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Статті в журналах з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Mikail, Elnur Hasan. "Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijani relations in the national struggle period (1920-1923)." E3S Web of Conferences 258 (2021): 05039. http://dx.doi.org/10.1051/e3sconf/202125805039.

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In this study, the political relations between the Atatürk Era, the Turkish Grand National Assembly and Azerbaijan are analyzed. After the collapse of the Ottoman Empire in 1918, the Turkish Grand National Assembly was established under the leadership of Great Leader Mustafa Kemal Pasha Atatürk. Historical developments between Turkey and the historical importance of the study period and brother country Azerbaijan are discussed in depth. Azerbaijan Soviet leader Neriman Nerimanov’s rational and logical real politics of the Soviet leader Vladimir Ilyich Lenin Russia Period to persuade him to help Turkey are examined on the basis of the archive records.
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Sarıçoban, Gülay. "The Second Group in the First Turkish Grand National Assembly." Gaziantep University Journal of Social Sciences 18, no. 4 (October 18, 2019): 1574–91. http://dx.doi.org/10.21547/jss.625900.

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Ulu, Cafer. "Armenians in Turkish politics and parliament (1923-1946)." Journal of Global Economics and Business 3, no. 9 (January 4, 2022): 111–26. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/jgeb.v3i9.116.

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There is a long and complicated history between Turks and Armenians. Armenians have consistently found a place for themselves in business, the economy, society, and government. Before the Constitutional Monarchy, Armenians began to participate actively in the governmental structure throughout the Ottoman Empire and attained a variety of high posts, including ministerial positions. After the Constitutional Monarchy, they were represented in the parliament by a sizable number of lawmakers as well as by employees and ministers. After the Turkish Republic was established, the same condition persisted. Armenian representatives have served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly from the beginning of the Turkish parliament. Atatürk also allocated quotas for the minorities for their deputies and allowed them to enter the parliament. In this article, you will find the activities of the deputy and parliamentary Armenian citizens who served in the Turkish Grand National Assembly between 1923-1946.
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Sakin, Serdar. "The Minorities Problem after the Sakarya War and Turkish Grand National Assembly." History Studies International Journal Of History Volume 2 Issue 1, no. 2 (2010): 238–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.9737/hist_58.

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DAĞLI, Erkan. "First Jewish Member of the Turkish Grand National Assembly: Samuel Abravaya Marmara." JOURNAL OF HISTORY AND FUTURE 9, no. 2 (June 18, 2023): 316–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.21551/jhf.1308302.

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Osmanlı, bünyesi içinde yaşayan toplumu yani tebaayı bazı özelliklerine göre özellikle de dini inancına göre sınıflandırmıştır. Osmanlı Devleti çok farklı kıtadaki yönetimi altındaki insanları “Millet Sistemi” içerisinde bir arada tutmuştur. Millet sisteminde baz alınan ölçüt o toplumun ırkından ziyade dini inancı ön planda tutulmuş ve Müslüman olsun olmasın Osmanlı adaleti millet sistemi ile bütün Osmanlı milletine uygulanmıştır. Osmanlı, I. Dünya Savaşı sonrasında da dağılmış ve yerine Türkiye Cumhuriyeti kurularak din yapılı millet sisteminden, ırk bazlı vatandaş sistemine geçilmiştir. Türkiye’de 1923’te Cumhuriyet ilan edilerek rejimin adı belli olmuştur. Bu kapsamda seçim yoluyla halkın kendi hür iradesiyle ülkeyi yönetecek mebusların millet meclisinde temsil edilmesi demokrasinin ana şartı olmuştur. Ülkedeki her kesimden insanın hür düşüncesinin savunulması ve farklı din ile ırka mensup vatandaşların da bu mecliste yer alması demokrasiyi daha da kuvvetlendirmiştir. Bu çerçevede Atatürk çok partili demokrasiyi desteklese 1930’da Serbest Cumhuriyet Fırkası’nın kendini feshetmesiyle ikinci deneme de başarısızlıkla sonuçlanmıştır. Çok partili adımlardan netice alamayan Atatürk, 1931’deki genel seçimlerden önce demokratik adımlardan vazgeçmeyerek Gayrı Müslim adaylar ile müstakil mebuslar politikasını uygulamıştır. Müstakil mebuslara iktidara kısmi güdümlü muhalefet rolü verilse de asıl amaç farklı duygu ve düşüncedeki Türkiye Cumhuriyeti vatandaşlarının mecliste temsil edilmesi hedeflenmiştir. Bu çalışma Atatürk döneminde 1935 ve 1939 seçimlerinde Musevilerin temsilcisi olarak Niğde’den müstakil mebus olan Samuel Abravaya Marmaralı’nın hayatı ve faaliyetlerini kapsamaktadır.
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Özbudun, Ergun. "Constitutional Debates on Parliamentary Inviolability in Turkey." European Constitutional Law Review 1, no. 2 (May 19, 2005): 272–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1574019605002725.

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Differences between parliamentary inviolability and parliamentary non-liability. Parliamentary inviolability in the Turkish constitution. Also for ministers. Scope and duration. Lifting of inviolability by the Grand National Assembly. Possibility of judicial review. Constitutional amendments to limit inviolability in the combat against corruption rejected.
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Al-Asad, Mohammad. "The Mosque of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in Ankara: Breaking with Tradition." Muqarnas 16 (1999): 155. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/1523269.

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Al-Asad, Mohammad. "THE MOSQUE OF THE TURKISH GRAND NATIONAL ASSEMBLY IN ANKARA: BREAKING WITH TRADITION." Muqarnas Online 16, no. 1 (1999): 155–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/22118993-90000387.

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DOYRAN, Muhabbet. "1926, 2001 Yıllarında Kabul Edilen Türk Medenî Kanunlarının Hazırlanışı Sırasında Yapılan Tartışmalar ve Yaşanan Gelişmeler." Korkut Ata Türkiyat Araştırmaları Dergisi, no. 11 (June 30, 2023): 1089–100. http://dx.doi.org/10.51531/korkutataturkiyat.1295927.

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Mustafa Kemal Pasha, the founder of the Republic of Turkey, which aims to create a modern state and society, and Mahmut Esat Bozkurt, the Minister of Justice. They made a legal revolution to implement the “Law of Persons”, “Family Law,” “Law of Inheritance”, “Law of Property” and “Law of Obligations”. For this purpose, the “Civil Law Commission” was established among various law commissions established by the Ministry of Justice. The commission, which started its work for the “Turkish Law Medina” (TKM), decided to take the civil law of a country in Western Europe as it is. In line with this decision, the “Swiss Civil Code” was taken as a whole with some changes and translated by the scientific committee. On February 17, 1926, the articles of TKM were accepted by voting one by one in the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TBMM). As a complement to this law, the Swiss Code of Obligations was also fully adopted, adopted and voted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on April 22, 1926, and both laws entered into force on October 4, 1926. Switzerland has made innovations in the “Civil Code” (MK) in accordance with its social needs and structure, and has created a number of new institutions. In Turkish society, which has a different cultural and social structure, it has been decided to implement a new CC instead of going through revision due to its unique characteristics and needs. Harmonization with the acquis during the candidacy negotiations with the European Union (EU) has been an important factor in taking this decision. The new CC studies were carried out on a very wide platform, and finally the draft was accepted in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey on November 2, 2001, and entered into force on January 1, 2002.
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Tsoi, Aleksandr. "The Role of Ataturk and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in the Treaties of Moscow and Kars." Eurasian Journal of Higher Education 1, no. 1 (June 18, 2021): 30–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.31039/ejohe.2020.1.28.

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In the article we study the historical circumstances of conclusion and the significance of the Treaty of Moscow and Treaty of Kars in 1921 for both Turkey and the Russian Soviet Federative Socialist Republic and participation Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha – Ataturk and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (GNAT) in preparing and signing of these documents. A study of these documents shows that during the preparation and conduct of negotiations between the representatives of the Soviet and Turkish sides, the young Soviet state decided to support the unrecognized the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (TBMM), created by Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha – Ataturk. The Moscow Treaty was the first official recognition of the independence and equality by the Soviet Russia towards the new Turkey, which was fighting against the Entente states and the Anglo-Greek intervention. The objective role of Gazi Mustafa Kemal Pasha and the Grand National Assembly of Turkey in preparing and signing of the Treaty of Moscow and the Treaty of Kars is given only in the context of that time: the geopolitical aspirations of all stakeholders and the real historical events.
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Дисертації з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Demirkol, Hatice Gunseli. "The Turkish Grand National Assembly Complex: An Evaluation Of The Function And Meaning Of Parliamentary Spaces." Phd thesis, METU, 2009. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12610528/index.pdf.

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This study is an evaluation of the function and the meaning of parliamentary spaces of the Turkish Republic, focusing on the parliamentary complex of the Turkish Grand National Assembly in the capital city of Ankara. Parliament buildings are symbols of the nation and the nation state, representing the national identity via expressional aspects of their functional space. The issue is of national prestige, security and power that remain in effect albeit adapting to changing situations in time. This study attempts to contribute to a better understanding of the spatial, stylistic as well as the urban characteristics of parliamentary spaces in Turkey by examining the earlier experiences in late Ottoman and early Republican periods, and by not only analyzing the establishment of the complex as designed by Holzmeister in the late 1930s, but also evaluating its enlargement as affected by the changing exigencies in contemporary political agendas after the Assembly had started to use the complex in the 1960s until today. The study examines the formation and the transformation of the Assembly complex in Turkey under the pressure of the highly dynamic political realities of the twentieth century, in order to reflect upon the continuities and discontinuities in functions and meanings of the parliamentary spaces throughout the process.
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Unver, Hamid Akin. "Defining Turkey's Kurdish question : discourse in the US Congress, the European Parliament and the Turkish Grand National Assembly, 1990-99." Thesis, University of Essex, 2009. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.510897.

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Aydin, Ahmet Ersat. "Les Trois provinces entre Russie et Turquie (1918-1921) : un défi aux territorialisations étatiques." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université de Lorraine, 2022. https://docnum.univ-lorraine.fr/ulprive/DDOC_T_2022_0364_AYDIN.pdf.

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Le cœur du questionnement porte sur l'impact sur les Trois provinces (Elviye-i Selâse) de trois processus combinés et partiellement successifs : la déprise du pouvoir russe ; l'installation de l'emprise ottomane-turque ; l'affirmation de centres régionaux face aux centres que sont Moscou et Istanbul. Processus auxquels il faut ajouter les dimensions relatives aux groupes religieux et ethniques locaux, extrêmement complexes même si les Arméniens des trois provinces ont échappé aux problèmes de 1915-1917. Dans ce contexte les Trois provinces (nom turc de cette région) que la Turquie a perdues en 1878 et qu'elle a provisoirement reprises en 1918, sont marquées par des dynamiques locales qui se sont articulées avec la construction de l'État turc au sortir de la Première Guerre mondiale, et plus largement avec les transformations rapides des équilibres stratégiques entre 1917 et 1921 dans une zone marquée par le croisement entre trois grandes lignes de force : l'expansion russe vers la Méditerranée (même si elle est provisoirement en suspens) ; la ligne transversale représentée par la stratégie britannique d'isolement des mers chaudes face à l'expansion russe ; la ligne d'expansion turque (et non plus ottomane) vers l'Asie centrale turcophone (le Touran) qui s'étend du nord de la Turquie actuelle à l'ouest de la Chine. Or à ces axes internationaux correspondent, sur le plan régional (Caucase du sud), des logiques transnationales qui explique la création, sous égide sociale-démocrate à partir de la révolution bolchevique, du Sejm (Assemblée) transcaucasien, qui signa avec la 3e Armée turque l'armistice d'Erzincan le 5 décembre 1917. Mais l'existence d'une entité régionale résulte avant tout de la décomposition politique de l'Empire russe, et d'une affirmation complexe des diverses nationalités de la région, dont les Arméniens qui, en 1917, semblaient mieux organisés (bien sûr côté russe). Il s'agit donc d'une monographie régionale centrée sur les interactions entre les acteurs locaux, régionaux, et extérieurs. Les diverses puissances étatiques en conflit pour la région pouvaient être assez éloignées (l'action des troupes britanniques et italiennes est ici très intéressante)
The core of the questioning concerns the impact of the three successive processes on the Three Provinces (Elviye-i Selâse): overturning the Russian power, establishing the Ottoman-Turkish influence, and asserting the claims of regional centers against Moscow and Istanbul. In these three provinces, there are different religious and local groups. There was are quite an entanglement, and even the Armenians who stayed away from the problems in 1915-1917 are part of it. “Three provinces” is the Turkish expression used for a part of the Balkans before 1878, but then it migrated and clearly referred to the provinces of Batumi, Kars and Ardahan), which Turkey lost in 1878 and recaptured temporarily in 1918. The broader strategic balance was at stake precisely in this region, right when the Turkish State, at the end of World War I, extended its reach. Between 1917 and 1921 it was the place where the strategic ambitions of three main actors intersected: Russia's expansion into the Mediterranean (even if suspended), the British strategy of isolating the warm seas from the Russian southern drive, and the Turkish expansion from present-day northern Turkey to western China and into Turkish-speaking Central Asia. However, these international endeavors were part of a multilayer grid with strong regional (Southern Caucasian) actors. For a while, trespassing the national perspective, social-democracy was in a position to foster the creation of a transnational Caucasian Sejm (Parliament). This body signed the Erzincan Armistice with the third Turkish Army on December 5,1917, after the Bolshevik Revolution. But this unique situation resulted, above all, from the political disintegration of the Russian Empire and the complexity of the region's various national dynamics. At the time, the Armenians seem to have been better organized. Therefore, this study is a regional monograph that focuses on interactions between local, regional and external actors. The various states competing ih the region could indeed intervene in the region from afar (British and Italian troops provide interesting examples)
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Книги з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Turkey. The Constitution of the Republic of Turkey: &, Rules of procedure of the Grand National Assembly of Turkey. Turkey]: [publisher not identified], 2011.

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The 1990 election to the Bulgarian Grand National Assembly and the 1991 election to the Bulgarian National Assembly: Analyses, documents and data. Berlin: Edition Sigma, 1997.

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National Army Museum Book of the Turkish Front 1914-18: The Campaigns at Gallipoli, in Mesopotamia & in Palestine (Pan Grand Strategy Series). 3rd ed. Pan Books, 2004.

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Wright Rigueur, Leah. The Challenge of Change. Princeton University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.23943/princeton/9780691159010.003.0004.

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This chapter analyzes how Edward Brooke's election was a moment of profound achievement for both black Republicans and the larger Grand Old Party (GOP) apparatus. Viewed as a political phenomenon, he not only represented the abstract goals of the National Negro Republican Assembly (NNRA) but also captured an image that moderate and liberal Republican leaders had struggled to harness since Barry Goldwater's unnerving rise in 1964. For a party traumatized in the aftermath of defeat, Brooke provided much needed proof that moderate Republican candidates could appeal to an interracial cross section of the American public. Drawing on a broader black middle-class tradition of respectability politics, he won his elections by running a campaign that was simultaneously race neutral and race conscious—a paradox, to be sure, but one that allowed an interracial audience to embrace him and his politics.
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Частини книг з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Kalaycioğlu, Ersin. "The Turkish Grand National Assembly: New Challenges and Old Problems." In Turkey’s Engagement with Modernity, 119–41. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2010. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230277397_8.

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Loizides, Neophytos G., and Elif Ersin. "The EU Challenge: A View from the Turkish Grand National Assembly." In Turkey and the European Union, 71–82. London: Palgrave Macmillan UK, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/9780230598584_4.

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Gençkaya, Ömer Faruk. "Parliamentary committees in the Grand National Assembly of Turkey (2002–2020)." In Parliamentary Committees in the Policy Process, 263–86. London: Routledge, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003106579-15.

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Winter, Jay. "The Road from Ankara." In The Day the Great War Ended, 24 July 1923, 41–66. Oxford University PressOxford, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192870735.003.0003.

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Abstract The Turkish delegation to Lausanne presented their struggle as one for national self-determination. They thereby used against the victorious Allies the Wilsonian commitment to self-determination as a right for all peoples. Discarding any claim to sovereignty over territory outside Anatolia and Eastern Thrace, the Turkish delegation refused to acknowledge any Armenian claim to a homeland in Anatolia. They were prepared to meet the Allies at numerous points, but were stubborn to a fault when it came to establishing the territorial integrity and economic independence of the new Turkey. This strategy worked in two essential ways: it enabled Mustafa İsmet, the head of the Turkish delegation, to break off the talks in early February 1923 and to retain the backing of the Grand National Assembly in Ankara. Both enabled him to sign the Treaty on 24 July 1923 and to solidify the political position of his leader, Mustafa Kemal. The regime that emerged was self-determining, but in no sense democratic.
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"The Turkish Grand National Assembly: A Brief Inquiry into the Politics of Representation in Turkey." In Turkey, 42–60. BRILL, 1995. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/9789004493162_006.

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Gümüşel, Günseli, and Gülçin Tuğba Nurdan. "Citizenship Education Courses in Primary Schools in Modern Turkey (1920s-1950s)." In Global Perspectives on Value Education in Primary School, 191–202. IGI Global, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.4018/978-1-6684-9295-6.ch011.

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According to Mustafa Kemal, salvation is possible only through national education. The consciousness of freedom should be taught in schools. Teachers also had duties on the path to national awakening and organization. After the Grand National Assembly was established in Ankara, the government gave the students and teachers the task of enlightening Turkish people. The idea was that future generations should be raised with a national, scientific, and secular education to protect Türkiye's independence and strengthen the republic regime. The feelings of virtue, self-sacrifice, order, discipline, and self-confidence should be reinforced in the new generation. The “citizenship education at primary school,” which the intellectuals of constitutionalism focused on within the scope of the “new man-new society” project, constituted an important dimension of nation-building. In this study, citizenship education courses with different names such as Citizenship, Homeland, Malumat-ı Vataniye, etc. will be evaluated by using official course books from the 1920s to 1950s in the Republic of Türkiye.
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"The Grand National Assembly." In The Young Atatürk. I.B. Tauris & Co. Ltd, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5040/9780755607945.ch-004.

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Gençkaya, Ömer Faruk. "The Grand National Assembly of Turkey." In Legislative Decline in the 21st Century, 82–93. Routledge, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9780429324864-6.

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"15. A deputation of students appears before the National Assembly." In The School of the French Revolution: A Documentary History of the College of Louis-le-Grand and its Director, Jean-Francois Champagne, 1762-1814, edited by R. R. Palmer, 91–92. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870639-018.

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"53. "Ideas on Public Education Presented to the National Assembly"." In The School of the French Revolution: A Documentary History of the College of Louis-le-Grand and its Director, Jean-Francois Champagne, 1762-1814, edited by R. R. Palmer, 237–59. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/9781400870639-056.

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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Doruk, Assoc Prof Ece Karadogan, and Assoc Prof Veli Polat. "The Profiles of Two Political Leaders in the Context of their Speeches at the Turkish Grand National Assembly (TGNA)." In 2nd Annual International Conference on Journalism & Mass Communications (JMComm 2013). Global Science and Technology Forum, 2013. http://dx.doi.org/10.5176/2301-3710_jmcomm13.16.

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Andaç, Faruk. "Occupational Health, Safety and Unionization in Mining Businesses." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01190.

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Turkey has had two major mine accidents recently. In 2014, three hundred and one (301) miners died in the Soma coal mine accident and about five months later, in October 2014, eighteen miners lost their lives in Ermenek. In June 2012, a new Occupational Health and Safety Law entered into force. Although this law brought serious clauses for the organizations to take precautions to prevent such accidents, it was not applied properly for some reasons. First, it was ignored by the businesses as it brought financial burden for them. Second, workers could not express their views individually because they did not have a union to do it for them. The third and most important reason was that; businesses were not inspected properly. As a result of these accidents, The Turkish Grand National Assembly approved the ILO Mine Workers’ Health and Safety Agreement No. 176 in December 2014. Before Turkey, this agreement had been approved by 29 countries among 185 ILO members including Zambia, USA, Finland, Albania and Germany. These frequent mine accidents get serious reactions from the public. Therefore, unionization must be compulsory in mine businesses and inspections must be more effective.
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Apak, Sudi, and Selin Kozan. "The Impact of Ukraine Crisis's on Turkey and Ukraine’s Economic Relationship." In International Conference on Eurasian Economies. Eurasian Economists Association, 2015. http://dx.doi.org/10.36880/c06.01262.

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After the breakup of the Soviet Union and independence declaration of Ukraine in 1991, as in the other Soviet countries, Ukraine has left a heavy industrial based economy with an insufficient technology. Trade relations with Turkey gained momentum in 2004 and has continued its growing until today. This trade relationship has a complementary role and mostly based on intermediate good export. Turkey is the second largest export volume partner of Ukraine and providing the largest trade surplus for Ukraine. Ukraine economy is very sensitive to foreign trade fluctuations, therefore in the 2009 global crisis, Turkey’s trade volume with Ukraine declined more than two times. In 2014, military conflict in the East, Russian trade restrictions, the Hryvnia depreciation and tight fiscal austerity measures have exacerbated the existing macroeconomic challenges of Ukraine and pushed the country into its deepest recession since 2009. This study analyses the Ukraine crisis effects on its economic situation and effects on the Turkey and Ukraine’s economic relationship by using statistical methods. Data sources are: National Bank of Ukraine, State Statistics Service of Ukraine, Ministry of Finance of Ukraine, Trade Statistics for International Business Development, National Bank of Turkey, Turkish Exporters Assembly, Turkish Statistical Institute. Turkey, as a country has earned trusts of both Ukraine and Russia, is able to lead a peacekeeping force in Ukraine. Furthermore, Turkey should evaluate the possibilities to provide a credit line to Ukraine and it would be useful for Turkey to search the other markets and trade conditions as well.
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Roy, Ting Chen, Daniel Markel, Christian Wilkinson, Yoshihiko Koyanagi, Chihiro Furusho, Hiroyuki Watanabe, Gustavo Grullon, Hani Elshahawi, Ramachandra Shenoy, and Indranil Roy. "Accelerated Development of Pressure Balanced HPHT Dissolvable Plugged Nozzle Assemblies Through the Nippon Foundation-DeepStar Joint Ocean Innovation R&D Program for Extended Reach Deepwater Wells, Within a Short Time of Project Launch." In Offshore Technology Conference. OTC, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.4043/30927-ms.

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Abstract To meet and sustain the increasing energy needs of a growing world economy, exploration for oil and gas will be directed to increasingly extended reaches, complex profiles and hostile environments. Progress in harnessing high-pressure high-temperature (HPHT) sour fields (environments containing hydrogen sulphide gas or H2S) and reducing the cost of extracting and refining will be highly leveraged by political and macroeconomic considerations. Motivated to harness the complex tight carbonate reservoirs in offshore Arabian Gulf, a major National Oil Company (NOC) in UAE and its partners embarked on an extensive and ambitious project to produce oil and gas from offshore artificial islands. To capture the full economic benefits of this project, operators are expected to drill farther and farther into one of the world's longest deep-water reservoirs (wells with laterals lengths beyond 40,000 feet). It has also taken them a decade of innovative technology development to be able to successfully harness these challenging deep-water assets. Among the technologies developed, one of the essential tools, a dissolvable plugged nozzle assembly (DPNA) with its ability to withstand higher pressures encountered at larger depths, while maintaining its mechanical integrity for extended times in heavy brines, enabling longer sweeps, thus service deeper wells was needed by operators. Recognizing this grand challenge, we designed and developed a pressure balanced HPHT DPN (PB-HPHT DPN) with erosion resistant Ni alloy jointly developed with a major Japanese steel and Ni alloy producer and anion-insensitive nano-BMGC plug developed by us. The PB-HPHT DPN has the following groundbreaking properties: (i) It can sustain pressures of up to 5,500 psi differential pressure (ΔP) for 48 hours when pressurized from inner diameter (ID) to outer diameter (OD), and can subsequently breakthrough on 500 psi DP pressure reversal (OD to ID) within 14 days from the start of the operations; (ii) It can be deployed in environments encompassing up-to 43% Bromide or up-to 21% Chloride brines and reaching temperatures as high as 250° F. Additionally, verification and validation (V&V) is supported by flow testing combined with Computational Fluid Dynamics (CFD). The design of the PB HPHT-DPN allows a fluid flow of up-to 0.6 bpm across the nozzle without experiencing a differential pressure increase of >2400 psi in a 4 mm DPN. In summary, the PB-HPHT DPN is a revolutionary device that will allow operators to efficiently produce oil and gas in extremely hostile environments.
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Звіти організацій з теми "Turkish Grand National Assembly"

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Karlstrom, Karl, Laura Crossey, Allyson Matthis, and Carl Bowman. Telling time at Grand Canyon National Park: 2020 update. National Park Service, April 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.36967/nrr-2285173.

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Grand Canyon National Park is all about time and timescales. Time is the currency of our daily life, of history, and of biological evolution. Grand Canyon’s beauty has inspired explorers, artists, and poets. Behind it all, Grand Canyon’s geology and sense of timelessness are among its most prominent and important resources. Grand Canyon has an exceptionally complete and well-exposed rock record of Earth’s history. It is an ideal place to gain a sense of geologic (or deep) time. A visit to the South or North rims, a hike into the canyon of any length, or a trip through the 277-mile (446-km) length of Grand Canyon are awe-inspiring experiences for many reasons, and they often motivate us to look deeper to understand how our human timescales of hundreds and thousands of years overlap with Earth’s many timescales reaching back millions and billions of years. This report summarizes how geologists tell time at Grand Canyon, and the resultant “best” numeric ages for the canyon’s strata based on recent scientific research. By best, we mean the most accurate and precise ages available, given the dating techniques used, geologic constraints, the availability of datable material, and the fossil record of Grand Canyon rock units. This paper updates a previously-published compilation of best numeric ages (Mathis and Bowman 2005a; 2005b; 2007) to incorporate recent revisions in the canyon’s stratigraphic nomenclature and additional numeric age determinations published in the scientific literature. From bottom to top, Grand Canyon’s rocks can be ordered into three “sets” (or primary packages), each with an overarching story. The Vishnu Basement Rocks were once tens of miles deep as North America’s crust formed via collisions of volcanic island chains with the pre-existing continent between 1,840 and 1,375 million years ago. The Grand Canyon Supergroup contains evidence for early single-celled life and represents basins that record the assembly and breakup of an early supercontinent between 729 and 1,255 million years ago. The Layered Paleozoic Rocks encode stories, layer by layer, of dramatic geologic changes and the evolution of animal life during the Paleozoic Era (period of ancient life) between 270 and 530 million years ago. In addition to characterizing the ages and geology of the three sets of rocks, we provide numeric ages for all the groups and formations within each set. Nine tables list the best ages along with information on each unit’s tectonic or depositional environment, and specific information explaining why revisions were made to previously published numeric ages. Photographs, line drawings, and diagrams of the different rock formations are included, as well as an extensive glossary of geologic terms to help define important scientific concepts. The three sets of rocks are separated by rock contacts called unconformities formed during long periods of erosion. This report unravels the Great Unconformity, named by John Wesley Powell 150 years ago, and shows that it is made up of several distinct erosion surfaces. The Great Nonconformity is between the Vishnu Basement Rocks and the Grand Canyon Supergroup. The Great Angular Unconformity is between the Grand Canyon Supergroup and the Layered Paleozoic Rocks. Powell’s term, the Great Unconformity, is used for contacts where the Vishnu Basement Rocks are directly overlain by the Layered Paleozoic Rocks. The time missing at these and other unconformities within the sets is also summarized in this paper—a topic that can be as interesting as the time recorded. Our goal is to provide a single up-to-date reference that summarizes the main facets of when the rocks exposed in the canyon’s walls were formed and their geologic history. This authoritative and readable summary of the age of Grand Canyon rocks will hopefully be helpful to National Park Service staff including resource managers and park interpreters at many levels of geologic understandings...
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