, this newer research has the somewhat thankless task of having to re-examine the fundamentals without being able to rely on previous scholarship, which perhaps understandably limits its ability to generalise or to draw overarching conclusions. The present article is a contribution to this burgeoning field in Estonian historical research, engaging with the little-studied history of Estonian left-wing radicalism in Western Europe (rather than in Estonia or in Soviet Russia). I am particularly focusing on four individuals among émigré Estonians in Copenhagen, Denmark: August Lossmann (1890–?), Oskar Lenk (1890–1919), Johannes Rumessen (1888–?) and Harald Triikman (1892–1964). The primary period of study is 1918–22, although reference will be made to both earlier and later years where appropriate. The study makes use of both Estonian and foreign archival materials, contemporary newspapers and, occasionally, published scholarship. While my focus is on tracing and contextualising the activities and involvement of these four young men in both Danish and Estonian radical leftist circles, I will also propose some preliminary hypotheses relating to the radicalisation process of left-wing Estonian émigrés more generally, which in the future can hopefully be tested on a broader range of comparable subjects. Firstly, I would suggest that the Bolshevik Russian revolution (the October Revolution) was likely a pivotal moment in the development of their views: having been the supporters of Socialist Russian revolution, the Estonian émigrés tended to distance themselves from the more sceptical Social Democratic parties of their countries of residence in its aftermath, instead moving closer to Left Socialist or Communist parties that fully embraced the new revolution. Furthermore, their distance from and relative ignorance of Estonian affairs probably left them more open to contemporary Bolshevik propaganda, which among other things depicted the Estonian War of Independence (1918–19) as a struggle between an alliance of foreign capital and the Estonian bourgeoisie on the one hand, and the Estonian proletariat on the other. In the case of Lossmann, Lenk, Rumessen and Triikman, they were all connected to one Estonian Socialist (or Bolshevik) Group, established in 1918 and affiliated with the Danish Socialist Labour Party – the first openly Bolshevik party in Denmark. This Estonian group was headed by the remarkably well-respected Socialist Oskar Lenk, who in early 1919 was expulsed from Denmark due to his involvement in Bolshevik activities (among other things, working from the Copenhagen bureau of ROSTA, the Soviet Russian news propaganda agency). Later, he was active in Russia as a fairly prominent activist of the Estonian Communist Party, before being killed in a battle against the Whites in the autumn of the same year. Lenk’s influence in 1918 was likely of formative importance for his comrades in Copenhagen, at least one of whom (Johannes Rumessen) also became involved in the underground transport and intelligence network of the Estonian Communist Party in 1919–20.

The topic under study has an actual historical and political orientation. It is necessary to shed light on the events that took place during the Second World War, in the pre-war and post-war periods of the Estonian SSR. The activities of Estonian nationalists aimed at fighting the Soviet regime began to gain momentum after the Baltic States had joined the USSR and its peak was the June 1941 deportation. It was during this period that the nationalist underground system of Estonia, later called the “Forest Brothers”, began to form. It was aimed at undermining the authority of the Soviet governing bodies and the fight against the Soviet regime. The first open clashes began in the post-war period of 19441947, after the influence of the German propaganda apparatus on the minds of the population. It was then that the activities of the Soviet NKVD became a significant component in the fight against the nationalist movement in the Baltic States. In 1947, the activities of the Soviet NKVD organs and troops made it possible to discover and destroy the officer school that trained the Estonian partisans. This scientific work proves that the service of the Soviet security forces against the nationalist movement in Estonia in the period 1940-1953 was an important element that affected in their activities for the stabilization of the social and political situation in Estonia during the period under study.

This article, based on a wide array of archival documents, presents the anal­ysis of military confrontation between the Stalinist Empire and the Ukrainian insurgent movement in Western Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the role of the Red Army, which, in addition to joint military punitive operations together with the NKVD itself resorted to organising anti-insurgency military measures and took an active part in such activi­ties aimed at destroying the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukraiinska povstanska armia – hereafter UPA) and the underground Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (hereafter – OUN) using such measures as deportation and resettlement of the local population from the front-line zone, military mobilisations and repressions against the families of UPA members. The author concludes that the war of the Red Empire against the Ukrainian na­tional liberation movement embroiled significant masses of civilian population into its merciless millstones, which led to its barbarisation, so this war by its nature and devas­tating consequences can be considered in essence as the genocidal extermination of the Ukrainian people.

This article, based on a wide array of archival documents, presents the anal­ysis of military confrontation between the Stalinist Empire and the Ukrainian insurgent movement in Western Ukraine. Special attention is paid to the role of the Red Army, which, in addition to joint military punitive operations together with the NKVD itself resorted to organising anti-insurgency military measures and took an active part in such activi­ties aimed at destroying the Ukrainian Insurgent Army (Ukraiinska povstanska armia – hereafter UPA) and the underground Organisation of Ukrainian Nationalists (hereafter – OUN) using such measures as deportation and resettlement of the local population from the front-line zone, military mobilisations and repressions against the families of UPA members. The author concludes that the war of the Red Empire against the Ukrainian na­tional liberation movement embroiled significant masses of civilian population into its merciless millstones, which led to its barbarisation, so this war by its nature and devas­tating consequences can be considered in essence as the genocidal extermination of the Ukrainian people.

The beginning of the World War II and occupation in Slovenia in 1941 confronted the leading traditional parties with a dilemma of political and national survival and initiatives for military uprising against the occupier. Underground legions began to form and groups that were uniting under organization of military units as well as uniting in their loyalty to the Yugoslav government in London, in support to Western intelligence, and the idea of a post-war restoration of the monarchy. At the same time, the traditional camp encountered activities of the Communist Party, which, with tried and tested tactics of illegal propaganda and uncompromising use of force, effectively intervened in Slovenian (political) space. Major Karel Novak took over, as the commander of the Royal Yugoslav Army in Slovenia, a military formation of resistance against the occupier, which at the same time led his units to a clash with the revolutionary side under the cloak of the LF (Liberation Front). The first national underground movement, the so-called the Styrian Battalion, tried to combine the idea of the liberation struggle with the uprising against the Communist violence. The traditional politics significantly intervened in this idea.

An important form of struggle against the German occupant during the Second World War were illegal magazines appearing throughout Poland. Their task was to counteract enemy propaganda, break the informational blockade, and shape citizens’ awareness. Apart from the “Information Bulletin of the Home Army” edited by the Polish Underground State, there appeared also magazines edited by political organisations, including those related to the national-radical movement. Young editors from the Młodzież Wszechpolska and Młodzież Wielkiej Polski organisations stressed that one of the greatest threats posed by the war is the demoralisation of the young generation, and that the need to counteract this phenomenon is as important as the armed struggle. The analysed texts reveal a less known, non-stereotypical image of Polish nationalistic organisations.

In the article, based on both previously unknown and published documents, there is considered the history of the underground struggle of Valentin Vyacheslavovich Kamler in the territory of the city of Saki of the Crimean ASSR. The author used materials from: the funds of the State Archive of the Republic of Crimea, the archival department (municipal archive) of the administration of the city of Saki, the museum of local history and mud therapy of the city of Saki. The actions of the underground workers are analyzed, including the following aspects: anti-fascist propaganda and agitation; collection, manufacture and storage of ammunition, military equipment; intelligence activities; the attraction of personnel from Nazi-allied foreign military contingents to the side of the Soviet government. In this work for the first time since the end of the Great Patriotic War, the names of the provocateurs who extradited V. V. Kamler and his associates to the Nazi special services and the police, are named. The publication is addressed primarily to researchers of the underground resistance movement, local historians and publicists

В статье анализируется историография партизанского и подпольного движения в Калининской области в период её оккупации гитлеровской Германией. В историографии советского этапа подчёркивались всенародный характер партизанского движения, определяющая роль ВКП(б), разнообразие форм и методов борьбы, тесная связи с действиями Красной Армии. Автор подчёркивает, что на этом этапе изучения истори партизанского движения недостаточно рассматривалось влияние субъективного фактора на становление, организацию и развитие антифашистского движения. В современной российской историографии появились публикации, в которых критическая оценка партизанского движения не подтверждается документальными свидетельствами и сопровождается подтасовкой фактов. Отмечается, что авторы таких публикаций заимствуют тезисы западных историков периода «холодной войны». Перспективными автору представляются исследования проблемы на основе обширного, ранее не использованного комплекса источников. The article analyzes the historiography of the partisan and underground movement in the Kalinin region during its occupation by Nazi Germany. In the historiography of the Soviet stage, the nationwide nature of the partisan movement, the determining role of the CPSU (b), the variety of forms and methods of struggle, and close ties with the actions of the Red Army were emphasized. The author emphasizes that at this stage of studying the history of the partisan movement, the influence of the subjective factor on the formation, organization and development of the antifascist movement was not sufficiently considered. In modern Russian historiography, publications have appeared in which a critical assessment of the partisan movement is not supported by documentary evidence and is accompanied by a juggling of facts. It is noted that the authors of such publications borrow the theses of Western historians of the Cold War period. The author considers it promising to study the problem on the basis of an extensive, previously unused set of sources.

The article discusses the main threads of interest among historians publishing in the underground journal “Krytyka” during the years 1978–1989. It highlights the most important topics in contemporary history that, due to censorship reasons, either did not exist or were distorted in the official historiography of the People’s Republic of Poland (PRL). These topics included the history of the Polish armed anti-communist underground, the crimes of the security apparatus, the history of the Polish Socialist Party, Polish-Ukrainian, and Polish-Jewish relations, as well as key issues in post-war political history, such as the events of March 1968. The article devotes considerable attention to the authors of articles that aimed to restore memory and supplement knowledge about these issues. It also attempts to reflect on their involvement in the opposition movement in the context of their previous professional and political experiences.

The aim of this article is to show the relationship between Soviet partisans and the Ukrainian population in the western regions of Ukraine. It also aims to demonstrate how the attitude toward the armed troops of the Ukrainian national and nationalist underground, which operated in the area between 1942 and 1944, changed under the influence of the war on the Eastern Front and internal factors. All this led to the outbreak of an open armed conflict and terror of the red partisans against the Ukrainian peasants, most of whom supported national and nationalist partisans. These events are presented against the background of political, social and military conditions for the operation and development of the Soviet partisan movement in the area of Volhynia and Eastern Galicia. This article also describes how the Soviet security police and army fought the OUN-B and UPA in this area and repressed members of the anti-communist underground and its civilian supporters during the re-establishment of the communist authorities after 1944. It also attempts to show the similarities and differences between the events in Western Ukraine (1943–1945) and the Civil War in Yugoslavia (1941–1945), including the local communists’ fight for power in the country.

For once, the title of a book matches its contents. Criss sets out to describe the conditions of occupied Istanbul immediately upon the surrender of the Ottomans to the Allies at the end of World War I. Acknowledging the contribution of other scholars to the general history of the immediate post-war period, Criss declares her intention to trace the underground resistance movement to British and French occupation in Istanbul. To do so, she has drawn on a tremendous range of secondary sources, English and Turkish, including memoirs, personal interviews, and documentary materials, public and private, from United States, British, French, and Turkish archives, although much archival material for the period is still inaccessible in Turkey. She is particularly to be commended for making information that is found exclusively in Turkish sources available to English-speaking readers.

The main aspects of the activities of one of the leaders of the Ukrainian liberation movement Dmytro Myron in 1939–1942 are analyzed. The beginning of his political way and participation in the interwar struggle for the independence of Ukraine is reflected. The position of D. Myron in the nationalist environment on the eve of the Second World War has been clarified. The main aspects of the book «Idea and Activity of Ukraine» are analyzed. Myron’s theoretical views on the problem of the state system in independent Ukraine are revealed. The vision of democracy by the figure is illuminated. The critical attitude of the OUN ideologist to the blind imitation of Nazi Germany is researched. The point of view of D. Myron on the differences between Ukrainian nationalism, German nazism, and Italian fascism is revealed. His ideas on uniting the enslaved nation are characterized. The view of the theoretician of nationalism on the place of Ukraine in the international arena as an independent entity is analyzed. The role of D. Myron in the formation of the revolutionary OUN in 1940–1941 is researched. The main aspects of his activity as a conductor of the OUN(r) in the sub-Soviet lands of Ukraine are characterized. D. Myron’s measures to prepare a national revolution by expanding the nationalist network, consolidating patriotic forces, and preparing a liberation rebellion are analyzed. The participation of D. Myron in an attempt to create the state of the OUN(r) in 1941 is revealed. The underground work of D. Myron as the first conductor of the OUN(r) in the middleeastern lands is characterized. The features of the activist’s approach to the development of the nationalist network in the Dnieper Ukraine are researched. Based on the memoirs of subordinates, leadership and personal aspects of activity of D. Myron are characterized. The participation of the figure in the first and second conferences of the OUN (r) 1941–1942 is highlighted. The circumstances of the death of D. Myron are revealed. The values of the ideological legacy of the figure for the nationalist underground are analyzed. D. Myron’s important contribution to the development of the Ukrainian liberation movement was stated. Keywords Dmytro Myron, ukrainian nationalist movement, OUN ideology, II World War, revolutionary OUN, national revolution.

Anti-fascist movement had a significant impact on the productivity of prisoners in Western Siberia in the postwar years. Camp Division Administration placed great hopes on the anti-fascist committees to build skills in an environment of war high labor and the growth of its efficiency, reduction of occupational injuries, illnesses and deaths; expose the saboteurs, wreckers, instigators, participants in the underground formations and groups. «Educating» new supporters of the socialist system took place with great difficulty and often hindered by a lack of understanding, active resistance, and sometimes open confrontation and revenge mood contingent camps. Nevertheless, it, with the help of anti-fascist committees in the camps, spetsgospitalyah, labor battalions managed to significantly reduce the number of subversion and sabotage, to reduce occupational injuries, which certainly influenced the strengthening of the regime and the organization of labor of prisoners of war in the West Siberian region.

The article presents an analysis of the Soviet historiography of the partisan movement in Siberia in the late 1950s–1980s. The processes of overcoming the consequences of the cult of personality in historical science, the revival and development of the Leninist concept of the Civil War are studied. Its influence on the content of research is characterized. Their main directions and results are identified. It is noted that a lot of work has been done to introduce new sources into scientific circulation. The scope of research has expanded, and the number of publications has significantly increased. Positive results were achieved in studying formation, structure, strength, deployment of partisan detachments and formations, their participation in warfare, authority organisation in partisan areas, and the struggle of political groups in the partisan movement. However, the preservation of ideological dogmas prevented objective and comprehensive studies of such a complex, multifaceted phenomenon as the partisan movement in Siberia. Contrary to reality, influence of the Bolshevik Party and the Bolshevik underground on formation and development of the movement was significantly exaggerated. The questions about partisan terror, criminal component of the movement, and relations between partisans and the indigenous population remained outside the scope of research. The partisans’ relations with the local population, their political moods and orientations were biased. Therefore, Soviet historians failed to create an objective and complete picture of the partisan movement in Siberia during the Civil War. At the same time, modern researchers should not ignore the Soviet legacy, they should rely on its positive results.

The article analyzes sources of the Ukrainian Insurgent Army's struggle against the Soviet partisans and Polish units on the territory of Kamin-Kashyrskyi district of the Volyn region during the Nazi occupation. The archival sources traced the formation of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish nationalist underground, as well as the causes and course of the confrontation. A special place in the article is given to the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation. The author analyzes the national composition of the Soviet partisan movement and the Polish population's participation in it. The main directions of the Ukrainian-Polish conflict are distinguished: the Poles' fight against the UPA as part of the German police and the Soviet partisan movement. The study identified relations between Ukrainians and Poles when the district's inhabitants were a part of the Polish state and at the beginning of World War II. The most large-scale military operations of the UPA soldiers with the Soviet partisans and the Polish units, the strategy, and tactics of their implementation have been outlined and systematized. An attempt has been made to classify military operations by chronological and problematic approach. The conclusions about the scale of military operations and their importance are made. The article focuses on the ideological confrontation between the UPA, the Soviet partisans, and the Polish underground formations, implementation of the ideological struggle methods. The article will be useful for a wide scientific community interested in the local history of the Ukrainian national liberation movement. Keywords: Ukrainian National Liberation Movement, Ukrainian Insurgent Army, Polish units, the Soviet partisans, the Ukrainian-Polish confrontation, Kamin-Kashyrskyi area, German-Nazi occupation, military operation