Статті в журналах: "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

1

Mikail, Elnur Hasan. "Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijani relations in the national struggle period (1920-1923)." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805039.

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In this study, the political relations between the Atatürk Era, the Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijan are analyzed. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was established under the leadership of Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Historical developments between Turkey and the historical importance of the study period and brother country Azerbaijan are discussed in depth. Azerbaijan Soviet leader Neriman Nerimanov’s rational and logical real politics of the Soviet leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Russia Period to persuade him to help Turkey are examined on the basis of the archive records.

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2

Sarıçoban, Gülay. "The Second Group in the First Turkish Grand National Assembly." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (October 18, 2019): 1574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.625900.

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Ulu, Cafer. "Armenians in Turkish politics and parliament (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Economics and Business 3, no. 9 (January 4, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgeb.v3i9.116.

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There is a long and complicated history between Turks and Armenians. Armenians have consistently found a place for themselves in business, the economy, society, and government. Before the Constitutional Monarchy, Armenians began to participate actively in the governmental structure throughout the Ottoman Empire and attained a variety of high posts, including ministerial positions. After the Constitutional Monarchy, they were represented in the parliament by a sizable number of lawmakers as well as by employees and ministers. After the Turkish Republic was established, the same condition persisted. Armenian representatives have served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly from the beginning of the Turkish parliament. Atatürk also allocated quotas for the minorities for their deputies and allowed them to enter the parliament. In this article, you will find the activities of the deputy and parliamentary Armenian citizens who served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923-1946.

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Sakin, Serdar. "The Minorities Problem after the Sakarya War and Turkish Grand National Assembly." History Studies International Journal Of History Volume 2 Issue 1, no. 2 (2010): 238–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist_58.

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DAĞLI, Erkan. "First Jewish Member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly: Samuel Abravaya Marmara." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 9, no. 2 (June 18, 2023): 316–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1308302.

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Osmanlı, bünyesi içinde yaşayan toplumu yani tebaayı bazı özelliklerine göre özellikle de dini inancına göre sınıflandırmıştır. Osmanlı Devleti çok farklı kıtadaki yönetimi altındaki insanları “Millet Sistemi” içerisinde bir arada tutmuştur. Millet sisteminde baz alınan ölçüt o toplumun ırkından ziyade dini inancı ön planda tutulmuş ve Müslüman olsun olmasın Osmanlı adaleti millet sistemi ile bütün Osmanlı milletine uygulanmıştır. Osmanlı, I. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında da dağılmış ve yerine Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kurularak din yapılı millet sisteminden, ırk bazlı vatandaş sistemine geçilmiştir. Türkiye’de 1923’te Cumhuriyet ilan edilerek rejimin adı belli olmuştur. Bu kapsamda seçim yoluyla halkın kendi hür iradesiyle ülkeyi yönetecek mebusların millet meclisinde temsil edilmesi demokrasinin ana şartı olmuştur. Ülkedeki her kesimden insanın hür düşüncesinin savunulması ve farklı din ile ırka mensup vatandaşların da bu mecliste yer alması demokrasiyi daha da kuvvetlendirmiştir. Bu çerçevede Atatürk çok partili demokrasiyi desteklese 1930’da Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası’nın kendini feshetmesiyle ikinci deneme de başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmıştır. Çok partili adımlardan netice alamayan Atatürk, 1931’deki genel seçimlerden önce demokratik adımlardan vazgeçmeyerek Gayrı Müslim adaylar ile müstakil mebuslar politikasını uygulamıştır. Müstakil mebuslara iktidara kısmi güdümlü muhalefet rolü verilse de asıl amaç farklı duygu ve düşüncedeki Türkiye Cumhuriyeti vatandaşlarının mecliste temsil edilmesi hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışma Atatürk döneminde 1935 ve 1939 seçimlerinde Musevilerin temsilcisi olarak Niğde’den müstakil mebus olan Samuel Abravaya Marmaralı’nın hayatı ve faaliyetlerini kapsamaktadır.

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Özbudun, Ergun. "Constitutional Debates on Parliamentary Inviolability in Turkey." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (May 19, 2005): 272–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002725.

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Differences between parliamentary inviolability and parliamentary non-liability. Parliamentary inviolability in the Turkish constitution. Also for ministers. Scope and duration. Lifting of inviolability by the Grand National Assembly. Possibility of judicial review. Constitutional amendments to limit inviolability in the combat against corruption rejected.

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7

Al-Asad, Mohammad. "The Mosque of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara: Breaking with Tradition." Muqarnas 16 (1999): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523269.

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Al-Asad, Mohammad. "THE MOSQUE OF THE TURKISH GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN ANKARA: BREAKING WITH TRADITION." Muqarnas Online 16, no. 1 (1999): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000387.

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9

DOYRAN, Muhabbet. "1926, 2001 Yıllarında Kabul Edilen Türk Medenî Kanunlarının Hazırlanışı Sırasında Yapılan Tartışmalar ve Yaşanan Gelişmeler." Korkut Ata Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi, no. 11 (June 30, 2023): 1089–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.51531/korkutataturkiyat.1295927.

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Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, which aims to create a modern state and society, and Mahmut Esat Bozkurt, the Minister of Justice. They made a legal revolution to implement the “Law of Persons”, “Family Law,” “Law of Inheritance”, “Law of Property” and “Law of Obligations”. For this purpose, the “Civil Law Commission” was established among various law commissions established by the Ministry of Justice. The commission, which started its work for the “Turkish Law Medina” (TKM), decided to take the civil law of a country in Western Europe as it is. In line with this decision, the “Swiss Civil Code” was taken as a whole with some changes and translated by the scientific committee. On February 17, 1926, the articles of TKM were accepted by voting one by one in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM). As a complement to this law, the Swiss Code of Obligations was also fully adopted, adopted and voted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on April 22, 1926, and both laws entered into force on October 4, 1926. Switzerland has made innovations in the “Civil Code” (MK) in accordance with its social needs and structure, and has created a number of new institutions. In Turkish society, which has a different cultural and social structure, it has been decided to implement a new CC instead of going through revision due to its unique characteristics and needs. Harmonization with the acquis during the candidacy negotiations with the European Union (EU) has been an important factor in taking this decision. The new CC studies were carried out on a very wide platform, and finally the draft was accepted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on November 2, 2001, and entered into force on January 1, 2002.

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Tsoi, Aleksandr. "The Role of Ataturk and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in the Treaties of Moscow and Kars." Eurasian Journal of Higher Education 1, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/ejohe.2020.1.28.

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In the article we study the historical circumstances of conclusion and the significance of the Treaty of Moscow and Treaty of Kars in 1921 for both Turkey and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and participation Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha – Ataturk and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT) in preparing and signing of these documents. A study of these documents shows that during the preparation and conduct of negotiations between the representatives of the Soviet and Turkish sides, the young Soviet state decided to support the unrecognized the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), created by Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha – Ataturk. The Moscow Treaty was the first official recognition of the independence and equality by the Soviet Russia towards the new Turkey, which was fighting against the Entente states and the Anglo-Greek intervention. The objective role of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in preparing and signing of the Treaty of Moscow and the Treaty of Kars is given only in the context of that time: the geopolitical aspirations of all stakeholders and the real historical events.

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11

Hasirci, Deniz, and Zeynep Tuna Ultav. "The Multiple Stories Behind the Modern Ceramic Coffee Tables of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey." Journal of Design History 33, no. 3 (May 17, 2020): 225–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jdh/epaa022.

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Abstract At the end of the 1950s, 200 coffee tables and other furniture and fittings were created by interior designers who won a design competition organized by the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT) in Ankara. The tables were envisioned to be made by modern ceramic artists and designers of the time. Despite never meeting, they created joint works that were celebrated at the time for their artistic quality. The coffee tables, which were used by government ministers, were useful for introducing ceramics into government interiors while informing the leaders of a modernizing Turkish nation about modern art. This study traces the stories behind the creation of these unique artworks based on the personal stories of Füreya Koral, Sadun Ersin, and the Taylan Ceramics Atelier, who were all significant contributors to the history of this furniture. The method used included literature review, a comprehensive archival research through popular magazines, and interviews with artists and designers of the time. The interviews helped uncover data that could not be accessed otherwise. The findings contribute to Turkish and international design history, uncovering artworks and identifying modernist artists and designers of the time in Turkey.

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12

Ciftci, Sabri, Walter Forrest, and Yusuf Tekin. "Committee Assignments in a Nascent Party System: The Case of the Turkish Grand National Assembly." International Political Science Review 29, no. 3 (June 2008): 303–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0192512107088389.

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13

Çalışkan, Koray. "“Organism and Triangle”: A Short History of Labor Law in Turkey (1920-1950)." New Perspectives on Turkey 15 (1996): 95–118. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600002508.

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The first labor code of the Turkish Republic was enacted in 1936 and became effective in 1937. The most significant feature of this code was the time taken by the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) to legislate it. Negotiations began in 1925 with discussions of the Service Code draft bill. In the course of fifteen years TGNA discussed five draft bills and in 1936 a final draft was accepted. Between then and 1950, when the Republican People's Party (RPP) lost the election to the Democrat Party (DP), the scope of the labor code was extended without any alteration in its ideological content.

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AYRIBAŞ, Başar, and Emre KÖROĞLU. "Physician Deputies: Profiles of Physicians Elected as Deputies in Turkish Grand National Assembly: An Archival Study." Turkiye Klinikleri Journal of Medical Ethics-Law and History 29, no. 3 (2021): 406–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.5336/mdethic.2021-84134.

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15

Bayar, Yeşim. "In pursuit of homogeneity: the Lausanne Conference, minorities and the Turkish nation." Nationalities Papers 42, no. 1 (January 2014): 108–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/00905992.2013.802767.

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Following World War I, the Allied Powers signed Minority Treaties with a number of Central and Eastern European states. These treaties delineated the status of religious, ethnic and linguistic minorities in their respective countries. Turkey would be one of the last states that sat down to the negotiation table with the Allied Powers. In the Turkish case, the Lausanne Treaty would be the defining document which set out a series of rights and freedoms for the non-Muslim minorities in the newly created nation. The present article explores how and why the non-Muslim minorities were situated in the fringes of the new nation. In doing so, the article highlights the content of the discussions in the Lausanne Conference and in the Turkish Grand National Assembly with an emphasis on the position of the Turkish political elite.

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16

Madra, Aysel. "Interventionist Secularism: A Comparative Analysis of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (1923-1928) and the Indian Constituent Assembly (1946-1949) Debates." Journal for the Scientific Study of Religion 54, no. 2 (May 2015): 222–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/jssr.12192.

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17

Önal, F. Gülsüm. "Physician migration through the lens of patient and physician rights: A qualitative evaluation from the Turkish Parliament." HEALTH SCIENCES QUARTERLY 3, no. 4 (October 13, 2023): 269–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.26900/hsq.2131.

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Physician migration, which maintains global importance in terms of health ethics, is a phenomenon that has gained momentum in Türkiye throughout the recent years. However, there are limited studies on this subject, and no research has been found that addresses the issue in terms of health ethics and rights. In this regard, this study is likely to contribute to a better understanding of Türkiye’s physician migration. Furthermore, draw some attentions for solutions and health policies through the lens of physician and patients’ rights. The population of the retrospectively designed study consists of research proposals related to physician migration in the Turkish Grand National Assembly and the statements of members of parliament in the general assembly proceedings during the same period. Data obtained from transcripts that were searched using keywords such as “physician,” “doctor,” “health,” “migration,” and “foreign countries” were coded and subjected to content analysis using a qualitative method. Multifaceted findings emerged in the context of physician and patient rights in the categories of “reasons,” “consequences,” and “solutions”. It was observed that certain rights were more affected by the process, that rights were interdependent, and that structural regulations in the healthcare system were necessary for their fulfillment. There is a need for legislation that would concretely demonstrate physician rights in a legal status. In the context of physician rights, the prominence of “reasons” and the emphasis on patient rights in the “consequences” category also point to a significant ethical dilemma. The dilemma between the autonomy of the physician and the principle of justice, which is central to the ethical debate about physician migration, has been confirmed, indicating a need for further in-depth research on this topic. The purpose of this study is to evaluate how physician migration, which has recently increased in Türkiye, is addressed by members of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in terms of physician and patient rights.

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18

Turan, İlter. "Volatility in politics, stability in parliament: An impossible dream? The Turkish Grand National Assembly during the last two decades." Journal of Legislative Studies 9, no. 2 (June 21, 2003): 151–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1357233032000250671.

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Esen, Selin, and Levent Gonenç. "Religious Information on Identity Cards: A Turkish Debate." Journal of Law and Religion 23, no. 2 (2008): 579–603. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s074808140000237x.

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In 2006, the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) made a notable departure from historical precedent when it replaced the Population Register Law of 1972. The 1972 law, in Article 43, required that the national registry records on all households in Turkey contain the religion of all family members unless, under Article 46, an individual or family went to court to make a revision in these records. This was the legal basis of the inclusion of religious information on Turkish identity cards, issued in accordance with the information in family registers. Article 35 of The Population Services Law of 2006 now provides: “Requests about the religious information in household registers shall be approved, modified, left blank or deleted, in accordance with the written application of the concerned person.”We shall argue, in this paper that Article 35 of the Population Services Law of 2006 is unconstitutional just like Article 43 of the Population Register Law of 1972 was, and that information about individuals' religions should be deleted from both the national register and individuals' identity (ID) cards. The inclusion of religious information in the identity cards of citizens or resident aliens, who apply for Turkish citizenship, violates the religious liberty in Turkey, particularly under a “neutrality” conception of that right. We shall review the jurisprudence of the Turkish Constitutional Court concerning ID cards in the light of the negative and positive aspects of religious liberty, focus on the different meanings of neutrality such as “formal neutrality,” “substantive neutrality,” “aim neutrality,” “justification neutrality” and “consequences neutrality.” Before we evaluate this practice under neutrality theory, however, it would be appropriate to begin with a historical narrative about the origin of religious notations on Turkish identity cards, and explain the content and the meaning of the new law.

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EVSİLE, Mehmet. "Turkish Grand National Assembly of Confidential in Accordance with the Memorandum Cels Lausanne Peace Agreement Relating to the Discussion Games." History Studies International Journal Of History Volume 2 Issue 1, no. 2 (2010): 363–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist_33.

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Лебедева, Яна, and Yana Lebedeva. "LEGAL ANALYSIS OF THE OPINION OF THE VENICE COMISSION ON THE DRAFT AMENDMENTS TO THE CONSTITUTION OF THE TURKISH REPUBLIC." Journal of Foreign Legislation and Comparative Law 3, no. 3 (July 10, 2017): 153–60. http://dx.doi.org/10.12737/article_593fc343e44b56.34892143.

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The following article analyzes the Venice Commission Opinion on the Turkey’s constitutional reform that is deemed to be one of the most important political events of the recent times. On 16 April 2017 many Turkish citizens living in Turkey as well as numerous Turkish Diaspora took part in the referendum to determine the country’s development path for at least a decade ahead. The results of the referendum in a literal sense have split the Turkish society in two parts: 51% said “Yes” to the proposed amendments, while 49% voted against them. The Venice Commission of the Council of Europe could not overlook this crucial constitutional reform introduced in the state of emergency, since one of the Commission’s areas of focus is provision of world-class expert opinions on draft amendments to the Constitutions of the Member States of the Venice Commission. On its 110th Plenary session the Commission adopted Opinion on the amendments to the Constitution adopted by the Grand National Assembly on 21 January 2017 and to be submitted to a National Referendum on 16 April 2017 (CDL-AD (2017)005-e), that gives an independent expert assessment of the recent changes taking place in Turkey. The Venice Commission’s conclusions as the result of the deep legal analysis of the text of the amendments may appeal to a wide range of readers, including lawyers and those interested in significant political events, abundant in the modern politics.

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22

Scotti, Valentina Rita. "The eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee and Turkey’s eu Accession Process." Hague Journal of Diplomacy 11, no. 2-3 (March 11, 2016): 196–214. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1871191x-12341337.

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After the Treaties of Rome in 1957, Turkey started negotiations with the European Communities to define a framework for cooperation. The result was the Ankara Agreement (1965), which established economic cooperation and provided for an eu–Turkey Joint Parliamentary Committee (jpc), conceived as a discussion forum to encourage the democratic transition of Turkey. This article analyses the main phases and obstacles in Turkey’s accession process, focusing on relations between the European Parliament and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, and on the effectiveness of European Parliament and jpc activities. The analysis particularly considers the respect for the Copenhagen political criteria with regard to minorities’ rights, the Cyprus dispute, and the role of religion in Turkey. The concluding remarks discuss the European Parliament’s role in overcoming the current deadlock in the Turkish accession process.

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Polat, Huseyin, and Saadin Oyucu. "Building a Speech and Text Corpus of Turkish: Large Corpus Collection with Initial Speech Recognition Results." Symmetry 12, no. 2 (February 17, 2020): 290. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/sym12020290.

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To build automatic speech recognition (ASR) systems with a low word error rate (WER), a large speech and text corpus is needed. Corpus preparation is the first step required for developing an ASR system for a language with few argument speech documents available. Turkish is a language with limited resources for ASR. Therefore, development of a symmetric Turkish transcribed speech corpus according to the high resources languages corpora is crucial for improving and promoting Turkish speech recognition activities. In this study, we constructed a viable alternative to classical transcribed corpus preparation techniques for collecting Turkish speech data. In the presented approach, three different methods were used. In the first step, subtitles, which are mainly supplied for people with hearing difficulties, were used as transcriptions for the speech utterances obtained from movies. In the second step, data were collected via a mobile application. In the third step, a transfer learning approach to the Grand National Assembly of Turkey session records (videotext) was used. We also provide the initial speech recognition results of artificial neural network and Gaussian mixture-model-based acoustic models for Turkish. For training models, the newly collected corpus and other existing corpora published by the Linguistic Data Consortium were used. In light of the test results of the other existing corpora, the current study showed the relative contribution of corpus variability in a symmetric speech recognition task. The decrease in WER after including the new corpus was more evident with increased verified data size, compensating for the status of Turkish as a low resource language. For further studies, the importance of the corpus and language model in the success of the Turkish ASR system is shown.

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Algan, Bülent. "The Brand New Version of Article 301 of Turkish Penal Code and the Future of Freedom of Expression Cases in Turkey." German Law Journal 9, no. 12 (December 1, 2008): 2237–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s2071832200000845.

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Article 301 of the Turkish Penal Code (TPC), much debated at both national and international levels, has recently been subject to an amendment aimed at clarifying its meaning and averting more distressing cases related to freedom of expression. It should be noted that the former article 301 was an amended version of article 159 of the former TPC of 1926. As Türkan Sancar rightly states in her comprehensive book on both articles 159 and 301, article 159 is an article which has been revised many times. It was amended seven times after coming into effect in 1926 (in 1936, 1938, 1946, 1961, twice in 2002, and 2003). The new TPC was introduced as a package of penal-law reform prior to the opening of negotiations for Turkish membership of the European Union, and came into effect on 1 June 2005. Article 301 stated the following:1.A person who publicly denigrates Turkishness, the Republic or the Grand National Assembly of Turkey, shall be sentenced a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to three years.2.A person who publicly denigrates the Government of the Republic of Turkey, the judicial bodies of the State, the military or security organizations, shall be sentenced to a penalty of imprisonment for a term of six months to two years.3.Where denigrating of Turkishness is committed by a Turkish citizen in another country, the penalty to be imposed shall be increased by one third.4.Expressions of thought intended to criticize shall not constitute a crime.

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Arifin, Zainur. "Politik Pendidikan Islam Masa Modern; Membaca Gagasan Tokoh Pembaharu di Negara Turki, India, dan Mesir." Tafáqquh: Jurnal Penelitian Dan Kajian Keislaman 3, no. 1 (June 1, 2015): 81–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.52431/tafaqquh.v3i1.40.

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In the middle of the fight and friction of ideas in the early 20th century Mustafa Kemal emerged a prominent Turkish Nationalists and the new leader who managed to expel Greece from Turkey. Furthermore, thanks to the leadership talent and brilliance of his political ideas, he managed to be proclaimed Turkish Republic and he was elected as a President of the first by the Grand National Assembly. Ahmad Khan in India got a traditional upbringing in religious education. His formal education ended when he was 18 years old. His political activities is the struggle to defend the Muslims of British accusations after the uprising of 1857. By convincing the British that Islam does not play a major role in the uprising, but due to British intervention in the matter of religion. Taha Husein one reformer in the Egyptian thinker who saw the need for Egypt to learn from Europe as well take the culture if Egypt wants advanced and powerful. This idea was initially considered controversial and have not been received at the time of Egyptian society, including intellectuals. As well regarded as the idea of â€‹â€‹secularization that have come out of Islam

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Demirhan, Gıyasettin, and Ferman Konukman. "Selim Sırrı Tarcan: a Pioneer in the Development of Physical Education and Sports in Turkey." Physical Culture and Sport. Studies and Research 54, no. 1 (June 1, 2012): 41–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.2478/v10141-012-0005-4.

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Selim Sırrı Tarcan: a Pioneer in the Development of Physical Education and Sports in TurkeySelim Sırrı Tarcan was one of the most important significant figures of modern physical education teacher education in Turkey. He played a crucial role in the organization of physical education and sports in schools and Olympic Games in Turkey. Tarcan served as a soldier, physical educator and director of the Turkish Grand National Assembly. Tarcan also wrote articles in the newspapers, held conferences on the radio and organized several meetings for spreading the physical education and sports for the purpose of public adoption. He held the first conference in the field in Istanbul when he returned from Sweden. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to explain contributions of Tarcan in four areas: his interest in physical education and sports, teacher preparation, contribution to formal, and informal education in Turkey.

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Alkan, Ayten. "New Metropolitan Regime of Turkey: Authoritarian Urbanization via (Local) Governmental Restructuring." Lex localis - Journal of Local Self-Government 13, no. 3 (July 31, 2015): 849–77. http://dx.doi.org/10.4335/13.3.849-877(2015).

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In December 2012, approximately 1,5 years before the March 2014 Local Elections and 2 years before the August 2014 Presidential Elections, Turkish Grand National Assembly –of the single party AKP majority government- enacted a Law not only establishing 14 new Metropolitan Municipalities in addition to the 16 former, but also annihilating 30 Provincial Local Governments, 1.635 Town Municipalities, and 16.580 Village Local Administrations, which makes almost the half of Turkey’s local governments. The Law, at the same time, made amendments to the legislation on local governments. As a consequence of this arrangement which represents the largest restructuration of the (local) administrative system all throughout the Republican history, Turkey’s urban population artificially increased to 91% from 77% in 2012, and 77% of Turkey’s population started to live in metropolitan areas. This paper analyses the demographic, administrative, local governmental changes brought by the new system, and tries to make clear its wider context in terms of late AKP government’s economic and urban policies, and authoritarian tendencies.

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Starodubtsev, I. "Earthquake in Turkey: impact on domestic politics and the May 2023 elections." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2023): 126–46. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2023-1-126-146.

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In May 2023, general presidential and parliamentary elections were held in Turkey, as a result of which the ruling government in confirmed its authority: President Recep Tayyip Erdogan retained his post and his People’s Alliance received a majority in the Grand National Assembly (Mejlis). The victory turned out to be difficult for the Turkish authorities. R.T.Erdogan won in two rounds of voting in a fierce competition with opposition candidate Kemal Kılıçdaroğlu. However, while powerful People’s Alliance retained its majority in the Mejlis, it failed to get the desired qualified majority, having lost the opportunity to adopt a new Constitution within the next five years to replace the one in force since 1982. Elections in Turkey took place against the background of the largest earthquake in the country’s modern history that occurred on February 6, 2023 and the elimination of its consequences. The purpose of this article is to determine the consequences of the earthquake for Turkey’s domestic politics in terms of the course and results of the general presidential and parliamentary elections and the impact on domestic political situation for the five-year term of the newly elected president and the Mejlis in 2023–2028. Results of the national development during the 20-year period of Erdogan’s and Justice and Development Party’s rule are inspected. Based on the analysis of program documents, pledges and statements by the government and opposition, the impact of the earthquake on political processes in Turkey and on the turn of the Turkish voters’ attention to domestic issues is explored. The article marks an increase in nationalist and anti-immigrant sentiments in Turkey, regardless of the political views of the Turkish electorate, and suggests that these sentiments will continue to play a significant role in the coming years.

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Kutlar, Aziz, Ali Kabasakal, Ahmet Gulmez, and Mustafa Yasan. "Ideal point estimation of deputy voting in the twenty-sixth legislative period of the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 17 November 2015–24 June 2018." Parliaments, Estates and Representation 40, no. 3 (September 1, 2020): 324–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02606755.2020.1820680.

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Aydoğan, Hayri. "The Analysis of the 5th Grade Students’ Attitudes and Self-efficacy for Physical Education Course in terms of Demographic Characteristics." Journal of Education and Training Studies 5, no. 1 (December 21, 2016): 141. http://dx.doi.org/10.11114/jets.v5i1.2015.

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The aim of the study is to analyze the 5th grade students’ attitudes and self-efficacy for the physical education course that they have come across for the first time which is taught by physical education and sports teachers. Law No. 6287 was issued by the Turkish Grand National Assembly National Education Culture Youth and Sports Commission on March 30, 2012 and put in the practice on April 11, 2012. It enforced compulsory education system from 8 years to 12 years and graded the education system as 4 + 4 + 4 years (URL-1). 329 fifth grade students studying at 13 public schools in the districts and villages of Rize and Trabzon cities joined the study. In addition to the Personal Information Form, “Physical Education Susceptibility Scale” (PESS) developed by Hilland et al. (2009) and adapted to Turkish by Öncü, Gürbüz, Küçükkılıç and Keskin (2015) checking its validity and reliability as a data collection tool covering 11 items were used. According to the findings of the analysis made for the "Attitude" subtitle of the 5th grade students towards physical education course; "Gender Variable"(t = 2,211; p <0.05) had a significant difference compared to "Location of School" (F = 3,044; p <0,05). In addition, according to the findings of the analysis made for the "Self-efficacy" subtitle for the physical education course of the 5th grade students, there was a significant difference in terms of “Mother’s Educational Level” (F = 2,766; p <0,05). The difference was meaningful between the groups of elementary school-post graduate, and high school-secondary school.

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TÜRKKAN TUNALI, Yasemin. "Reflections of the Abolition of the Sultanate and the Caliphate in the Spanish Press." Bilig, no. 103 (October 27, 2022): 119–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.12995/bilig.10305.

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Two significant developments of the transition from empire to the nation-state in Türkiye; the abolition of the Ottoman Sultanate on November 1, 1922, and of the caliphate on March 3, 1924, attracted the attention of the Spanish press as happened in the whole world. The newspapers gave the historical background of both institutions and tried to describe the new status of the caliphate aftermath of the abolition of the sultanate. The press evaluated this current situation in which the Turkish Grand National Assembly exercised the sovereignty and elected the caliph to represent the spiritual power in the context of Islamic traditions and Türkiye’s policies towards the Muslim world. After the abolition of the caliphate and the exile of the last Caliph Abdülmecid Efendi, the press discussed the issue in the context of the religious-political reactions it would create in the Islamic world, its effects on the policies of England and France due to their Muslim colonies, and the revolutions of the new Turkish State. Although the approach of the newspapers varied according to their political stances, the final assessment of the Spanish press was that the abolition of the caliphate brought the end of Pan-Islamism as a universal political force. The news and columns on the abolition of the caliphate reflected the orientalist view of the Spanish public opinion on Türkiye and the Eastern-Muslim world.

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Demirbaş, Mahmut. "A Content Analysis of the Audit (Regularity) Reports with Regards to the Turkish Court of Accounts’ Audit Findings: State Universities 2013–2018." Yuksekogretim Dergisi 12, no. 2 (August 31, 2022): 257–69. http://dx.doi.org/10.2399/yod.21.710476.

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The Turkish Court of Accounts’ regularity reports released after the audits of the public universities conducted in 2012–2018 covering 87% of them in total (103 public universities in 2012 and 129 in 2018) were examined in terms of their compliance with the international audit standards set by INTOSAI. No university name is mentioned in the report. Our goal is to understand the audit findings and draw university administrators’ attention to the findings. Although the Turkish Court of Accounts classified its audit findings as “affecting the audit opinion” and “not affecting the audit opinion”, the audit opinion did not change, which does not match the INTOSAI international audit standards. The Turkish Court of Accounts neither gave an adverse audit opinion nor issued a disclaimer of opinion. The Turkish Court of Accounts is observed to audit the public universities on a continuous basis and at a high rate. In line with the international audit standards, the audit reports were found to require a qualified opinion of 50.7% and an unqualified (positive) opinion of 49.3%. Especially in 2017, 76.2% of the institutions should have been given qualified audit reports. On average, 69.37% of the audited institutions had findings that did not affect the audit opinion, and 49.81% had findings that affected the audit opinion. Some of the audit findings fit in with the description of fraud. The findings that may fall within the scope of error and fraud are not even classified. The number of institutions with audit findings has increased over the years, which reveals that neither the findings are understood properly nor the due attention is paid to them. It was determined that the regularity audit reports do not comply with the continuity, consistency and full disclosure principles, among the fundamental principles of accounting. The fact that the Turkish Court of Accounts shares all audit reports with the public is an indicator of its transparency and impartiality. The Turkish Court of Accounts performs an important task on behalf of Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM), and it is an institution that everyone needs. The Turkish Court of Accounts should not be weakened. However, the Court must distinguish between classification, consistency, error and fraud, and to reflect its opinion accordingly. It must also follow the INTOSAI audit opinion standards.

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Kalaycıoğlu, Ersin. "The Shaping of Party Preferences in Turkey: Coping with the Post-Cold War Era." New Perspectives on Turkey 20 (1999): 47–76. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0896634600003137.

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An overview of general elections and the party system from the beginning of multi-party politics in Turkey would indicate a proclivity towards an increasing number of major parties coupled with fragmentation of the party system. The predominant party system of the 1950s favored stability over representativeness (see Table 1). The 1961 Constitution established new electoral rules and a liberal political regime, which provided for more opportunity for representativeness. The 1965 and 1969 elections produced party governments, with a proportional representation formula that wasted almost no votes; even those parties with the smallest number of followers won some seats in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) (see Table 1). For a while in the 1960s Turkey therefore appeared to have discovered the optimal ground of converging stable governments with consummate representativeness. The party governments of the 1960s, however, gave way to the unstable coalition governments of the 1970s, which coincided with a wave of terror and political instability. Coalition governments came to be equated with political instability and terror in the minds of not only the masses, but also the most powerful political forces in the country.

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Esentürk, N. Nevra. "Turkish Foreign Policy and the Role of the TGNA: Cases of Syria (and Iraq) Motions." Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 44, no. 1 (February 2019): 19–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0304375419844634.

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The study aims to explore the role of the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA) in Turkish foreign policy with respect to the cases of the Syria (and Iraq) motions. In the academic literature, there is considerable research arguing that parliaments do not influence parliamentary democracies’ foreign policies. However, the existing literature does not provide examples or case studies that go beyond the limited role of legislatures in the foreign policies of parliamentary democracies. Parliaments, as the primary institutions for representative and participatory democracy, have limited but complementary role(s) in foreign policy, even under the circumstances where it is least likely for the parliaments to have influence on foreign policy affairs. Turkey’s decisions on the Syria (and Iraq) motions illustrate how parliament can play complementary roles in foreign affairs, which is significant in the effective functioning of the foreign policy decision. What are the specific effects of the complementary role of the parliament? What is the position of the political opposition, intraparty dynamics, and public opinion in the parliament’s playing that role? To elaborate on these questions, primary data are gathered from the proceedings of the TGNA during plenary sessions (covering the 24th, 25th, and 26th parliaments) to examine the deliberations and positions of political parties voting on the motions. In addition, the domestic context in the related terms is examined, elaborating on the state of political parties in the TGNA, single party, and intraparty dynamics. The primary data are supported by interviews. The findings of the study give significant insights that go beyond the limited role of parliaments in foreign policy and explore the complementary role of the legislature in foreign policy in terms of parliamentary legitimacy and the parliament as a venue for the opposition.

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Batakovic, Dusan. "The road to democracy: The development of constitutionalism in Serbia 1869-1903." Balcanica, no. 38 (2007): 133–72. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/balc0738133b.

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After the swiftly abolished liberal Constitution of 1835 and the imposed 'Turkish' one of 1838 (imposed by the Russians and Ottomans, guarantors of Serbia's autonomy granted in 1830, to limit the princely power), the development of constitutionalism in modern Serbia went through several phases. As elsewhere in the Balkans, constitutions usually resulted from a compromise between the ruler and the elites rather than from the will of the people. The 1868 Constitution drew to an extent upon the early nineteenth-century German constitutional monarchies, but, under pressure from the politically mobilized population, the 1888 Constitution, proposed by the Radical Party in response to the egalitarian aspirations of the nation's agrarian majority, adopted a French constitutional model - with a unicameral system and frequent coalition governments. Shaped on the model of the Belgian Constitution of 1831, which in its turn was a modified version of the French Charte of 1830, it restored a French influence, expressed for the first time in the 1835 Constitution. The 1888 Constitution was passed by the Grand National Assembly with its five-sixth majority of Radicals, representatives of the agrarian majority. It was soon annulled by the coup d'?tat of 1894 and the Court-imposed Constitution of 1869 was reinstituted. The Constitution of 1901 was an attempt to introduce a bicameral system as a means of upholding the influential role of the ruler, while limiting that of the Radical Party, which had enjoyed an ample electoral support since the 1888 Constitution. After the assassination in 1903 of the last Obrenovic ruler king Alexander, and his wife, queen Draga, the liberal Constitution of 1888 with minor modifications was reinstituted. Under this Constitution - which is commonly known as the 1903 Constitution and which, during the democratic reign of king Peter I Kardjordjevic, was no longer challenged - Serbian democracy remained fragile, because there was no upper house to counteract as it did in the French Third Republic, the predominantly party-biased way of running the affairs of state.

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Morina, Mensur, Endri Papajorgji, Muhammet Ali Eren, and Adrian Alidemaj. "Evaluation of E-mail Accounts Used in Public Institutions in Turkey Within the Scope of Personal Data." Academic Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 11, no. 2 (March 5, 2022): 142. http://dx.doi.org/10.36941/ajis-2022-0041.

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Magna Carta in 1215 and 1789 from the French Revolution in parallel to globalization of human rights all over the world to this day and the state based on the rule of law and forms of government have improved. Therefore, the importance of individual human rights has increased alongside the community rights. The Internet has emerged as a closed circuit in which the computer is connected to withstand up to 1960. The first day, this day of information systems that have manifested themselves in all areas of human existence and has been an integral part of human existence. Knowledge is one of the most important values of modern life. Every day, government agencies and private organizations collect, store, process and transfer significant amounts of data about individuals. This is a natural reflection of the situation has been in government. Protection of personal data is a right of individuals against unauthorized use of their data by other persons or organizations. Especially after 2002 indicate the presence of public institutions in Turkey as well as to offer their digital services to citizens in both. Personal Data related to the establishment of this right The Law on the Protection of the Conservation was passed by the Turkish Grand National Assembly on March 24, 2016. has been enacted. One of the most used services offered by the staff of public institutions and staff to their email. In our study, government extension and content of the person's own e-mail account does not belong to the state providing services it has been examined in the light of the Law on the Protection of Personal Data in Turkey and international regulations in this field. Received: 11 August 2021 / Accepted: 7 January 2022 / Published: 5 March 2022

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Uriu, Y. "The Grand Fear and National Assembly." Annuals of Japanese Political Science Association 41 (1990): 1–13. http://dx.doi.org/10.7218/nenpouseijigaku1953.41.0_1.

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Evsile, Mehmet. "The First Grand National Assembly of Turkey's Democratic Sensibilities." History Studies International Journal Of History 1, no. 1 (2009): 71–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist_9.

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Gençkaya, Omer Faruk. "The Grand National Assembly of Turkey: A Decline in Legislative Capacity." PS: Political Science & Politics 52, no. 2 (December 31, 2018): 273–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1049096518002287.

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Yildirim, T. Murat, and L. Marvin Overby. "Abandoning Ankara: voluntary departures from the Grand National Assembly of Turkey." Journal of Legislative Studies 25, no. 4 (October 2, 2019): 597–613. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/13572334.2019.1697051.

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Mihaylova, Ekaterina. "The Parliamentary Rules of Procedure of the Sixth Grand National Assembly." Yearbook of the Law Department 10, no. 11 (December 30, 2021): 112–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.33919/yldnbu.21.10.4.

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Under consideration in the article are the debates and the adopted provisions in the Rules of Procedure of the VIth Grand National Assembly. A special emphasis is placed on the typical and characteristic features of the Rules of Procedure as well as on the particularities that it reveals, as being adopted for a parliament that is bound to adopt entirely new Constitution. There are some provisions in the Rules of Procedure that are relevant both to the constituent power and to the constituted power. Under analysis are the adopted provisions that are contrary to the provisions in force at the time of the 1879 Tarnovo Constitution, as well as the rule of law principles.

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Turan, Ilter. "Changing Horses in Midstream: Party Changers in the Turkish National Assembly." Legislative Studies Quarterly 10, no. 1 (February 1985): 21. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/440113.

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Harun, ARIKAN. "Pro-European Legıslative Behavıors in the 22 Period Turkish Grand Natıonal Assembly: A Logit Model." Ankara Üniversitesi SBF Dergisi 60, no. 3 (2005): 1. http://dx.doi.org/10.1501/sbfder_0000001432.

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Kumar Sarma, Pranjit, and Rituparna Bhattacharyya. "Assembly Elections of India, 2021: Revisiting Assam." Space and Culture, India 9, no. 1 (June 24, 2021): 6–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.20896/saci.v9i1.1189.

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In India, Assembly Elections were held in Assam, West Bengal, Kerela, Tamil Nadu and Puducherry in the first half of 2021. Driving this study is an attempt to analyse the election results of the state of Assam where Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) and its allies, Mitrajot or National Democratic Alliance (NDA), successfully defeated the Indian National Congress (INC), and its allies, Mahajot (Grand Alliance). Drawing primarily upon secondary data and applying GIS techniques, the study makes a critical analogy of how Mitrajot managed to accomplish victory. This is a solicited article. Submitted: 10 May 2021; Accepted: 24 June 2021.

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Noobanjong, Koompong. "National Assembly: An Empty Promise to Democracy." Journal of Architectural/Planning Research and Studies (JARS) 4, no. 2 (September 3, 2018): 75–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.56261/jars.v4i2.169237.

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Throughout history, architecture and urban design have been manipulated to serve politics. Capitals and capitols have become grand symbolic tools for the state, which should be understood in terms of their political and cultural contexts that helped bring them into being. Accordingly, by presenting a multi-dimension critical inquiry of the National Assembly in Bangkok, Thailand, this paper argues via semiology, or a study of signs that the design of the Assembly fails to signify its original purpose: democratic ideology and practice. Ironically, however, such symbolic deficiency precisely captures the reality of democracy in Thailand. Here, democracy does not function merely as an ideology, but as a political discourse full of incongruity, paradox, manipulation, and deception. In addition, through a critical urban study, this article reveals that the obscurity of the Assembly both in Thai architectural literature and in the urban fabric of Bangkok exemplifies the true state of the legislative branch of the government. A lack of integration between the Assembly and the physical condition of Bangkok notably the Rajadamnoen Avenue, ‘ the corridor of power,’ further demonstrates that the parliament is a rather weak and neglected institution. Significant political policies and decisions are formed and madeelsewhere. The parliamentary system acts merely as a tool for self-legitimization and authority-preservation in a game of power politics in Thailand.

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Arslan, Durmuş Ali, and Ahmet Çağrıcı. "Sociological analysis of Democratic Party MPs from the perspective of Elite theoryElit teorisi perspektifinden Demokrat Parti milletvekillerinin sosyolojik analizi." Journal of Human Sciences 14, no. 1 (March 24, 2017): 914. http://dx.doi.org/10.14687/jhs.v14i1.4472.

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In this study, sociological analysis of public profiles of Democrat Party deputies who served years between 1950 and 1960 as a ruling party deputy by using elite theory has been planned. Before sociological analysis of deputies clarifying the complex structure of first event is needed. To achieve this firstly some basic concepts explained by using general fictions. We will set our work foundation over basic ideas of political sociology on Politics, democracy, powers, the political elite and the intellectual foundation concepts. After creating the conceptual and fictional background of the subject the historical background of the period before Adnan Menderes and his Democrat Party's ruling time has been analyzed.As a sample Group Democratic Party Deputies have been selected who served years between 1950 and1960 under Grand National Assembly umbrella from research universe consist of Turkish political elite. A set of data has been created by using "Spatial Analysis Technique" on the basis of background of the political elite has been used. Parliament's institutional records, publications and websites, especially by examining the parliament albums, since 1950, the year he took over the ruling period have been evaluated and used. These data sets were analyzed by using SPSS. Analysis of 1323 deputies have been planned from the perspective of social indicators like education level, age, foreign language they know, gender and place of birth under the light of generated data in the period of three course term.When the political elite as a result of the study evaluated the required properties for the Democratic Party deputies to be born in Istanbul, he should be more educated university graduates. In other sociological characteristics, to be young and middle-aged, gender and family status in the context of male, married, with three children to outweigh. If the analyzed period, as Turkey that lack of a college education is considered the country's first university graduate of Istanbul University attorneys are frequent. Law graduate to be, people who manage to know at least one foreign language and civilian bureaucrats seem to be dominant in parliament as in the DP. ÖzetBu çalışmada, Demokrat Partinin iktidar yılları olan 1950-1960 yılları arasında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekillerinin, toplumsal profillerinin elit teorisi üzerinden sosyolojik analizinin yapılması hedeflenmiştir. Milletvekillerinin sosyolojik analizinden önce incelediğimiz olayın ilk başta karmaşık yapısını belirginleştirmek gerekmektedir. Bu doğrultuda ilk başta genel bir kurgulama yapılarak bazı temel kavramlar açıklanmıştır. Siyaset, demokrasi, erk, parti, elit, siyasi elit kavramları üzerinden siyaset sosyolojisinin fikri temelleri üzerine çalışma oturtulmuştur. Konunun kavramsal ve kurgusal alt yapısı oluşturulduktan sonra dönemin tarihsel arka planı da göz önüne alınarak Adnan Menderes ve Demokrat Parti iktidar yılları, öncesi ve dönemi ile birlikte ele alınmıştır.Türk siyasi elitlerinin oluşturduğu araştırma evreninden, örneklem kümesi olarak 1950–1960 yılları arasında, Türkiye Büyük Millet Meclisi çatısı altında görev yapmış Demokrat Parti milletvekilleri seçilmiştir. “Konumsal Analiz Tekniği” kullanılarak, TBMM’nin kurumsal kayıtları, yayınları ve web sitesi özellikle de TBMM albümleri incelenerek, Demokrat Parti’nin iktidarı devraldığı yıl olan 1950’den itibaren Demokrat Parti milletvekilliği yapmış siyasi elitlerin toplumsal özgeçmişleri temelinde bir veri seti oluşturulmuştur. Bu veri setleri SPSS kullanılarak analiz edildi. Oluşturulan veri seti ışığında, üç dönemlik bir süreçte toplam 1323 Demokrat Partili milletvekilinin mesleki dağılımları, eğitim durumları, yaş, bildikleri yabancı dil, cinsiyet ve doğum yeri gibi sosyal indikatörler açısından incelemesi planlanmıştır.Yapılan çalışma neticesinde bir siyasal elit olarak Demokrat Parti milletvekilli için aranan özellikler değerlendirildiğinde İstanbul doğumlu olmak, eğitimli dahası üniversite mezunu olmak gerekmektedir. Aranan diğer nitelikler: genç-orta yaşlı, cinsiyet ve aile durumu bağlamında erkek, evli, üç çocuklu olmak ağır basmaktadır. İncelenen dönemler itibariyle Türkiye’de üniversite eğitimi veren kurumların azlığı göz önünde bulundurulursa ülkenin ilk üniversitesi olan İstanbul Üniversitesi mezunu vekiller yoğunluktadır. Hukuk bölümü mezunu olmak, en az bir yabancı dil bilmek ve sivil-bürokrat yönetici olan kişiler DP sıralarında parlamentoda baskın olarak gözükmektedir.

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Evsile, Mehmet. "Debates on Foreign Policy Issues in the First Grand National Assembly of Turkey." History Studies International Journal Of History Volume 2 Issue 3 (2010): 161–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist_127.

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Bello, Judith Hippler, Juliane Kokott, and Beate Rudolf. "European Convention on Human Rights—applicability to acts performed outside national territory— acts in Northern Cyprus possibly within Turkish jurisdiction—territorial limitation of declarations of acceptance—dynamic interpretation of provisions on enforcement." American Journal of International Law 90, no. 1 (January 1996): 98–102. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2203756.

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Loizidou v. Turkey. 310 Eur. Ct. H.R. (ser. A).European Court of Human Rights, March 23, 1995.The applicant, a Greek Cypriot woman, stated that since July 20, 1974, Turkish troops had prevented her from returning to land in Northern Cyprus that she owned and had intended to use, inter alia, for her family home. Furdiermore, she alleged that her arrest and detention by Turkish Cypriot policemen for ten hours after she had crossed die cease-fire line in 1989, when participating in a women's march aimed at asserting the Greek Cypriot refugees’ right to return to their homes, violated her human rights. Rejecting in part die preliminary objections raised by the respondent Government, die Grand Chamber of the European Court of Human Rights held that die facts of die case are capable of falling widiin Turkish jurisdiction as a result of die presence of Turkish troops on the territory of Cyprus, so that the European Convention on Human Rights (ECHR) may be applicable to these acts.

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Hasirci, Deniz, and Zeynep Tuna Ultav. "Mid‐Century Modern Furniture Representing Modern Ideals in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey." Journal of Interior Design 45, no. 2 (October 24, 2019): 11–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/joid.12160.

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Taraz, Nazlı, and Ebru Yılmaz. "The Grand National Assembly of Turkey and its Architectural Representation as a Memory Space." ATHENS JOURNAL OF MEDITERRANEAN STUDIES 5, no. 1 (February 11, 2019): 33–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.30958/ajms.5-1-3.

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