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1
MILLER, ALEXEI. "Ukrainophilia." Russian Studies in History 44, no. 2 (November 2005): 30–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10611983.2005.11061029.
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2
Rachev, E. R. "Reception of the Ukrainophilic Ideas by Russian Periodicals during the First Half of the 1860s: Democratic and Protective Approaches." Uchenye Zapiski Kazanskogo Universiteta. Seriya Gumanitarnye Nauki 163, no. 6 (2021): 48–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.26907/2541-7738.2021.6.48-60.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article discusses how Russian periodicals responded to the Ukrainophilic views that were widely supported by Russian society during the early 1860s. The writers from the bilingual magazine “Osnova” (‘Basis’), particularly N.I. Kostomarov and P.A. Kulish, actively contributed to the achievements of the first generation of Ukrainophiles. The latter elaborated and presented their program aimed to preserve the Little Russia culture. The results of the analysis of the periodical sources show that the printed media of the period under study had polarized views on the national identity of Little Russia and divided into two factions: the democratic and protective ones. The democratic approach was led by the magazines “Sovremennik” (‘The Contemporary’) and “Otechestvennye Zapiski” (‘Annals of the Fatherland’) that considered the new provincial movement as the beginning of Narodism. The key supporters of the protective approach were the newspaper “Den’” (‘The Day’) and the magazine “Russkii Vestnik” (‘The Russian Bulletin’) that criticized the Ukrainian legacy adherents for separating the Russian nationalities. The stages of the evolution of the Russian periodicals’ attitude to Ukrainophiles were singled out. The main factors that influenced it were revealed. The consequences of the short-term prevalence of the Ukrainian “selfhood” ideology among publicists of the Russian Empire and its influence on the subsequent development of the Ukrainophilia movement were summarized.
3
Borisenok, Elena. "The Ukrainophilism of P.E. Shelest in the Interpretation of Modern Ukrainian Historiography." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 2 (2022): 24. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640018553-6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The author of this article explores the discussion in contemporary Ukrainian historiography of the “Ukrainophilia” of the First Secretary of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Ukraine, Pyotr Efimovich Shelest (1963‒1972). Ukrainian historians are trying to determine the extent to which the Soviet leader proved to be a consistent follower of the political line of the Union centre, the areas in which he defended the interests of the republic, and whether he should be considered a representative of National Communism. The purpose of the article is to analyse the key provisions of and evidence for the conception of Shelest's “Ukrainophilism” and “localism” developed by Ukrainian scholars. Particular attention is given to the conclusions of Yu.I. Shapoval on the inconsistencies in Shelest and his actions, his peculiar dual loyalty (all-union and republican), and his constant manoeuvring between two political discourses (centralist and anti-centralist). According to the historian, Shelest's views were formed during the Stalinist era. This point of view has been widely accepted in contemporary Ukrainian literature. The article specifies that Shelest as a politician was a product of Soviet Ukrainianisation of the 1920s. It was at this time that the seeds of the paradox that contemporary Ukrainian scholars have been writing about were sown.
4
Balandina, N. "МЕДІАОБРАЗ ТОМАША ПАДУРИ ЯК СИМВОЛ УКРАЇНСЬКО-ПОЛЬСЬКОГО ЄДНАННЯ". State and Regions. Series: Social Communications, № 2(42) (18 березня 2020): 20. http://dx.doi.org/10.32840/cpu2219-8741/2020.2(42).3.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
<div><p><em>The article shows the specific nature of the formation of the media image of Tomasz Padura, a Polish-Ukrainian poet and composer, a representative of the Polish romantic Ukrainophile movement of the early 19<sup>th</sup> century. This paper also studies transformation of this image into a symbol of the Polish-Ukrainian unity. Being an apologist of the idea of rapprochement of the Polish and Ukrainian nations, Tomasz Padura blends harmoniously with the modern political and cultural contexts. His Ukrainophile image is сultivated in different social institutions and acquires new meanings which created the necessity for this research paper. The empirical basis for the analysis comprises 24 publications in the Ukrainian Internet editions during the period from 2016 to 2019. The main method of interpreting Padura’s image was the content analysis of publications directly or circumstantially related to the poet. This allowed ascertaining content focuses and tonality of the provided information. The comparative method contributed to the explication of the main tendencies of the conversion of the image to the symbol. As a result, the headlines and the content of the materials have been proven to show a consistent strategy of stressing the positive aspect of the history of the Polish-Ukrainian relations, in particular the Ukrainophile tendencies among the Polish nobility, achievements of the Ukrainian school in the Polish literature, and Tomasz Padura’s relations with this school. The focus of the Ukrainian Internet editions is on the most substantial and striking facts of life and creative work of the poet. Those facts belong to the following informational aspects: narrow biographical, selfless ideological, creative, memorial, and futuristic. Each of those aspects has its content aimed at the melioration of Tomasz Padura’s image as a Polish Ukrainophile. The process of symbolization of this image performs several social functions: the historical-typological one allowing to trace the main stages of the image transformation; the methodological one which stresses its significance for the contemporaries; the communicative one which ensures the continuous attention to the poet, and the marketing function promoting Tomasz Padura’s name as a brand from the point of view of the commercial success.</em></p></div><strong><em>Key words</em>:</strong> <em>Tomasz Padura, Polish-Ukrainian poet, media image, symbol, Ukrainophilia, mass media.</em>
5
MONOLATII, IVAN. "YAKIV ORENSTEIN: AN EXPATRIATED UKRAINOPHIL FROM GALICIA." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 6, no. 2 (June 20, 2019): 28–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.6.2.28-36.
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Ukrainian-Jewish relations in Galicia between the two World Wars were the reflection of the difference in the status of the two nations. The sides failed to come to mutual understanding, the basis for which was provided by the policy of the West Ukrainian People’s Republic / the Western Oblast of the Ukrainian People’s Republic. Taking into account the involvement of the third party, the Polish state, the situation can be described as an interethnic scalene triangle. One of the active figures in this complicated interaction was Yakiv Orenstein (1875–1942), Jewish publisher from Kolomyia, symbolic ‘Ukrainian’, follower of the faith of Moses. His life and work in Galicia in the interwar years is a personalized example of publicly declared pro-Polishness and actual Ukrainophilia.
6
Pikhmanets, R. V. "MYKHAILO DRAHOMANOV’S ATTITUDE TO ÉMIGRÉ FORMS OF THE REVOLUTIONARY-LIBERATING ACT AT THE BEGINNING OF THE 1870S." PRECARPATHIAN BULLETIN OF THE SHEVCHENKO SCIENTIFIC SOCIETY Word, no. 2(54) (January 22, 2019): 95–112. http://dx.doi.org/10.31471/2304-7402-2019-2(54)-95-112.
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The article deals with the peculiarities of Mykhailo Drahomanov’s social-political tactics at the beginning of the 1870s, in particular his attitude to the émigré way of a revolutionary struggle. Then Drahomanov in his words denied appropriate forms, means and methods determinedly and peremptorily, though secretly he had already begun to think over the plan of a publishing center abroad. Such an ambiguous behavioral matrix was defined by the vision of perspectives of a national-liberating movement and by his “double” position in Ukrainophilia: the leader of its “left” wing, who above all placed the rescue of the Russian Empire via its reformation.
7
Kazak, O. G. "ACTIVITIES OF UKRAINOPHILE EMIGRANTS FROM SUBCARPATHIAN RUS IN THE PROTECTORATE OF BOHEMIA AND MORAVIA." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 183–202. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/11.
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The article discusses the main activities of Ukrainophiles from Subcarpathian Rus, which after an unsuccessful attempt to proclaim an independent Ukrainian state and occupation of the region by Hungarian troops (March 1939) ended up in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia. The author draws on the documents of the Archive of the President’s Office (letters and memoranda of former members of A. Voloshin’s autonomous cabinet to the Protectorate President E. Hacha with requests for financial support), the Hungarian National Archives (report of the police department of Uzhhorod to the Eighth Department Hungarian Ministry of Internal Affairs about the correspondence of A. Voloshin with Ukrainophile figures in Subcarpathian Rus). Having analysed various sources, the author concludes about the failure of the most initiatives of Ukrainian emigrants (creation of a developed network of pro-Ukrainian emigrant organizations in the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia, attempts to obtain financial support from the Protectorate authorities for former officials of the Carpathian Ukraine, interference in public life in Subcarpathian Rus occupied by Hungary, contacts with official Berlin). The authorities of the Protectorate of Bohemia and Moravia rightly suspected Ukrainophile emigrants of anti-state positions (from the point of view of the Czechs); the elite of Nazi Germany did not consider A. Voloshin and his supporters as equal strategic partners. The attempts of Ukrainophiles living in the Protectorate to create a network of their sympathizers in Subcarpathian Rus were suppressed by the Hungarian police.
8
Kharchuk, Roxana. "Shevchenko in perception of ‘little russian’ environment of the 19th century." Слово і Час, no. 5 (October 2, 2020): 61–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.33608/0236-1477.2020.05.61-74.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper deals with the perception of Shevchenko’s works in the ‘Little Russian’ environment of the 19th century. The interpretations within this social group may be defined as profane because its representatives treated Shevchenko exclusively in the limits of ethnography and as a poet of the common people, while his artistic, national, and political significance was obscured. The author refers to private, public, and secret documents. These are P. Seletskyi’s memoirs; P. Galagan’s journal; the correspondence of K. Kersten with her cousin, member of Cyril and Methodius Brotherhood O. Markovych; M. Rigelman’s polemical paper on Ukrainophilism; T. Florynskyi’s work on Ukrainian language and Ukrainian literary separatism; the notes on the Ukrainophile movement by M. Yuzefovych. The following spectrum of ‘Little Russian’ discourse regarding Shevchenko has been defined: ambivalent attitude (P. Seletskyi); an attempt to combine respect for Shevchenko with loyalty to the Russian emperor and empire (H. Galagan); strictly negative and arrogant attitude (K. Kersten); attempts to separate Shevchenko from Ukrainophilism, Ukrainian language and literature (M. Rigelman and T. Florynskyi), understanding of Shevchenko as a creator of Ukrainophilism (M. Yuzefovych). The presence of the poet’s name in reports to the 3rd Department indicates that apprehending Ukrainian separatism, the Russian imperial structures traditionally treated Shevchenko at the political level, just like issues of the Ukrainian language, culture or education. In the context of prohibitions concerning Ukrainian language and culture, the ‘Little Russian’ discourse of interpreting Shevchenko was inevitably politicized and became identified with the imperial one.
9
Koznarsky, Taras. "“Neither Dead Nor Alive:” Ukrainian Language on the Brink of Romanticism." East/West: Journal of Ukrainian Studies 4, no. 2 (September 19, 2017): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.21226/t28s61.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
At the end of the eighteenth century through the first decades of nineteenth century, as the last vestiges of Ukrainian autonomy were abolished, Ukrainian elites and intelligentsia embarked on a diverse range of projects (addressing geography, history, ethnography, travel writing, journalism, and literature) aimed at privileging and promoting their cultural capital within the Russian imperial field of cultural production. The Ukrainian language and its origins, nature, and status came to the fore in these projects as Ukrainian literati carefully gauged their messages for both Ukrainian and metropolitan audiences in order to engage playfully and polemically with imperial perceptions of Ukraine and to further the cause of the Ukrainian language as a distinctive linguistic system, cultural legacy, and literary medium. These often cautious and purposefully ambiguous characterizations, classifications, and applications prepared the ground for the romantic generation of writers who dramatically expanded the stylistic and generic range of Ukrainian in their literary works and translations, and forcefully argued for the language’s autonomy, dignity, and expressive potential. While early romantic Ukrainian writings were seen as colourful linguistic and ethnographic regional variants useful for the development of Russian imperial and national culture, the growth of Ukrainian literature alarmed both Russian critics and administrators, who began to see in these developments not only unproductive and anachronistic vexations, but also a culturally and ideologically subversive agenda that had to be discouraged. By surveying and examining diverse classifications and discussions of the Ukrainian language by Ukrainian and Russian literati, the article questions the limits of so-called “Ukrainophilia” in Russian imperial culture of the early nineteenth century.
10
Kovalov, Yevhen. "Mental Map of Hryhoriy Galagan: Territorial and Ethnonational Structuring in Ukrainian Nobleman’s World View (mid-1830s — mid-1860s)." Kyiv Historical Studies 13, no. 2 (December 21, 2021): 102–10. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2524-0757.2021.213.
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The article examines the spatial structures and related images of ethno-national communities in the world view of Hryhoriy Pavlovych Galagan (1819–1888), a representative of the Ukrainian local nobility and a prominent public figure. The research methodology includes the achievements of modern humanitarian geography, first of all the method of mental mapping, which allows to study the spatial structures in the world view of the individual, taking into account his socio-cultural environment. The research is based on ego-documents — diaries and correspondence from the Galagan family archive. Special attention is paid to toponymes and ethnonymes in these texts. It is shown that the spatial representations of Hryhoriy Galagan were a complex system that developed under the influence of the socio-cultural sphere in which he lived. Thus, humanitarian geography is represented as a discursive practice due to social and political interests. The article deals, in particular, with such spatial constructs as “Little Russia”, “Ukraine”, “Russia”, “Rus”, “Europe”, as well as related communities — “Little Russia people”, “Russian people”, “Europeans”. Galagan’s spatial and ethno-national ideas are shown as a very dynamic system that was constantly changing under the influence of socio-political and ideological movements, such as the Polish uprisings of 1830–1831 and 1863–1864, the rise of Slavophilia and Ukrainophilia. Attention is paid to the importance of travel for the development of the system of spatial and ethno-national structures. In addition, the conditionality of this system with ideas about history is proved. The issues raised in this article will contribute to further in-depth research in cultural anthropology, as well as be useful to historians working in the biographical genre.
11
Draganov, Petr. "A Page from the History of Ukrainophilism." Biblioteka zhurnala «Rusin», no. 2 (December 1, 2017): 109–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/23451734/7/4.
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12
Hillis, Faith. "Ukrainophile Activism and Imperial Governance in Russia's Southwestern Borderlands." Kritika: Explorations in Russian and Eurasian History 13, no. 2 (2012): 301–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/kri.2012.0019.
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13
Pikhmanets, Roman. "The Dismissal of Mykhailo Drahomanov from the University of St. Volodymyr: Text, Subtext, Context." Journal of Vasyl Stefanyk Precarpathian National University 7, no. 2 (November 18, 2020): 23–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.15330/jpnu.7.2.23-31.
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The article discusses the motives and circumstances surrounding the dismissal of Mykhailo Drahomanov from Kyiv University. There is an emphasis on the interdependence of this episode and the Ems Ukaz, its connection with Drahomanov’s Ukrainophile campaign, his previous plans and intentions regarding an overseas publication. The author provides clarifications and corrections of the commonly held perceptions of the above-mentioned events
14
Mykytyuk, O. "CONTRASTIVE ASPECT OF INTERPRETATION OF THE TERMS-ETHNONYMS MALORUSSKYY, MALORUS (LITTLE RUSSIAN), UKRAINOPHILE AND OTHERS." International Humanitarian University Herald. Philology 1, no. 43 (2019): 48–51. http://dx.doi.org/10.32841/2409-1154.2019.43.1.12.
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15
Kuzio, Taras. "Nation Building, History Writing and Competition over the Legacy of Kyiv Rus in Ukraine." Nationalities Papers 33, no. 1 (March 2005): 29–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905990500053960.
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This article surveys the history of Kyiv Rus within the realm of nation building, identity and historical myths. It argues that Ukraine's elites believe that Western, Russian and Soviet schools of history on Kyiv Rus (and Ukraine) are incompatible with nation and state building.Two schools—Ukrainophile and East Slavic—compete within Ukraine. Nevertheless, the former has been promoted as the dominant school by ruling elites, many of whom date from the Soviet Ukrainian SSR and might personally favour the East Slavic framework. As Stepanenko states, Hrushevsky “is factually theorizing the most convincing version of Ukrainian history.”
16
Pilipey, O. V. "P. KULISH IN CREATIVE THINKING M. KHVILOVY AND M. ZEROV." Literary Studies, no. 59 (2020): 135–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-6346.1(59).135-140.
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In the literary and artistic discourse of the 20–30’s of the XX century. Interest in P. Kulish is growing among literary scholars. It was in the 1920s that the archive of P. Kulish was transferred to the Ukrainian Academy of Sciences, which became a serious documentary, source base for the study of works, literary-critical views, and outlook of this writer. P. Kulish is considered to be one of the first Europeanists of Ukrainian culture to lay the foundation for the modern modern culture of the 1920s. For example, G. Grabovych called P. Kulish a driving force and the founder of the newest Ukrainian intellectual, critical thought and those dimensions of national consciousness that underlie it, and a key figure in the formation of modern Ukrainian culture. He quite rightly noted about P. Kulish M. Dragomanov: “… one of the Ukrainophiles hits the point of world, human culture, which will lift our people”.
17
Mikhailov, Vadim, and Konstantin Losev. "Transition of the Rusins of Austria-Hungary to the bosom of Orthodoxy in the end of 19th - beginning of 20th century: Lost perspective for Russia." OOO "Zhurnal "Voprosy Istorii" 2020, no. 10-4 (October 1, 2020): 196–205. http://dx.doi.org/10.31166/voprosyistorii202010statyi90.
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The article is devoted to the issue of Church policy in relation to the Rusyn population of Austria-Hungary and the Russian Empire. In the second half of the 19th century, the policy of the Austro-Hungarian administration towards the Rusyn Uniate population of the Empire underwent changes. Russia’s victories in the wars of 1849 and 1877-1878 aroused the desire of the educated part of the Rusyns to return to the bosom of the Orthodox Church. Nevertheless, even during the World War I, when the Russian army captured part of the territories inhabited by Rusyns, the military and officials of the Russian Empire were too cautious about the issue of converting Uniates to Orthodoxy, which had obvious negative consequences both for the Rusyns, who were forced to choose a Ukrainophile orientation to protect their national and cultural identity, and for the future of Russia as the leader of the Slavic and Orthodox world.
18
Баландина, Надежда. "Украинофильство как примечательная черта медиаобраза польско-украинского поэта Томаша Падуры". Zeszyty Naukowe Uniwersytetu Rzeszowskiego. Seria Filologiczna. Glottodydaktyka 12 (2021): 9–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.15584/znurglotto.2021.12.1.
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The article shows the specific features of the formation of Tomasz Padura’s media image and its transformation into a symbol of the Polish-Ukrainian unity. It has been proven that the attention of the Ukrainian mass media is concentrated on the most weighty and outstanding facts of the poet’s life and work. Those facts represent several informative aspects: narrow biographical, ideological, creative, memorial, and futuristic. Each of those aspects has its content aimed at the melioration of Tomasz Padura’s image as an exemplary Polish Ukrainophile, a symbol of the Polish-Ukrainian unity. The symbolization of this image has several functions: the historical-typological one allowing to trace the main stages of the image transformation; the methodological one which stresses its significance for the contemporaries; the communicative one which ensures the continuous attention to the poet, and the marketing function promoting Tomasz Padura’s name as a brand from the point of view of the commercial success.
19
Pikovska, T. V. "NATIONAL ISSUE IN THE PROGRAMS OF RUSIN POLITICAL PARTIES IN THE FIRST CZECHOSLOVAK REPUBLIC (1918–1938)." Rusin, no. 61 (2020): 149–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/61/9.
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The article focuses on the national issue in the programs of Rusin political parties during the Transcarpathian stay in the First Czechoslovak Republic (1918–1938). The author claims that the main requirement of most of political parties was the autonomy of Subcarpathian Rus. The refusal of the Czechoslovak authorities to comply with this demand led to an aggravation of the political situation in the region. The two most powerful ideological trends were Ukrainophilism and Russophilia. The multiethnicity of the Transcarpathian population contributed to the development of parties of other national minorities – Hungarian, Polish, Roma, and Jewish. The statewide parties were also popular in the region – the Communist and Czechoslovak Social Democratic. These two parties were among those few in the interwar Czechoslovakia that were built on the ideological rather than national basis. The highest number of parties during the period when Transcarpathia was part of Czechoslovakia was 30. Most of them emerged after 1918, while the process of formation of the overwhelming majority of Czech and Slovak parties took place in the second half of the 19th – early 20th centuries. Thus, these were new political parties at the initial stage of their development and without a clear organizational structure.
20
SEREDA, OSTAP. "FROM CHURCH-BASED TO CULTURAL NATIONALISM: EARLY UKRAINOPHILES, RITUAL-PURIFICATION MOVEMENT AND EMERGING CULT OF TARAS SHEVCHENKO IN AUSTRIAN EASTERN GALICIA IN THE 1860s." Canadian-American Slavic Studies 40, no. 1 (2006): 21–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/221023906x00708.
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21
Nahaiko, K. "KYIV UKRAINIAN COMMUNITY AND ST. VOLODYMYR UNIVERSITY. THE PLOT OF THE NATIONAL SELF- FULFILLMENT." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 137 (2018): 13–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2018.137.2.03.
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This article covers the relationship between Kyiv Ukrainian community as the main formation mover of the national movement in Ukraine in the second decade of the 19 th century and the unification center for Ukrainian scientific- educational elite – St.Volodymyr University. In the context of the establishment of bourgeois society in Europe universities emerged as the main centers which impacted on formation of a national identity of citizens. They became the biggest centers of development of progressive ideas in the south-western part of the Russian Empire which made a tangible impact for its public and political life. According to the Western European example these educational institutions turned into outposts of establishments of a national idea. Due to strong mental potential in their environment the ideas were formed which stimulated self-realization of ‘distinct nations’ that lived in the areas of the Empire. Their practical application occurred both in the cultural and in the political areas. Great importance in these processes was made by Kyiv National St. Volodymyr University. The idea of political separateness as one of European nations progressed among progressive scientific-cultural sphere there. The efforts of Ukrainophiles community made the national desire meaningful by putting forward the ideas of commonwealth in the form of autonomy and then its independent Republic.
22
Lozoviuk, P., and К. V. Shevchenko. "Political situation in Subcarpathian Rus as assessed by Czechoslovak officials and scholars." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 154–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/8.
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The article analyzes political, social and cultural situation in Subcarpathian Rus in assessments of Czech officials and ethnographers dated by the time when this region joined Czechoslovakia in 1919. The end of the First World War, disintegration of Austria- Hungary and subsequent incorporation of the lands of historical Hungarian Rus into Czechoslovak state presented the Czechoslovak authorities with the vital need to solve numerous problems related to the ethnic and cultural peculiarities and national identity of the local East Slavic population. Czech ethnographers and officials played an important role in the development of the main directions of the specific policy of the Czechoslovak administration in Subcarpathian Rus. In their practical recommendations to the central government Czech officials tried to take into account the social, cultural, and linguistic characteristics of the local population as well as the geopolitical interests of Czechoslovakia in that strategically important region bordering with Poland, Hungary and Romania. The acquaintance of Czech officials and scholars with the situation in Subcarpathian Rus resulted in maneuvering of the Czechoslovak administration between several cultural and national projects in this region. However, during the 1920-ties representatives of the Ukrainian movement enjoyed the preferences of the authorities in the educational and cultural spheres. Subsequently, this led to the reinforced position of the Ukrainian movement in Subcarpathian Rus and to the growing contradictions between Ukrainophiles and Russophiles during 1930-ties.
23
Petrenko, O. B. "THE ROLE OF PEDAGOGICAL JOURNALS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF MULTI-ETHNIC EDUCATION AND SCHOOLING IN SUBCARPATHIAN RUS." Rusin, no. 60 (2020): 120–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/60/7.
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The article analyzes the role of pedagogical journals in the development of multiethnic education and schooling in Subcarpathian Rus (1919–1939). It has been proved that the pedagogical periodicals during the period under study were mainly initiated by the school department of the Civil Administration of Subcarpathian Rus, the Teachers’ Association of Subcarpathian Rus, the Pedagogical Society of Subcarpathian Rus, the Ukrainophile pedagogical society “Teacher Community”. It has been found out that the educational guidelines of publications depended not only on the state policy, but also on the ideology of public organizations that financed a particular journal as well as n the position of the chief editors. The pedagogical journals Uchitel, Narodnaya Shkola, Podkarpatska Rus, Uchitelskii Holos, Nasha Shkola, Venochek dlia podcarpatskih detok, Nash rodnyy kray, Pcholka raised educational problems, fulfilling this important informative function, promoting the humanistic, moral, spiritual, multi-ethnic and democratic values of education. Almost every journal contained rubrics on the conditions and criteria of multicultural, national-patriotic, spiritual, and physical education. The articles discussed specific issues of education and upbringing, educational and methodological principles of education, a chronicle of the cultural and educational development of the region, etc. The specificity of educational journals in Subcarpathian Rus was their multilingualism: the overwhelming majority of articles were published in two or three languages – Rusinian, Czech and Hungarian, which made them accessible to a wide range of readers, facilitated the dialogue of cultures between representatives of different ethnic groups in the region.
24
Світленко, С. І. "The image of Taras Shevchenko in the socio-political activities and works of Nikolai Mikhnovsky." Problems of Political History of Ukraine, no. 14 (June 12, 2019): 82–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.33287/1198.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
It is proved that the image of Taras Shevchenko as an uncompromising fighter for national and social liberation of the Ukrainian people had a strong influence on the formation and development of the worldview ofMykolaMikhnovsky. Shevchenko’s ideals predetermined the early crystallization of the national-patriotic outlook of the Ukrainian activist and led to the Ukrainian secret society «Brotherhood Tarasivtsi», which resolutely broke with apolitical Ukrainophilism. Mykola Mikhnovsky became an ideologue of Ukrainian independence, which, following the ideals of Taras Shevchenko, even more clearly sparked the path of struggle for the political, national and economic will of the Ukrainian people. It was shown that at the beginning of the 20th century. the Ukrainian activist inhaled the energy in the creation of the first political party of the Naddnepryanshchina – the Revolutionary Ukrainian Party, and then the Ukrainian People’s Party, which became the ideological mouthpiece of Ukrainian independentists. Shevchenko ideals and the image of Kobzar have been accompanied by Mykola Mikhnovsky for many years and have become an integral part of his world outlook and activities in the decisive times of the Ukrainian Revolution. It is emphasized that not all methods of struggle of independentists found support of conscious Ukrainians of the liberal-democratic and socialist camp, but Mykola Mikhnovsky forever became history as a courageous and consistent fighter for the dignity of the Ukrainian nation, fearlessly advocated for the protection of his native language and culture, for preserving the historical memory of Taras Shevchenko for the approval of the idea of a Ukrainian independent state.
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Kazak, Oleg G. "National-Cultural Movements of the East Slavic Population of Subcarpathian Rus' in the Context of Hungarian Policy (1938–1944)." Central-European Studies 2021, no. 4(13) (2021): 301–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.31168/2619-0877.2021.4.12.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The purpose of work is detection of specifics of various models of ethnocultural identity of the Eastern Slavic population of the Subcarpathian Rus’ in 1939–1944 and their interferences in the context of policy of the Hungarian authorities in the region. The methods of the research were general scientific and special historical methods: historical comparative, historical typological, historical systematic, method of historical retrospection, content analysis. The research result was disclosing assumptions and characteristics of the ethnocultural policy of Budapest in Subcarpathian Rus’, the reconstruction of the mechanisms of adaptation of various ethnocultural trends representatives (Russophiles, Ukrainophiles, Rusynophilles) to the existing conditions of social life in the region. The scientific novelty of the research is determined by the fact that on the basis of a wide range of archive documents of the various states and published sources, scholarly literature (including in Hungarian) was conducted a systematic study of the ethnocultural engineering of official Budapest in relation to the Eastern Slavic population of Subcarpathian Rus’. The results can be used for further studies of various aspects of social and national-cultural life of Subcarpathian Rus’, as well as for comparative analysis of political processes in Central Europe. The main provisions, the theoretical findings and the factual material, which contained in article, can be used for the writing of complex scientific works on national processes in Central and Eastern Europe in the twentieth century, courses of lectures on general history of the Contemporary period, special courses on the history of Hungary and Ukraine. The study results give recommendations to research institutions and educational institutions, leading research in the field of Hungarian studies and Rusyns studies.
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Dvorkin, Ihor. "DESPITE IMPERIAL POLICY: THE UKRAINIAN STUDIES IN THE MUSEUMS OF DNIPER UKRAINE IN THE SECOND HALF OF THE 19th – IN EARLY 20th CENTURY." Almanac of Ukrainian Studies, no. 24 (2019): 57–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2520-2626/2019.24.10.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article deals with the development of Ukrainian studies in museums of Naddnipprianska Ukraine during the imperial period. At the time, a rather wide museum network worked here. Museums were created and operated at various organizations - universities and other educational institutions; scientific institutions; self-government bodies, etc. The lack of the central imperial power’s museum policy was typical. This led to the fact, that museum institutions were often operated under conditions of insufficient funding and enough government support. Russia's imperial policy towards the Ukrainian national movement in the second half of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries was aimed at its restriction and prohibition. Any manifestation of official Ukrainophile activity should be controlled and restricted. At the same time, intelligentsia, the Ukrainian national movement activists, took an active part in the creation and follow-up of museum institutions. On the other hand, the Ukrainian national movement activists found an opportunity to actively use their work in cultural and educational institutions, including museums, as well as to cooperate with them for the purpose of research in the field of Ukrainian studies. In addition, collections of museum facilities could be used in research in the relevant field. Accumulation of Ukrainian studies was an important factor in national processes, the implementation of the "Ukrainian project". The article highlights Ukrainian studies conducted in some museums in Kyiv, Kharkiv and Chernihiv. These museums contained collections, dedicated to Ukrainian ethnography, archeology and history. These museums, thanks to the position of their employees, collected and systematized collections on the history and culture of Ukraine, published scientific products on the basis of their collections.
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Kutska, O. M. "Propagana competition between “Prosvita” and The A. Dukhnovych Society for the Rusinian audience of Subcarpathian Rus during the interwar period." Rusin, no. 64 (2021): 176–200. http://dx.doi.org/10.17223/18572685/64/9.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article analyzes the informational activity of two societies – “Prosvita” (Eng. Enlightenment) and The A. Dukhnovych Society among Rusinian population of Subcarpathian Rus using modern approaches to the propaganda analysis, which implies answering the questions of who, whom on, what methods and forms are used. In particular, it has been found out that both societies had similar structures, with their members being representatives of intelligentsia with Ukrainophile and Russophile views respectively. They were also joined by the representatives of emigration and local population. The Rusinian audience had a relatively low educational level, and many residents of Subcarpathian Rus could not make up their minds whether they were of Rusinian ethnicity and what religion they practiced. The main forms of informing were printed press, oral transmission and radio broadcasting. Most often, the societies used polygraphic means of propaganda, since they were the easiest to produce. Oral transmission also proved quite productive, since it did not require significant expenditures. Radio was of limited application due to lack of receiving equipment. The author’s perspective of the propaganda methods has been formed through the analysis of individual episodes, informational and visual materials about the social and political life of Carpathian Rus and the activities of “Prosvita” and The A. Dukhnovich Society. Among the most popular methods were persuasion, suggestion, manipulation, and disinformation. However, it is possible to speak about their application only conditionally, since there was no propaganda technique in its modern understanding. The representatives of the societies under analsysis acted out of their personal understanding of campaigning methods and responding to the information needs of the Rusin community.
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Kutsov, Kostiantyn. "Social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in interwar Brno (renovation according to the found sources)." Scientific Herald of Uzhhorod University. Series: History, no. 2 (45) (December 25, 2021): 38–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.24144/2523-4498.2(45).2021.2246587.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For today the social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in Brno is known to be the least studied issue in the history of the Carpatho-Ukrainian student movement in the period of interwar Czechoslovakia. Based on all available archival and published sources, in this study the attempt is made to reconstruct and analyse the process of formation and development of public activity of Ukrainian students (natives of modern Transcarpathian region (Ukraine) and Presov self-governing region (the Slovak Republic)), who in the 1920 – 1930s studied at higher education institutions in Brno (the University named after Masaryk, High Technical School, High Vet School). The author of the article states that the social activity of Carpatho-Ukrainian students in Brno developed in several stages. The first stage is the second half of the 1920s, the period when Prague student associations such as the Ukrainophile Union of Subcarpathian Students; and the Russophile society Vozrozhdenie (Rebirth) extended their activities in Brno some local students not only became their members but also formed some of their non-formal centers in Brno (e.g. Union of Subcarpathian Ruthenian Students). However, due to the decrease in the number of Carpatho-Ukrainian students at local universities, this process soon slowed down. Next stage is the second half of 1930s. At that time, relatively large independent Carpatho-Ukrainian student organizations – Russophile Society Verkhovina (1936) and the Subcarpathian Academic Society (1937) formed and gradually intensified in their activity in Brno. However, due to the political situation in the Czechoslovak Republic in 1938 – 1939, their activities ended. More information about the issue discussed in the article can be found in the original documents kept at the archival institutions of Brno.
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Nahaiko, Taras. "HISTORIOGRAPHIC AND DOCUMENTARY SOURCES OF THE CIVIL MOVEMENT TAKEN FROM THE 7th BOOK OF EDITORIAL PORTFOLIO NAMED − «OVER A HUNDRED YEARS»." Journal of Ukrainian History, no. 39 (2019): 93–104. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2522-4611.2019.39.12.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article provides both historiographical and documentary review of the editorial portfolio of the 7th unpublished book of the magazine of the historical section of the VUAN "Over A Hundred Years." This unfulfilled edition contains a significant amount of valuable information about the history of the communist movement of the second half of the nineteenth century, which became an integral part of the Ukrainian national revival. The editorial office focused on the author's researches and materials that were provided by the authors for consideration in order to further publish them. Thus, the editorial portfolios of the 7th book focused on the author's scientific researches, documentary sources, epistolary heritage, and memories of the figures of Ukrainian communities and people close to them. The materials collected by the editorial office were not published since the magazine ceased to exist. However, their relevance is indisputable, because they reveal the pages of the ill-studied topic. The purpose of this research, based on the methods of historiographical and dissertational analysis, is the promulgation of up-to-date scientific information on community leaders and events, participants and witnesses of which they acted. From those very small parts of the created scientific work, available sources on the history of the Ukrainian revival, only some of the materials were published. That is why the information that has been preserved in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" gains its special importance. During the period of being in the Russian Empire, Ukrainian intellectuals propagandizing the idea of national separation were subjected to all kinds of oppression by the authorities. The change in the national paradigm of history, which took place in the Soviet period, for a long time made it impossible to study the Ukrainian national civil movement. That revolutionary generation, which declared the formation of its own state – the Ukrainian People's Republic, either emigrated or was repressed at the time of Stalin's terror. Because of that, significant gaps have been created in the study of the Ukrainian national renaissance and its key centers - the Communities. In the context of studying the history of the communist movement of the second half of the nineteenth century, our research attention is made up of official, private and historiographical sources contained in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over a hundred years." In previous works devoted to reviewing publications in 6 existing books of this magazine, we identified the following categories: scientific articles, documents, memoirs, letters. It should be noted that these materials are both separate articles and their components are part of the structure of published scientific works. For example, official documentary sources, letters, memories, biographical materials of representatives of the communist movement act as a subject of a separate publication, as well as parts of scientific articles. In consideration of this publication, we have taken all the materials of the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years", which were identified by researchers S. Pankova and G. Shevchuk in the article "Over A Hundred Years". Using the materials of the manuscript kept at the Institute by the National Library of Ukraine named after Vernadsky, they pay attention to the presence of several registers, indicating the contents of the volume itself. In general, there are 5 lists that include the list of published work intended for publication in this edition. The text of the article is a sequential review of the content of the listed editorial portfolio positions. In particular, let's dwell on the definition of the materials of the relevant sources representing the factual side of the Ukrainophilical community movement in the above-mentioned groups. To do this, we offer the following classification. The first group of materials - the most numerous and contains information on 1) events related to the communist movement of the 60's and 70's of the nineteenth century; 2) information on illegal activities and publications distributed among the Ukrainophilical intellectuals; 3) the actual persons - members of the Community, etc. According to this division, we note that we assigned two scientific works to the first subgroup, from F. Savchenko and O. Nazarevsky; to the second – L. Milovidov and V. Chernomorets (Drozdovsky); the third – researches and materials related to individual communities. These are the works of N. Buchbinder, M. Kistyakovsky, B. Shevelev, A. Doroshevich, M. Hnip, S. Scrob. The final list of the works of the first group of materials is the study of V. Kravchenko, which contains some fragmentary information regarding the Ukrainophilical movement. The second group of sources is represented by correspondence: M. Kostomarov, M. Kulish, M. Maksymovych and K. Mikhalchuk. The third definite group of materials – memoirs and documents – is the final in this review. It should be emphasized that materials of the editorial portfolios that have not been preserved can be found either in the archival storage or in the printed version. Their list was given by researchers S. Pankova and G. Shevchuk, which includes four positions. All of them are known for "Plate VII of the book. "Over a Hundred Years." At least two of them are directly related to the communist movement. It is possible that these materials will still be discovered by researchers. The analysis of these materials in the editorial portfolio of the 7th book of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" proves that the collection of this magazine is the largest in terms of the number and content of available materials. Despite the long process of creating, scientific resources have not lost their relevance, on the contrary, they have a significant potential in revealing the plots of the history of Ukrainian communities in the second half of the nineteenth century. This publication is final in the cycle of author's inquiries devoted to the review and analysis of materials of the magazine "Over A Hundred Years" (books 1-7). The historiographic sources and documents found in them are a valuable bibliographic and source-study segment in the general array of research studies aimed at studying the processes of Ukrainian national revival and state-building that took place in the "long nineteenth century".
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Mohylnyi, L. "SOCIAL AND POLITICAL VIEWS OF OSYP HERMAIZE." Bulletin of Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv. History, no. 147 (2020): 33–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/1728-2640.2020.147.7.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the late 19th – early 20th century intelligentsia of various ethnic origins in Ukraine formed the idea of the importance of personal contribution to the development of scientific, cultural and educational potential of the peoples in the Russian Empire. Leading figures of Ukrainophile community called on talented intellectuals to contribute to the development of education and science in Ukraine. Osyp Hermaize was one of those who responded to this unofficial call. The purpose of this article is to analyze the social and political beliefs of O. Hermaize as one of the active representatives of the intelligentsia of Kyiv in the first third of the 20th century. In the research, the method of historicism, objectivity and science has been used. The scientific novelty is that the article is the first attempt to investigate the social and political views of the famous historian of the 1920’s O. Hermaize. The social and political views of the scientist determined his deep interest in Ukrainian studies. His cultural and educational work began immediately after graduation from the Faculty of History and Philology of Kyiv University when he joined the local community of Ukrainians. The February Revolution of 1917 radically changed the life of the scientist. The scientist devoted a significant part of his life to cultural and educational activities, including work at Kyiv “Prosvita”, the Ukrainian Scientific Society named after Taras Shevchenko, the Kyiv Labour School, organization of the research on the history of RUP and other Ukrainian parties at All-Ukrainian Academy of Ukrainian sciences. The study of social and political views of O. Hermaize allowed us to identify three main stages in the formation of his beliefs: 1) the 1916-1917 determined his interest in Ukrainian studies; 2) the 1918-1924 put forward an educational factor in his public activities, and 3) during the 1924-1929 both pedagogical and scientific work came forward.
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Dvorkin, Ihor. "MUSEUMS IN THE UKRAINIAN NATIONAL MOVEMENT IN RUSSIAN-RULED UKRAINE IN THE LATE XIX AND EARLY XX CENTURY." City History, Culture, Society, no. 3 (October 30, 2017): 83–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/mics2019.03.083.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article examines the place and role of museum institutions in the legal, cultural activities of representatives of the Ukrainian national movement of the Russian Empire in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. The author considers that in the absence of Ukrainian state and Russian imperial policy, which denied the existence of a separate Ukrainian people, the official, authorized institutions enabled the representatives of the Ukrainian creative intelligentsia a legitimate way to spread the idea of a "Ukrainian project" of nation-building. The author agrees that in promoting this project, Ukrainophiles actively used "invention of traditions" (by Eric Hobsbaum) - cultural practices of a ritual or symbolic nature that were intended to express community belonging and impart specific values and behaviours. In particular: life, traditional Ukrainian clothing, a celebration of anniversaries of outstanding events or anniversaries significant for the Ukrainian movement of personalities, as well as the conscious application of Ukrainian architectural modernity (Ukrainian style) in the architecture and development of Ukrainian professional theatre. Museums as sources of information about the past of Ukrainians also fit into these practices. They were accessible to the general public and had great potential to influence the society of that time. Museum exhibitions provided ample opportunities to represent Ukrainian history and culture, and by their explicit or hidden intention, their founders had the potential to become Ukrainian national. The attempt to implement such museum projects is described in the article on the example of the activity of the Kyiv Art, Industrial and Scientific Museum and the Museum of Ukrainian Antiquities V.V. Tarnovsky at the Chernihiv Provincial Zemstvo. Analyzing both the permanent exhibitions and the exhibitions held (the First South Russian Exhibition of Handicrafts in 1906, the exhibition dedicated to the fiftieth anniversary of the death of Taras Shevchenko in 1911), the author proves that there were literally "hiding places" behind the facade of the imperial museums. National ones that could well serve to shape Ukrainian identity.
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Lekhniuk, Roman. "Ukrainian Christian social movement in Galicia at the end of the XIX – the first quarter of the XX centuries: ideology and political practices." Res Gestae 8 (November 26, 2019): 84–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.24917/24504475.8.4.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Ideological pursuits and political practices of Ukrainian Christian social movement in Galicia at the end of the XIX century – the first quarter of the XX century that was an important element of Ukrainian conservative tradition is analyzed in the article. This movement, headed by Oleksandr Barvinsky, emerged as a response to the rejection of the Polish-Ukrainian rapprochement, the “new era” of 1890–1894, by members of Ukrainian political movement of Narodovtsi (Ukrainophiles). The movement not only supported but also promoted conservative principals of national development in the Ukrainian society of Galicia. The principal motto of Christian social movement was created under the influence of a Krakow-based group of Polish conservatives known as “Stańczycy”. The principal core of the movement was the refusal from what they believe to be ineffective oppositional politics and implementation of “organic labour” concept with further contribution to raising political consciousness as well as the economic and level of the Ukrainian society in Galicia. Members of the Christian social movement paid considerable attention to religiosity and insisted on an important role played by the Greek Catholic Church in raising young people and political life. Following the ideals of the “New era”, Oleksandr Barvinsky and his followers attempted to find the Ukrainian-Polish path for understanding in Galician atmosphere that was becoming more and more strained. In practice, Christian social movement ended up attempting to create a functional political organization which turned out a disaster. Political failures of the movement were caused by adverse ideological and political climate of that time and the inner weakness of the very movement. Despite the termination of political activity of movement at the beginning of the First World War, Oleksandr Barvinsky fruitlessly tried to breathe new life into political structures of the movement during the war and until the early 1920s. Taking into consideration the new interwar reality where different radical movements proliferated, a conservative and moderate Christian social movement which remained a creation of the Habsburg era had no chance for success.
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Boiko, Nadiia. "Ivan Franko’s Perception of Oleksandr Konyskyi: the Processes of Convergence, Divergence and Memorialisation." Synopsis: Text Context Media 27, no. 4 (December 25, 2021): 231–37. http://dx.doi.org/10.28925/2311-259x.2021.4.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the reception of Oleksandr Konysky in the literary-critical and journalistic heritage of Ivan Franko. An important point in the study of the relationship between national identity and places of memory is P. Nora’s observation that through common symbols individuals become the basis of a common identity, then the bearers of collective memory no longer need special knowledge to achieve a common identity. The author gives interpretation of such concepts as “iconic figure of the transition period”, “Galicia — Ukrainian Piedmont” and the meaning of specific symbolic place — the Shevchenko Scientific Society, which Franco once drew attention to, glorifying the figure of Konysky, and which still have attractive properties, determining the processes of national identification, the cultural leader of which was Konysky. The subject of the research is tracing the inclusion of the figure of O. Konysky in the Ukrainian cultural and historical canon in the aspect of research on cultural memory and places of memory. The object of analysis is Franko’s literary criticism and journalistic work. The aim of study is to trace the formation of Ukrainophiles generation locus memoria on the example of inscribing the figure of O. Konysky in the Ukrainian cultural and historical canon. This aim involves solving the following tasks: to analyze in detail the figure of Konysky in the literary-critical discourse of Franko; identify the influence of mental and generational factors on their relationships; to find out the ways of memorializing the figure of Konysky in the reception of Franko. As a result of the analysis, using the approaches of biographical, historical-literary, empirical research methods, it was found that despite some contradictions of personal and ideological nature, Franco praised Konysky’s role in building the Ukrainian scientific and cultural space. Franko presented Konysky as an important figure of the transitional period and accentuated the key moments of his activities that had a positive impact on the development of the national idea and on the desire of Ukrainians for the autonomy.
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Romaniuk, Nelia, and Andrii Sinitskyi. "Volodymyr Menchyts (1837–1916) Against the Backdrop of the Epoch." Scientific Papers of the Vinnytsia Mykhailo Kotsiubynskyi State Pedagogical University. Series: History, no. 36 (June 2021): 35–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31652/2411-2143-2021-36-35-41.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Purpose of the article is to broaden the knowledge about the Ukrainian national movement, problems of the creation of a nation in 19th – beginning of the 20th century through the prism of life and activities of an individual person – Volodymyr Amvrosiiovych Menchyts, as a cultural and educational figure. The methodology of research is based on a combination of general scientific and special historical methods with the principles of historicism, objectivity and consistency. The application of these methods made it possible to conduct a systematic analysis of the sources that helped to personify the figure of V. Menchyts. Scientific novelty. The role of V. Menchyts against the backdrop of the epoch of the second half of the 19th – early 20th century has been highlighted on the basis of published and archival documents. His role was marked by the intensification of the national movement, the formation of the idea of state formation of Ukraine. Conclusions. Research into the biography of Volodymyr Amvrosiyovych Menchyts and its reproduction showed that he was an outstanding personality, a bright representative of the Ukrainian national movement of the second half of the 19th – beginning 20th century. He entered Ukrainian history as an educator and philosopher, a collector of Ukrainian folklore, and a specialist in literature and publishing. V. Menchyts was a representative of the spiritual elite of the society of that time. Those people contributed to the formation of moral and ethical foundations of the social worldview, national idea and state formation of Ukraine. A significant constellation of figures that developed and acted in this period in society, in particular Volodymyr Menchyts and his company, clearly defined the outlines of the Ukrainophil movement. Along with a cohort of less known but, undoubtedly, sincere patriots, the famous representatives of this movement were able to lay the ideological foundation for the development of the Ukrainian state at the beginning of 20th century.
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Sedliar, Oleksandr. "Заснування та перші роки діяльності товариства імені Михайла Качковського 1874–1877". Roczniki Biblioteczne 61 (4 червня 2018): 135–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.19195/0080-3626.61.6.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
ЗАСНУВАННЯ ТА ПЕРШІ РОКИ ДІЯЛЬНОСТІ ТОВАРИСТВА ІМЕНІ МИХАЙЛА КАЧКОВСЬКОГО 1874–1877Створення Товариства ім. Качковського в 1874 р. зусиллями частини галицьких русинів москвофілів. Цілі Товариства: поширення знань, підвищення рівня громадянської і національної свідомості серед руських селян та дрібного міщанства. Налагодження в 1874–1877 рр. праці головного осередку, розбудова мережі філій у провінції та розгортання видавничої роботи. Випуск популярних книжок як основний напрям діяльності Товариства.Założenie Towarzystwa im. M. Kachkovskiego w 1874 r. przez część Rusinów galicyjskich rusofilów. Cele Towarzystwa: rozpowszechnienie wiedzy, podniesienie poziomu świadomości obywatelskiej i narodowej wśród ruskich chłopów i drobnomieszczaństwa. Uregulowanie w latach 1874–1877 pracy głównego biura, sieci filii na prowincji i działalności wydawniczej. Wydawanie popularnych książeczek jako główny kierunek działalności Towarzystwa.THE FOUNDING AND FIRST FEW YEARS OF THE MYKHAILO KACHKOVSKI SOCIETYThe Mykhailo Kachkovsky Society, founded in 1874 in Kolomyia, quickly became one of the main public organisations of Galician Ruthenians. It was founded by the local Russophiles on the initiative of a Greek Catholic priest, Ivan Naumovych. The Society was involved in educating Ruthenian peasants and townspeople, it promoted new forms of organising the economy and raised civic and national awareness of Galician Ruthenians. The Kachkovsky Society competed against the Ukrainophile Prosvita and from the 1880s with Polish education societies in Galicia.Its main activity was publication of books of up to 100 pages from 1876 on a monthly basis for members of the society. They featured short moralising pieces, articles about history of Ruthenia, information about the world as well economic and legal advice. The article examines a period from the founding of the Kachkovsky Society in 1874 till 1877, i.e. when it was headed by its initiator and founder, Fr Naumovych. Initially, the society was based in Kolomyia, but when it turned out that there were not enough people to ensure the right organisation for the society, in early 1876 its offices were moved to Lviv. In 1876–1877 representatives of the society founded a dozen or so branches across Galicia, which contributed to an expansion of its activity and organisational structures: in 1877 the Kachkovsky Society had about 6,500 members.
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Futala, Vasyl. "UKRAINE AND UKRAINIANS IN THE POLISH SOCIO-POLITICAL DISCOURSE OF THE FIRST THIRD OF THE TWENTIETH CENTURY: THE UKRAINIAN PERSPECTIVE." Problems of humanities. History, no. 6/48 (April 27, 2021): 199–223. http://dx.doi.org/10.24919/2312-2595.6/48.228491.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Summary. The purpose of the study is to show the achievements of Ukrainian historiography in studying the attitude of Polish politics in the early twentieth century and the interwar period to the Ukrainian question, to personify the scientific achievements of Ukrainian scientists, to predict the prospects for further scientific research. Research methodology is based on the principles of historicism, systemicity, and objectivity. In solving specific problems, methods of historiographical analysis and synthesis were applied. The scientific novelty is that on the basis of a wide range of historiographical sources created by Ukrainian researchers, the process of accumulation and dissemination in time of historical knowledge about the essence of national programs of Polish political circles of the first third of the twentieth century and ways to solve the Ukrainian question. Conclusions. The analyzed problem began to be studied at the scientific level in 1960–80’s. If the representatives of the Ukrainian diaspora only outlined its contours, the historians of Soviet Ukraine (referring primarily to Yu. Slyvka) made an attempt of a professional approach to the subject of research. Modern Ukrainian researchers, applying the latest research practices and Ukraine-centric approach, have made significant progress in the study of the topic. Through the efforts of L. Zashkilnyak, Y. Mykhalsky, V. Repryntsev, M. Zelinsky, Y. Vyalova, V. Komar, Y. Kramar, O. Yurchuk, M. Kucherepa and others, there has been an increase in scientific historical knowledge about the essence of national programs of the main Polish forces politicum in the early twentieth century and in the 1920s and 1930s, in particular, their attitude to the Ukrainian question. It is proved that two concepts concerning Ukrainians were leading – assimilation of national and state. Supporters of the first were representatives of the Polish National Democracy, and the second – supporters of J. Pilsudski. Attempts by Polish Ukrainophiles to impose the idea of territorial autonomy on Ukrainians in Galicia have failed. Theorists of Polish conservatives substantiated the eternal affiliation of "peripheral territories" to the Polish state, and therefore considered the Ukrainian question exclusively as a domestic political problem of a local nature. Among the government programs developed for certain regions of Poland, the most famous is the "Volyn program" of Governor G. Yuzewski. Despite the great achievements in studying the positions of Polish political groups on the Ukrainian issue, there is a need for in-depth study of the ideology and practice of the centre-left and far-left movements. It is necessary to continue consideration of the principles of national policy of small Polish political parties, groups and blocs of liberal and conservative orientations. In addition, this scientific problem has the prospect of research through the prism of biography.
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RAIKIVSKYI, Ihor. "HALYCHYNA IN THE LIFE AND WORK OF MYKHAILO HRUSHEVSKYI (1885–1894)." Ukraine: Cultural Heritage, National Identity, Statehood 34 (2021): 36–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.33402/ukr.2021-34-36-49.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The paper investigates the interest of Mykhailo Hrushevsky in Halychyna and his first contacts with local populists (narodovtsi) in 1885–1894, before moving to Lviv, where he later would become famous as a scientist and cultural-public figure. Emphasis is placed on M. Hrushevskyi's early interest in Ukrainian activities in his youth. He considered sub-Austrian Halychyna a potential center of the national movement under the «Ems Ukaz» (Ems decree) of 1876 and repressions against Ukrainians in Russia. As stressed, in the diary, which the young Mykhailo kept since 1883, he regularly wrote down his impressions of events in Halychyna. Under the ideological influence of V. Antonovych, O. Konyskyi, and I. Nechui-Levytskyi, through the mediation of members of Kyiv society «Stara hromada», he, in the mid-1880s, he worked out the relationships with the Halychyna populists (O. Barvinskyi, I . Belei and others), and was published in the local press. With the I. Nechui-Levytskyi's support, in June 1885, was published the first article of M. Hrushevskyi in the newspaper «Dilo». Later he repeatedly published his works in the updated magazine «Pravda» (since 1888), which became an all-Ukrainian periodical (published in Lviv since 1867, intermittently). It was discovered that at the suggestion of O. Konyskyi M. Hrushevskyi prepared an article under the pseudonym M. Serhienko, which opened the first volume of «Notes of Shevchenko Scientific Society» in 1892 and marked the beginning of his many-years collaboration with scientific journals in Halychyna. Furthermore, highlighted that M. Hrushevskyi, as well as ukrainophiles of Naddniprianshchyna (the territory of Ukraine, which was part of the Russian Empire), to create the best conditions for the development of Ukrainian national movement in Halychyna, supported the policy of the Polish-Ukraine mutual support, known in history as the «New Era» (1890–1894). In the context of the «New Era» policy, from 1891, M. Hrushevskyi's moving to Halychyna to head the Department of History of Ukraine at the Lviv University, was discussed. People of Halychyna insisted on the candidacy of Professor V. Antonovych, who was a scientific supervisor of M. Hrushevskyi; I. Belei and O. Barvinskyi even visited Kyiv in 1893 to persuade him to agree to move to Halychyna, but to no avail. In the autumn of 1894, M. Hrushevskyi on the recommendation of V. Antonovych, for patriotic reasons, headed the newly created department, which started a new Halychyna period in his life and work (until 1913). The scientist's multifaceted activity is revealed, which was an essential tool for constructing the historical memory of Ukrainians: he contributed to the organization of extensive publishing activities in the Ukrainian language, the development of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, founded his historical school, a prominent representative of which was I. Krypiakevych.
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Bogdanov, Volodymyr. "PHILOSOPHICAL DISCOURSE OF MODERN UKRAINE: OWN EXPERIENCE AND POLISH INFLUENCES." Українська полоністика 19 (December 30, 2021). http://dx.doi.org/10.35433/2220-4555.19.2021.phyl-1.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Polish influences on the development of Ukrainian philosophy are indisputable, but they need a structural analysis: what was the motivation for these influences, how they were carried out, who was the leader of these influences, what was the greatest influence in Ukrainian philosophy. The study provided the following answers to these questions: the motivation for Polish influence was, among other things, the desire to support an independent Ukrainian state, culture and philosophy; these influences were exercised both consciously by Polish philosophers themselves and by the interest of Ukrainian philosophers in Polish achievements in philosophy, in particular in philosophical terminology; the main leaders of Polish philosophical influences were Polish and Ukrainian philosophers, as well as authors of translations of philosophical works from Polish into Ukrainian; the spheres of the history of philosophy, logic, philosophy of education, political philosophy and some others were most influenced in Ukrainian philosophy, that can be judged, in particular, by the works of Polish philosophers translated from Polish into Ukrainian. Polish philosophy simplifies the path of Ukrainian philosophy to philosophical classics, which is an advantage, and at the same time using Polish philosophy can limit the desire of Ukrainian philosophers to seek their own solutions and in particular their own philosophical terminology, which can already be a significant drawback. The prospect of interaction between Ukrainian and Polish philosophies should be their mutual influence and full inclusion of Polish and Ukrainian philosophical communities in the world philosophical discourse. Key words: philosophical discourse, philosophical translation, Ukrainophilia, Polish influences, national philosophical dictionary, philosophical community.
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Sedlar, Oleksandr. "Działalność wydawniczna społecznych organizacji galicyjskich Rusinów (Ukraińców) w zakresie rozwoju idei oświaty ludu (lata 50. i 60. XIX w.)." Z Badań nad Książką i Księgozbiorami Historycznymi, April 19, 2020, 287–307. http://dx.doi.org/10.33077/uw.25448730.zbkh.2020.203.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
One of the important factors determining the public activity of the Galician Ruthenians (Ukrainians) after 1848 was the realization of the idea of educating the people. In the 1850-1860’s exclusively intellectuals were engaged in educational work; peasants and burghers were only recipients. At the time, the main attention was paid to the publication of educational literature for elementary schools and gymnasiums, as well as scientific, popular and religious lectures for intellectuals and common people. This was done by both private publishers and specially created non-gov0ernmental organizations such as the Russophile society Halytsko-Ruska Matytsia (since 1848) and the Ukrainophile society Prosvita (since 1868). Among the editions of Matytsia prevailing publications for the intelligentsia, Prosvita began its publishing activity mainly from small books for the common people.
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"Features of the confrontation between the government and the students universities of Dnieper Ukraine in the 70-80's. XIX century." V. N. Karazin Kharkiv National University Bulletin "History of Ukraine. Ukrainian Studies: Historical and Philosophical Sciences", no. 31 (2020). http://dx.doi.org/10.26565/2227-6505-2020-31-08.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The article analyzes the reasons for the students’ protests that took place in three universities of pre-revolutionary Ukraine: St. Vladimir University in Kyiv, Novorossiysk University in Odessa and Kharkiv University. As a rule, students’ riots arose due to those restrictive and prohibitive measures of the ruling regime which the radical part of the students described to be purely discriminatory. The leadership of the Ministry of National Education and the trustees of the universities persistently tried not to allow for effective elements of student self-government, even when they concerned educational, cultural or charitable areas. The paper also reveals the factors that led to the politicization of students’ unrest, including that explained by changing the social composition of students and limiting the autonomous status of universities, especially after the enactment of the Statute of 1884 which rejected the corporatism. It was emphasized that the students’ protests were quite varied, and the demands also ranged from too radical to moderate. As a rule, it depended on the presence of the group of students who took the leading role during the actions, but could take both extreme and liberal positions. The emphasis is placed on the inconsistency, a certain chaos of the governmental actions, the presence of conservative rather than liberal-minded people among the teaching staff. This situation left students’ groups without the advice of experienced people, except for a small group of sympathizers of privat-docents. The article proves that the unnecessary extremes that were allowed in the speeches and demands by students’ groups, and not only by governmental agencies were explained by the insufficient social maturity of the youth. In particular, the students’ attitude to the professoriate, on the one hand, was quite understandable when they evaluated teachers of different status in terms of not only professionalism but also moral and ethical qualities. On the other hand, the unreasonable subjectivity was allowed when students, without sufficient grounds, considered granting a doctorate to a particular teacher to be illegal. It is noteworthy that the main reason for such censoriousness of students was often the professors’ high demands at the exams. It is important that the change in the social composition of university students with the predominance of so-called commoners, who had mostly low fortunes, exacerbated the situation. After all, the vast majority of students from low-income families were ashamed to admit this fact understanding their dependence on the charitable actions of the government. Therefore, there was a certain dualism: students like these were satisfied with the governmental financial and material assistance, but the regime's restrictive actions pushed them to resist. It was found that the vast majority of students tried not to insist on purely political demands, as the radicals did. To a large extent, the nature of the requirements was formed by the ratio of the number of so-called “white-collars” – students of the active minority and the passive majority. Therefore, their composition was significantly different depending on the university. Thus, students' perception of the importance of corporate events, which, in their opinion, would allow them to implement the socio-political ideals inherent to the 70-80s of the XIX century, was not identical in three universities as well as among individual students’ groups. In addition, we should not forget about the multinational, multi-religious composition of students of pre-revolutionary Ukraine. After all, not only the management of educational institutions, but also the gendarmerie police monitored closely the behavior of “Ukrainophiles”, as well as Catholic and Jewish students. From the point of view of the regime's guards, they were the most dangerous part of the students for the authorities. It is also noted that a certain part of student activists with radical protest views were no longer satisfied with the events during which purely cultural and educational demands were made. Besides, some public organizations, the leftist SRs and anarchists intensified their agitation among the students, using, not without abuse, the expansiveness and age-specific enthusiasm, recklessness of the youth. Furthermore, the authorities generally used force and illicit measures in their actions, refusing even to establish voluntary societies to help low-income students. In terms of comparability, great attention is paid to the active work of students’ societies that existed with the permission of the authorities, wall newspapers, almanacs published by student activists, which took place at Charles University in Prague. The process of students' growing critical attitude to teachers is traced, in particular to those, who in their eyes, did not correspond to the concept of carriers of “reasonable and eternal”. It is emphasized, that such frustration largely accumulated the protest feelings of students, undermining their former faith in the noble educational mission carried out at universities. It is stated that the reason for the large number of leaders heading the students’ movement from medical faculties was their better awareness of the state affairs in the field of health care: excessive mortality, especially of infants and children under 5, insufficient domestic medical system. At the same time, it has been proven that the active assessment of professorial competence was not always objective, since it was more often about teachers’ socio-political face, rather than professionalism. It is important that the 70s of the XIX century became a certain watershed between the two stages of students’ address: liberal-restrained and politically-radicalized. At the same time, the strengthening of students’ protests in the 80s was based on measures aimed at limiting the autonomy of universities and denying them corporatism. The emphasis is placed on the inconsistency of government actions, the presence of a greater number of liberal teachers in course of time, including full professors, but still on the predominance of the conservatives whose loyalty to the current government was beyond doubt. It meant that the abyss that had separated the majority of the students from the teaching staff was only widening. It is also noted that among the students there existed a group of those who did not support permanent confrontations with the teachers or university leadership. Not unreasonably, they believed that radical and often inconsiderate students’ actions only worsened the prospects for resolving the aggravating problems of university life.