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Статті в журналах з теми "Trucco politico"
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Wańczyk, Kacper. "Tak trudno się rozstać." Sprawy Międzynarodowe 74, no. 2 (November 8, 2021): 113–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.35757/sm.2021.74.2.08.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this article is to analyse the privatisation process in the Republic of Belarus. This analysis will help to answer two questions. Firstly, is Belarusian privatisation strategic in nature? Secondly, what theoretical framework explains Belarusian privatisation policy?Juxtaposing the process of transferring state property to the private sphere in Belarus with traditional theoretical frameworks explaining the causes and course of privatisation in the former Soviet bloc countries does not fully explain the actions of the Belarusian authorities. Privatisation transactions were not part of a broader plan to restructure the economy. They were carried out ad hoc, usually as a result of a combination of two factors – pressure from external actors and the need to raise budget funds.To explain the actions of President Alexander Lukashenko, it seems appropriate to use an approach derived from the concept of power-ownership developed by Russian researchers Yuri Latov and Rustem Nureev. This assumes the formation of property rights from above and directly links political power with property control. In this view, giving up control over property is tantamount to giving up political power.
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Murphy, Colleen. "Political reconciliation, the rule of law, and truces." Journal of Global Ethics 13, no. 1 (January 2, 2017): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/17449626.2017.1324509.
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Hyden, Goran. "Beyond the Liberal Democracy Paradigm: A Fresh Look at Power and Institutions." African Studies Review 59, no. 3 (December 2016): 169–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/asr.2016.121.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract:Compared to political developments in Eastern Europe and Latin America, democratization in sub-Saharan Africa has been more problematic and uneven. Looking at the performance in four subregions—central Africa, East Africa, southern Africa, and West Africa—yields no convincing evidence of a “wave” of democratization; countries next to each other differ considerably with regard to their Freedom House scores. This does not mean that democratization has necessarily stalled, but it does demonstrate that the prevailing vertical cleavages along ethnic, racial, or religious lines can make such a transition volatile, as suggested by the cases of Burundi, Mali, and even Kenya. While political competition in mature democracies, typically divided along horizontal group or class lines, tends to generate positive-sum outcomes, such competition in Africa easily turns into “prisoner’s dilemma” games. The uncertainty about the value of cooperation in such situations usually produces political “truces” that are easily abandoned if the costs of adherence exceed the benefits. Against the background of this prevailing political logic, this article calls for a new approach to conceptualizing notions of “institution” and “power” in the analysis of politics in the region.
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Jackson, John S. "The Southernization of American Politics (Research Note)." American Review of Politics 8 (January 1, 1988): 62–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.15763/issn.2374-7781.1987.8.0.62-68.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
When I was growing up in South Arkansas in the 1950s the Civil War was very much still with us. I had a great-grandfather who fought in the war and his Civil War musket was an heirloom in our home. My friends drove pick-up trucks with Confederate flags and signs that showed a mean looking Confederate soldier saying “Forget Hell” or “The South’s going to rise again!” My thesis here tonight is that the old slogan “The South’s going to rise again” has proved prophetic in American politics. That is, in the words of the title of my lecture, we have seen over the past two decades the “Southemization” of American politics.
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Rose, Taylor. "The “Opening of the Clackamas”: Log Trucks, Access Roads, and Multiple-Use Infrastructure in Oregon’s National Forests." Western Historical Quarterly 53, no. 2 (February 23, 2022): 167–93. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/whq/whac002.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract Driving mountain roads is a fundamental part of the modern experience in Oregon’s national forests. Building, maintaining, and overseeing forest access roads has been at the core of U.S. Forest Service land management policy since World War II. Beginning in 1942, demand for wartime lumber and the newly industrial scale of logging, particularly after the advent of log trucking, together precipitated a period of rapid infrastructure development in the previously remote resource hinterlands of the Pacific Northwest. Although initially a boon for public relations, timber productivity, and management itself, the roads quickly became fiscal and regulatory burdens for the federal agency. This article examines the story of public-lands logging and recreation—typically told as a narrative of environmental politics—through the lens of automobility. Mass road development, I argue, gradually produced a popular expectation—shared across political divisions and enduring more strongly than ever in the 2020s—that national forests were and forever should be places of easy automotive access. However, this expectation belies what it has taken to develop and maintain that access: namely, logging revenue. By following the political-economic, cultural, and environmental history of one notoriously busy road in northwest Oregon, the Clackamas River Road, historians may better understand the context in which multiple-use infrastructure took shape, as well as the difficult budgetary position in which USFS officials find themselves today, three decades after the spotted owl controversy all but ended a half century of national-forest log trucking.
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Trocchio, Clint, and Paul J. Miller. "Washington, DC’s Lottery-Rotation System for Food Trucks: A Step in the Right Direction." Policy Perspectives 22 (May 4, 2015): 55. http://dx.doi.org/10.4079/pp.v22i0.15111.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
DC officials enacted a Mobile Roadway Vending lottery in December 2013 that allocated street-metered parking spaces to the 250 food trucks operating throughout the District. Its creation was predicated on the belief among DC administrators that food trucks inject vibrancy into the urban environment and create job opportunities. Across America, though, expert regulators’ and political leaders’ opinions vary on how food trucks should be managed to accommodate the concerns of stakeholders who share limited street parking. By comparing DC’s lottery-rotation system to pure lottery and auction systems, we reveal the difficult-to-attain middle ground sought by officials who are caught between allocating parking through a lottery or through an auction sale that can possibly favor a wealthy minority. We acknowledge the benefits found in the District’s decision to create a policy that allows vendors the flexibility to roam for available street parking in some areas and to compete in a semi-random lottery for guaranteed parking in other areas. We suggest the lottery-rotation system’s major inefficiencies would be largely remedied by a secondary market allowing vendors autonomy to make as-needed parking trades. We conclude by asserting that, while the lottery-rotation system is economically inefficient, it is part of a broader, reasonable first effort that strikes an economic and political equilibrium in a dynamic industry and regulatory landscape.
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Vahrenkamp, Richard. "Lastkraftwagen und Logistik in Deutschland 1900 bis 1955:." Vierteljahrschrift für Sozial- und Wirtschaftsgeschichte 95, no. 4 (2008): 430–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.25162/vswg-2008-0017.
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Pérez-Sánchez, Gema. "David Trullo’s queer revisionist photography." Journal of Language and Sexuality 5, no. 2 (September 16, 2016): 197–221. http://dx.doi.org/10.1075/jls.5.2.04per.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Working with the theoretical notions of “homonationalism” (Puar 2013) and “pinkwashing” (Schulman 2011, 2012, Spade 2013) and using as a case study two photographic series by contemporary Spanish gay photographer David Trullo, I illuminate the complex situation in which contemporary queer Spanish visual artists must produce their work: they resist homonationalism and homonormativity at the same time that they must work within the very frames of homonationalism and homonormativity to fund, produce, and disseminate their particularly subversive queer politics. In analyzing Trullo’s series, Alterhistory: Una historia verdadera (2010) — a gay and lesbian, homonormative rewriting of late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century photographic couple portraiture — I argue that he simultaneously makes visible and performatively embodies new LGBTQ visibilities and histories in Spain where they were previously erased through a queer manipulation of photographic language, specifically by altering what Roland Barthes has called photography’s “connotation procedures.” Also, I analyze Trullo’s Inca: 20 perfiles peruanos sin filtro (2009), a critique of neo-colonial Spanish enterprises in Latin America and Peru’s racism towards its queer indigenous population, which the artist produced while accompanying an exhibition promoting same-sex marriage funded by the AECID (Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo). I conclude that Trullo intervenes in and complicates public debates about LGBTQ rights, visibility, embodiment, and the politics of neo-liberal commodification of progressive rights
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Durrenberger, E. Paul, and Kathleen Gillogly. "Greed in a “Tribal” Economy? Acquisitiveness and Reciprocity in Lisu Society." Economic Anthropology 1, no. 1 (January 2014): 88–103. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/sea2.12006.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post‐opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post‐opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not in a reciprocity economy with inherent limits to accumulation of wealth, where the standards were set by the poor families in the village. But in today's economy, acquisitiveness for accumulation and investment rather than reciprocity has given rise to accusations of stinginess among villagers and greed by Thai officials.
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Prokofeva, E. Yu. "Causes and consequences of truck production predominance in the Soviet automotive industry in the first half of the XX century." Vestnik of Samara University. History, pedagogics, philology 28, no. 3 (October 14, 2022): 28–39. http://dx.doi.org/10.18287/2542-0445-2022-28-3-28-39.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A significant predominance of the number of produced trucks over the number of passenger cars was a feature of domestic automotive industry development until the 70-ies of the XX century. This fact did not correspond to the global vector of automotive industry development. The paper analyses the causes and consequences of this phenomenon by involving mainly a corpus of statistical sources of Russian and foreign origin. The socialist foundation of the political structure of the state and the focus on the development of heavy industry in the economy are identified as the fundamental factors that determined the specifics of Russian automotive industry strategy. By comparing the volumes of freight turnover of railway, river and road transport, the length of communication routes of various types both within the USSR and with the corresponding indicators of foreign countries, the author picks out the features of the Russian transport system that determined the containment of the USSR automotive industry development as a whole and the passenger car industry in particular. The paper denotes poverty and low level of education going with it to be among the social phenomena that prevented the mass distribution of passenger cars in the USSR and did not allow to form consumers of passenger car industry products in the country. Based on domestic and foreign data sources, the article concludes about the stability, regularity and validity of the predominance of produced trucks over passenger cars in the economic development of the country in comparison with the pan-European ones. It is noted that among others the result of this sectoral strategy is the contribution of truck production to the industrial breakthrough of the USSR in the 30-ies and the victory over Nazi Germany and Japan in 19411945 as well as a complex of diverse phenomena that exhibited in various sectors of social and economic life of the Soviet Union. The author claims that the change in the ratio of manufactured trucks and passenger cars in favour of the latter occurred in the 70-ies of the XX century as a result of the victory in the inter-party struggle of the concept of peaceful coexistence. The use of new data allowed the author to identify the influence of politics in the Soviet socialist state on the development strategy of the automotive industry as one of the key sectors of the economy
Дисертації з теми "Trucco politico"
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Petersen, Deanne. "Food truck fever: a spatio-political analysis of food truck activity in Kansas City, Missouri." Kansas State University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/2097/17546.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Master of Regional and Community PlanningDepartment of Landscape Architecture/Regional & Community Planning
Hyung Jin Kim
Planning researchers and professionals have recently noted the social, economic, and cultural benefits food truck activity can provide within a community. As a result, the proliferation of food truck activity has challenged planners to reconsider the role of streets and urban spaces. Food trucks have the potential to enliven the urban landscape and enrich the quality of public life by serving as revitalization catalysts in urban spaces. While food trucks have become an increasingly visible aspect of street life, few jurisdictions have determined an effective manner to regulate and promote food truck activity. The study recommends how cities can improve current food truck policies in order to enable the revitalization of urban spaces through food truck activity. Using Kansas City, Missouri as a study area, the primary question was explored through three secondary inquires and their related methods. First, a GIS-based spatial analysis identified the spatio-temporal characteristics of food truck locations via social media data mining processes. Second, a survey of food truck vendors and interviews with city staff highlighted stakeholder conflicts that pose barriers to food truck activity. Third, a policy review in key cities and the development of a policy framework helped determine appropriate policy guidelines that allow food trucks to operate effectively in a city. The cumulative findings of the study informed food truck policy guidelines for Kansas City, Missouri. The policy framework also provides a structure for cities to utilize in order to analyze their own regulations. Sixteen significant policy areas are included in the framework, with the policy areas falling into one of three categories: permitting and enforcement, streets and spaces, or public health and safety. Appropriate policies that balance the needs of stakeholders allow food trucks to operate effectively, thus allowing cities to capitalize on the urban revitalization effects and other benefits that food truck activity provides within urban spaces.
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Foughali, Hana. "L'éclatement du plafond de verre ? Entre maquillage politique et gender patchworking identitaire : visions du monde et vie professionnelle de femmes cadres supérieures et dirigeantes." Electronic Thesis or Diss., Université Paris Cité, 2023. http://www.theses.fr/2023UNIP7075.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Cette thèse interroge la persistance d'un malaise professionnel, symptôme d'un « plafond de verre symbolique », au-delà du « plafond de verre » (hiérarchique), à travers les visions du monde de femmes cadres supérieures et dirigeantes. Par le biais du découplage potentiel entre les vécus hétéronomes de ces femmes et les pratiques managériales des trois entreprises observées, ce travail analyse également les raisons latentes de cette persistance, ainsi que la manière dont la protestation ou l'adaptation à ces situations de malaise, vécues par ces femmes, peuvent se manifester au sein des institutions. Trois hypothèses guident l'explication : vécu corporel, dimension culturelle et auto-plafonnement (autolimitation). Mobilisant une démarche phénoménologique, parfois avec des traits s'apparentant à une démarche praxéologique, cette recherche combine plusieurs types de matériaux et d'approches théoriques nourris par différentes disciplines. Les résultats montrent que, nonobstant l'enthousiasme égalitaire mis en avant par les entreprises analysées, elles semblent davantage préposées à améliorer leur image publique qu'à apporter des changements substantiels. La structure n'a pas véritablement changé malgré ce « maquillage politique » : ce sont les femmes qui se sont adaptées, en adhérant à la mobilisation de leur subjectivité et en acceptant de se conformer à la « neutralité masculine ». Si elles se sont appropriées hiérarchiquement du pouvoir, elles continuent cependant symboliquement à le subir, à travers notamment un processus d' « empowerment par procuration ». Alimentée par divers facteurs, la persistance d'un malaise professionnel bride les femmes cadres supérieures et dirigeantes dans une double contingence : à la fois capitaliste « cage d'acier » et patriarcale « corset invisible ». Dans cette situation professionnelle, pétrie de contraintes, de « shaming patriarcal » et d'autorisations de comportements sexistes accordées par la structure via un « pass misogyne », ces femmes se retrouvent coincées dans un mode de vie solidement établi, qu'elles ont consciemment créé et qui est conforme à la raison instrumentale qu'elles ont désirée. Elles n'ont pas d'autres possibilités que de s'adapter, en ayant recours à un « gender patchworking identitaire ». Quatre visions du monde découlent de cette adaptation : Caméléon, Ladyboss, Olympe et CosetteThis thesis examines the persistence of a professional malaise, symptomatic of a "symbolic glass ceiling", over and above the (hierarchical) "glass ceiling", through the worldviews of female senior managers and executives. Through the potential decoupling between the heteronomous experiences of these women and the managerial practices of the three companies observed, this work also analyses the latent reasons for this persistence, as well as the way in which protest against or adaptation to these situations of malaise, experienced by these women, may manifest themselves within the institutions. This thesis examins three hypotheses: bodily experience, cultural dimension, and self-ceiling (self-restraint). Using a phenomenological approach, sometimes with features resembling a praxeological approach, this research combines several types of material and theoretical approaches cultivated by different disciplines. Notwithstanding the egalitarian enthusiasm put forward by the companies analysed, the results show that the companies seem to focus more on improving their public image than to bring about substantial change. The structure has not really changed "political make-up". In fact, it is the women who have adapted, by adhering to the mobilisation of their subjectivity and accepting a mould of "masculine neutrality". Hierarchically they have appropriated power, but symbolically they continue to be subjected to these standards, notably through a process of "empowerment by proxy". Fuelled by a variety of factors, the persistence of a professional malaise traps female senior managers and executives in a double contingency; a capitalist "steel cage" and a patriarchal "invisible corset". In this professional situation, full of constraints and 'patriarchal shaming' as well as authorisations for sexist behaviour, granted by a "misogynist pass", these women find themselves trapped in a firmly established lifestyle, which they have consciously created, and which conforms to the instrumental reason they so desired. They have no choice but to conform, by resorting to "gender patchworking identity". Four worldviews emerge from this adaptation: Caméléon, Ladyboss, Olympe and Cosette
Questa tesi di dottorato esamina la persistenza di un malessere professionale, sintomatico di un "soffitto di vetro simbolico", al di là del "soffitto di vetro" (gerarchico), attraverso le visioni del mondo delle donne senior manager e dirigenti. Attraverso il potenziale disaccoppiamento tra le esperienze eteronome di queste donne e le pratiche manageriali delle tre aziende osservate, questo lavoro analizza anche le ragioni latenti di questa persistenza, nonché il modo in cui la protesta o l'adattamento a queste situazioni di malessere, vissute da queste donne, possono manifestarsi all'interno delle aziende. Tre ipotesi guidano la spiegazione: l'esperienza corporea, la dimensione culturale e l'autosoffitto (l'auto-limitazione). I risultati mostrano che, nonostante l'entusiasmo egualitario introdotto dalle aziende analizzate, questo sembra servire più a migliorare la loro immagine pubblica che a produrre un cambiamento sostanziale. La struttura non ha realmente cambiato "trucco politico", sono le donne che si sono adattate aderendo alla mobilitazione della loro e accettando uno stampo di "neutralità maschile". Si sono appropriate del potere gerarchico, ma simbolicamente continuano a subirlo, attraverso un processo di "empowerment per procura". Alimentata da una serie di fattori, la persistenza di un malessere professionale intrappola le donne dirigenti e manager in una doppia contingenza: la "gabbia d'acciaio" capitalista e il "corsetto invisibile" patriarcale in questa situazione professionale, piena di vincoli e di "shaming patriarcale" e di autorizzazioni a comportamenti sessisti, concessi dalla struttura attraverso un "pass misogino", queste donne si trovano intrappolate in uno stile di vita saldamente stabilito, che hanno consapevolmente creato e che si conforma alla ragione strumentale che hanno desiderato, non hanno altra scelta che adattarsi, ricorrendo al "gender patchworking d'identità". Da questo adattamento emergono quattro visioni del mondo: Caméléon, Ladyboss, Olympe e Cosette
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Crocker, Theresa Blom. "“A REMARKABLE INSTANCE”: THE CHRISTMAS TRUCE AND ITS ROLE IN THE CONTEMPORANEOUS NARRATIVE OF THE FIRST WORLD WAR." UKnowledge, 2012. http://uknowledge.uky.edu/history_etds/2.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The orthodox narrative of the First World War, which maintains that the conflict was futile, unnecessary and wasteful, continues to dominate historical representations of the war. Attempts by revisionist historians to dispute this interpretation have made little impact on Britain’s collective memory of the conflict. The Christmas truce has come to represent the frustration and anger that soldiers felt towards the meaningless war they had been trapped into fighting. However, the Christmas truce, which at the time it occurred was seen as an event of minimal importance, was not an act of defiance, but one which arose from the unprecedented conditions of static trench warfare and the adaptation of the soldiers to that environment. An examination of contemporaneous accounts of the truce demonstrates that it was viewed by the soldiers involved as merely a brief holiday, and that British army commanders generally ignored or tolerated the truce, eventually releasing orders preventing its continuation or reoccurrence but taking no steps to punish any of the men who took part in it. A review of the letters and diaries of truce participants sheds light on the event itself, while simultaneously challenging the orthodox narrative of the First World War.
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Kollars, Nina Ann. "By the Seat of Their Pants: Military Technological Adaptation in War." The Ohio State University, 2012. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1341314153.
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Hanson, Kolby. "Rebel Organizations in Crackdown and Truce." Thesis, 2019. https://doi.org/10.7916/d8-yzpa-ax84.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the past three decades, more than two dozen civil conflicts have ended in a long-term truce between the government and rebels. In these agreements, neither side disarms or makes any substantial concessions. Instead, rebel forces are permitted to recruit, fund themselves, and patrol territory without punishment so long as they leave government forces alone. Governments typically offer these agreements when they have few domestic or political interests in the conflict (as in remote separatist regions) or when they face short-run international pressure to reduce violence (as in high-profile conflicts).
What happens to rebel organizations when the government permits them to operate and recruit freely? Governments and scholars believe that forbearance benefits rebel organizations, allowing them to gather new funds and new members who will empower them on the battlefield and at the bargaining table. This book argues instead that these periods of truce undermine rebel organizations by changing the types of recruits they attract. Truces do indeed make life safer and easier for rebel soldiers, attracting an influx of new rebel recruits. But they also undermine a key screening process in rebel recruitment. Rebel leaders need rebel soldiers to sacrifice their own desires (safety, pleasure, and profit) for the movement’s goals (battlefield victory, territorial control, and bargaining credibility). The safety and material benefits of truce disproportionately attract selfish opportunists who are prone to desert, defect, and disobey in the long run. Constrained by recruitment competition and bureaucratic incapacity, rebel leaders struggle to screen or control these new soldiers. I lay out this argument in a formal model of rebel recruitment, competition, and screening, validated with dozens of interviews of current and former rebels in Northeast India and Sri Lanka.
I examine the effects of long-term truces on rebel organizations using three forms of evidence. First, I test how truces affect the behavior and motivations of rebel recruits with an innovative recruitment experiment in three separatist regions in Northeast India. By mimicking local rebel recruiting strategies in civic organizations and public gathering places, I gather nearly 400 likely rebel recruits. These recruits then evaluated randomly-generated hypothetical rebel groups, testing what factors make them more willing to join. The results shows that the safety and material benefits of truce disproportionately attract recruits who are less community-oriented, both in past behavior and self-assessments.
Second, I explore the broader impacts of these recruit-side motivations on rebel organizations with 76 in-depth case interviews in Northeast India and Sri Lanka. These interviewees include rebel leaders, current and former rebel soldiers, and civilians interacting with rebel groups. By comparing over time (before and after truce agreements) and between movements, I track how truces shape rebel recruitment and control.
Third, I construct an original worldwide dataset of civil conflict endings since 1946. This exercise shows just how common long-term truces are: since the end of the Cold War, more civil conflicts have ended in a truce than in a rebel victory or peace agreement. I also combine this data with existing conflict data, demonstrating that after a truce rebel groups are more likely to fragment, struggle in clashes with the government, and abuse civilians.
This book challenges several key assumptions that scholars and policymakers hold about conflict resolution, rebel organizations, and state development. By shining a light on the largely ignored phenomenon of long-term truces in civil conflicts, it demonstrates what happens when reducing violence does not resolve a conflict. With innovative experimental evidence of rebel recruits’ motivations, it shows how changing resources can shift the quantity and quality of recruits rebels attract. By tracking rebel organizations before and after truce, it shows how a government can more effectively undermine a rebel movement in the long run with forbearance than with violent crackdown.
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Cotrim, João Miguel Oliveira. "Making sense of the sharing economy: how and why stakeholders grant legitimation." Doctoral thesis, 2021. http://hdl.handle.net/10071/23024.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Sharing Economy (SE) has been developing at an impressive pace throughout the globe and emerging as an innovative and hastily growing practice of the economy, which, on the other hand, has been attracting the attention of the scientific community. An increasing number of studies have been brought to light, particularly since 2017, helping to document and analyse how the SE has been unveiling itself and evolving across economic systems. There still is, nevertheless, a scarcity of a well-settled comprehension of the SE. This research addresses this gap by making a valuable contribution in helping to settle the sometimes-controversial, contention/dispute discourse around this arising field of knowledge over the last few years. It is composed of 3 sequential studies, whose respective research questions help find an answer to the central overall research question of the research, which is: what is the nature of the SE, and how and why stakeholders have progressively been granting legitimation to it? In conducting a historical qualitative analysis of the expression SE and its equivalents, Study 1 clarifies that (i) the SE is a phenomenon that has predominantly been formed by emergence processes, comprising social movement, similarity clustering and truce components; (ii) there is a generalised legitimacy granted to the SE by a vast number of stakeholders, even though still lacking on the consolidation of socio-political legitimation; and (iii) the nature of the SE seems to fall in a metaphorical approach, particularly, the notion of radial categories. Studies 2 and 3 represent a deeper dive into the heart of the SE sphere, with the aim to explore the role of two pivotal stakeholders, whose mutual interaction is vital for the legitimacy gaining of the SE: (a) the organisations belonging to the field and (b) the consumers. Results, respectively, show: (a) a content analysis of (1) how SBPs organisations portray themselves and express their identities to the world and (2) what is the nature of the legitimacy that is granted by external audiences to prototypical SBPs reveal that, while SBPs go through a stakeholder evaluation screening process involving the degree of their legitimacy in terms of sameness (or close substitution), distinctiveness, cognitive and socio-political, they resort to a self-presentation strategy that is based on proclaiming to be part of a global social movement and act as social agents of change concerning contemporary high-priority matters: the widespread prevalence of information technologies; the desirability of empowering people; the social cohesion as a requirement in a globalised world; and sustainability as a precondition for a more auspicious world; (b) one experiment reveals that consumers’ intention to participate in “pure sharing” and/or “pure exchange” SBPs of the SE depends on either hedonic, either gain, and/or either normative motives, hence comprising both individual and supra individual strands, to be cognitively activated in them by the stimulus given by the nature of the SBP in question. More relevantly, there is a tendency for consumers to associate both extremes of SBPs of the SE with normative, supra-individual strands, thus, allowing to elaborate that they choose to participate in SBPs due to their transformative character - it is in favour of the collective good, bringing people closer together, a more cohesive, altruistic, non-egocentric, a fairer society and, ultimately, the unlocking of new paths for better sustainability of the planet and a more auspicious future for humanity, which is something that, to the best of our knowledge, current literature did not uncover before.A Economia de Partilha (EP) tem vindo a desenvolver-se a um ritmo impressionante em todo o mundo e emergindo rapidamente como uma prática inovadora da economia, que, por outro lado, tem vindo a atrair a atenção da comunidade científica. Um crescente número de estudos tem vindo a emergir, particularmente desde 2017, ajudando a documentar e analisar como a EP tem vindo a revelar-se e evoluir nos sistemas económicos. Ainda existe, no entanto, uma escassez de uma compreensão bem sedimentada e pacífica sobre a EP. Este projeto de investigação aborda essa lacuna dando uma contribuição valiosa para ajudar a resolver/pacificar o discurso, por vezes, controverso em torno deste campo de conhecimento que tem vindo a surgir nos últimos anos. É composto por 3 estudos sequenciais, cujas respetivas perguntas de pesquisa ajudam a encontrar uma resposta para a questão de pesquisa central/geral do projeto, e que é: qual é a natureza da SE e como é que e porque que é que as partes interessadas têm vindo progressivamente a conceder legitimação a ela? Ao realizar uma análise histórica qualitativa da expressão SE e seus equivalentes, o estudo 1 clarifica que (i) a EP é um fenómeno que tem sido formado predominantemente por processos de emergência, compreendendo componentes de movimento social, agrupamento por similaridade e trégua; (ii) existe uma legitimidade generalizada concedida à EP por um vasto número de partes interessadas, embora ainda carente de consolidação da legitimação sociopolítica; e (iii) a natureza da EP parece enquadrar-se numa abordagem metafórica, particularmente, na noção de categorias radiais. Os estudos 2 e 3 representam um olhar mais profundo no seio da esfera da EP, com o objetivo de explorar o papel de dois stakeholders centrais, cuja interação mútua é fundamental para o ganho de legitimidade da EP: (a) as organizações pertencentes ao campo e (b) os consumidores. Os resultados revelam, respectivamente,: (a) uma análise de conteúdo de (1) como as organizações SBPs se retratam e expressam as suas identidades para o mundo e (2) qual é a natureza da legitimidade que é concedida pelas audiências externas a SBPs prototípicas revelam que, enquanto que as SBPs passam por um processo de crivo de avaliação das partes interessadas envolvendo o grau da sua legitimidade em termos de semelhança (ou substituição próxima), distinção, cognitiva e sociopolítica, elas recorrem a uma estratégia de autoapresentação que se baseia na proclamação de fazer parte de um movimento social global e atuar enquanto agentes sociais de mudança no que diz respeito a questões contemporâneas de alta prioridade, nomeadamente: a prevalência generalizada de tecnologias de informação; o desejo de capacitar as pessoas; a coesão social como requisito num mundo globalizado; e a sustentabilidade como pré-condição para um mundo mais auspicioso; (b) uma experiência revela que a intenção dos consumidores de participar em SBPs da EP de “pura partilha” e/ou de “pura troca” depende quer de motivos hedónicos, de ganho e/ou normativos, compreendendo, portanto, vertentes individuais e supra individuais, de serem cognitivamente ativados neles pelo estímulo dado pela natureza da SBP em questão. Mais relevante, há uma tendência de os consumidores associarem ambos os extremos das SBPs da SE a vertentes normativas, supra-individuais, permitindo assim elaborar que eles optam em grande parte por participar nas SBPs devido ao seu caráter transformador – é a favor do bem coletivo, da aproximação entre as pessoas, de uma sociedade mais coesa, altruísta, não egocêntrica, justa e, em última instância, do desbloqueio de novos caminhos para uma melhor sustentabilidade do planeta e um futuro mais auspicioso para a humanidade, que é algo que, tanto quanto é do nosso conhecimento, a literatura atual não havia posto a nu antes.
Книги з теми "Trucco politico"
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Il trucco: Sessualità e biopolitica nella fine di Berlusconi. Rome, Italy: Ediesse, 2014.
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Spin: Trucchi e tele-imbrogli della politica. Venezia: Marsilio, 2007.
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3
Valle-Inclán, Ramón del, 1866-1936, author of Tureno dorado, ed. El trueno dorado. Madrid, España: Publicaciones de la Asociación de Directores de Escena de España, 2016.
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Lunnai, Algido. Manuale dell'aspirante deputato: Cento e più trucchi per far carriera in politica. Roma: Edizioni associate, 1992.
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Trus, Leonid. Trudno tolʹko pervye desi︠a︡tʹ let. Kharʹkov: "Prava li︠u︡dyny", 2015.
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Gismondi, Arturo. L' inverno della giustizia: 1991-2001, il gioco truccato. Milano: Bietti, 2002.
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La rebelión forajida traicionada y el proceso constituyente trunco: Poder ciudadano, poder constituyente. [Quito?]: [Sur Editores], 2007.
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Il Parlamento: Biografia non autorizzata : misteri, segreti, bugie, trucchi e tradimenti. Milano: Melampo editore, 2015.
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Shevt͡sova, Lilii͡a Fedorovna. Odinokai︠a︡ derzhava: Pochemu Rossii︠a︡ ne stala Zapadom i pochemu Rossii trudno s Zapadom. Moskva: ROSSPĖN, 2010.
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Delfino, Emilia. El hombre del camión: Hugo Moyano : la historia secreta del sindicalista más poderoso de la Argentina. Buenos Aires: Editorial Sudamericana, 2008.
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Wadiwel, Dinesh Joseph. "Counter-Conduct and Truce." In Philosophy and the Politics of Animal Liberation, 187–237. New York: Palgrave Macmillan US, 2016. http://dx.doi.org/10.1057/978-1-137-52120-0_7.
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Aigner, Walter, Matthias Neubauer, and Wolfgang Schildorfer. "Discussion." In Energy-Efficient and Semi-automated Truck Platooning, 229–37. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-88682-0_17.
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AbstractIn 2017, the Connecting Austria project was internationally unique with respect to the special consideration of the infrastructure and traffic perspective as well as the special consideration of investigating an urban truck platooning use case with traffic-light-controlled intersections before and after motorway entrances. The three main target groups of the project were: (1) road operators/infrastructure providers, (2) logistics operators and (3) C-ITS industry. Especially for those target groups and policy maker faced one central question at that point in time —“How can safe truck platooning reduce CO$$_{2}$$ 2 -emissions and how can this help to strengthen the stakeholders’ role in their market or political environment?”. Cooperative, connected and automated mobility shape the future of road transport. Thereby, truck platooning represents an important application case in the transport logistics domain. In this chapter, the research and evaluation results presented in this book are discussed along the following three fundamental pillars: (1) traffic safety and legal issues, (2) sustainability and (3) truck platooning deployment. Finally, limitations and cultural blind spots experienced within international workshops and discussions in the context of the Connecting Austria project are reflected.
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Co, Mario Dal, and Paolo Perulli. "The Trilateral Agreement of 1983: Social Pact or Political Truce?" In Economic Crisis, Trade Unions and the State, 157–70. London: Routledge, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.4324/9781003349242-11.
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Cope, Suzanne. "Free Breakfast and Taco Trucks: Case Studies of Food as Rhetorical Homology in Political Discourse." In Numanities - Arts and Humanities in Progress, 101–12. Cham: Springer International Publishing, 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030-81115-0_8.
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Farmer, Paul. "5. Touring One & All!" In After the Miners’ Strike, 67–82. Cambridge, UK: Open Book Publishers, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.11647/obp.0329.07.
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The first performance of One & All! is at the Crypt Centre in Truro at the end of March 1985 before a small audience of members and friends. Then we set out on tour to other community initiatives, local Labour groups, and anyone else who might arrange a show. We decide we need to carry our own theatre lighting, but the cost is prohibitive so we come to an ingenious if slightly dangerous arrangement. The show evolves. Political theatre and cabaret turn out to work well in Cornwall–you can say anything you liked as long as you are entertaining. An important part of A39 is its ‘hinterland’, its links to groups outside theatre. Initially this is composed of socialist and community groups, but it comes increasingly to include the Cornish cultural movement, a celebration and defence of communities, of the Cornish people’s relationships with work and with their part of the planet. These are too the causes for which the Miners’ Strike has been fought, so our commitment to this movement continues the struggle for which A39 was formed. A report for the ‘Regional Arts Association’, South West Arts (SWA), that functions as an agency of the Arts Council, dismisses A39’s work, and A39 is never to form a working relationship with SWA. Instead we participate in the Enterprise Allowance Scheme that will give us each an income and A39 prepares to go–international!
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Lemon, Robert. "Landscape, Labor, and the Lonchera." In The Taco Truck, 77–102. University of Illinois Press, 2019. http://dx.doi.org/10.5622/illinois/9780252042454.003.0005.
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The taco truck is a prominent feature of Sacramento’s cultural landscape that symbolizes the livelihoods of its Mexican workforce. Eating tacos at a truck may seem a prosaic practice, but for many day laborers it is a form of sustenance that also affirms their cultural identity. As urban renewal and gentrification threaten the presence of taco trucks in Sacramento, so too is the Mexican workforces’ cultural way of life imperiled. This chapter evaluates the taco truck through the philosophy of landscape as well as how taco truck owners use their trucks’ mobility to circumvent stringent policies that govern urban space. It takes an in-depth look at how urban politics affect Mexican communities and the livelihoods of taco truck owners.
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Ceplair, Larry, and Christopher Trumbo. "Money, Politics, and War." In Dalton Trumbo, 110–31. University Press of Kentucky, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813146805.003.0006.
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Ceplair, Larry, and Christopher Trumbo. "Blacklist and Black-Market Politics." In Dalton Trumbo, 327–36. University Press of Kentucky, 2014. http://dx.doi.org/10.5810/kentucky/9780813146805.003.0016.
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Whittall, Edward. "Eating in the City: Fidel Gastro, Street Performance, and the Right to the City." In Food Trucks, Cultural Identity, and Social Justice. The MIT Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.7551/mitpress/9780262036573.003.0010.
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This chapter applies different concepts of radical street theatre and urban performance in order to theorize the ways in which food trucks form temporary communities in urban spaces through embodied, performative intervention. An ethnographic portrait of one of Toronto’s first and best-known food truck entrepreneurs, Fidel Gastro, is employed to demonstrate the precarious position food trucks hold within the political narratives governing public space in the city of Toronto, and the ambivalence food truck entrepreneurs display toward current configurations of urban market economies. David Harvey’s conception of the right to the city is then critically applied to this scenario in order to argue that food trucks harbor the potential to intervene in dominant urban narratives, allowing urban dwellers to assert the common right to change ourselves by changing our cities.
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Hadjiathanasiou, Maria. "The Cyprus Revolt and the ‘Prickly Subject’ of Truces." In The Oxford Handbook of Late Colonial Insurgencies and Counter-Insurgencies, 687–705. Oxford University Press, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oxfordhb/9780198866787.013.21.
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Abstract This chapter focuses on the four truces declared by the Greek Cypriot guerrilla organization EOKA during the Cyprus anti-colonial revolt for political union with Greece (1955–1959). The chapter aims to trace the history of EOKA’s truces, exploring how and why these came into being and the British response to them. In examining their effect, I reveal that the ‘prickly subject’ of truces was always received with suspicion by the British and colonial governments, hence,, all truces remained unilateral. Not accepting to believe in EOKA’s ‘magnanimous reasons’ for ordering a truce, the British refused calling off counter-insurgency operations throughout the ‘Cyprus Emergency’. Instead, a general amnesty was given to the guerilla fighters only when a political agreement was reached on the future of Cyprus. The chapter shows that distrust and disbelief were the default mode of interaction between the two warring sides. It does not only exemplify the self-evident, in other words that when truces were declared violence ceased for a while, but more importantly, that during this timethe parties attended to other considerations thus, benefitting from these unilateral truces. EOKA was pursuing its ideological goals, recovering, reorganizing, and ensuring coherence within its ranks. However, EOKA was not the only party to benefit from these unilateral truces. The wartime order achieved also gave time to the British forces to recoup and import soldiers, but also other actors participating in the effort to find a mutually agreeable solution to the Cyprus issue.
Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Trucco politico"
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Kahre, Karl T. "The National Aerospace Plane: A Political Overview." In SAE International Truck and Bus Meeting and Exposition. 400 Commonwealth Drive, Warrendale, PA, United States: SAE International, 1987. http://dx.doi.org/10.4271/872529.
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AKHALADZE, Lia, Nino SHIOLASHVILI, Tamar PKHALADZE, Gvantsa BURDULI, and Gela KISTAURI. "TRUSO, IN WAITING FOR HAPPY PEOPLE." In Proceedings of The Third International Scientific Conference “Happiness and Contemporary Society”. SPOLOM, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.31108/7.2022.1.
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For centuries, Georgia, due to its geopolitical, economic, and social factors has been the migration arena for different ethnic groups and peoples. Over time, some groups of migrants blended with thelocal population or with other ethnic entities, while the rest, managed to preserve their national specifics till the end. This process was particularly evident in the borderline regions of Georgia, among them, in Truso, one of the most ancient parts of Georgia. Truso is a rather rich and interesting gorgeowing to its historical past, socio-economic and political importance, mode of life of its population,and the development of its material and spiritual culture. The aim of this work is to observe the history of the Truso Gorge in the realm of the developments that took place there, starting from the 18th century; viewing it as the arena of mutual settlement of Georgians and Ossetians, traditional cohabitation, and the areal of certain cultural diffusion. The methodological study is based on the method of Contrastive analysis of historical sources, fact-finding, and content analysis.
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Faozi, A., and A. Yani. "Digital Marketing Culture: An Exploration of Food Truck Business f rom Online Social Capital Perspective." In Proceedings of the First Brawijaya International Conference on Social and Political Sciences, BSPACE, 26-28 November, 2019, Malang, East Java, Indonesia. EAI, 2020. http://dx.doi.org/10.4108/eai.26-11-2019.2295152.
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Capes, David B. "TOLERANCE IN THE THEOLOGY AND THOUGHT OF A. J. CONYERS AND FETHULLAH GÜLEN (EXTENDED ABSTRACT)." In Muslim World in Transition: Contributions of the Gülen Movement. Leeds Metropolitan University Press, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.55207/fbvr3629.
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In his book The Long Truce (Spence Publishing, 2001) the late A. J. Conyers argues that tolerance, as practiced in western democracies, is not a public virtue; it is a political strat- egy employed to establish power and guarantee profits. Tolerance, of course, seemed to be a reasonable response to the religious wars of the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, but tolerance based upon indifference to all values except political power and materialism relegated ultimate questions of meaning to private life. Conyers offers another model for tolerance based upon values and resources already resident in pre-Reformation Christianity. In this paper, we consider Conyer’s case against the modern, secular form of tolerance and its current practice. We examine his attempt to reclaim the practice of Christian tolerance based upon humility, hospitality and the “powerful fact” of the incarnation. Furthermore, we bring the late Conyers into dialog with Fethullah Gülen, a Muslim scholar, prolific writer and the source of inspiration for a transnational civil society movement. We explore how both Conyers and Gülen interpret their scriptures in order to fashion a theology and politi- cal ideology conducive to peaceful co-existence. Finally, because Gülen’s identity has been formed within the Sufi tradition, we reflect on the spiritual resources within Sufi spirituality that make dialog and toleration key values for him. Conyers locates various values, practices and convictions in the Christian message that pave the way for authentic toleration. These include humility, trust, reconciliation, the interrelat- edness of all things, the paradox of power--that is, that strength is found in weakness and greatness in service—hope, the inherent goodness of creation, and interfaith dialog. Conyers refers to this latter practice as developing “the listening heart” and “the open soul.” In his writings and oral addresses, Gülen prefers the term hoshgoru (literally, “good view”) to “tolerance.” Conceptually, the former term indicates actions of the heart and the mind that include empathy, inquisitiveness, reflection, consideration of the dialog partner’s context, and respect for their positions. The term “tolerance” does not capture the notion of hoshgoru. Elsewhere, Gülen finds even the concept of hoshgoru insufficient, and employs terms with more depth in interfaith relations, such as respect and an appreciation of the positions of your dialog partner. The resources Gülen references in the context of dialog and empathic acceptance include the Qur’an, the prophetic tradition, especially lives of the companions of the Prophet, the works of great Muslim scholars and Sufi masters, and finally, the history of Islamic civilization. Among his Qur’anic references, Gülen alludes to verses that tell the believers to represent hu- mility, peace and security, trustworthiness, compassion and forgiveness (The Qur’an, 25:63, 25:72, 28:55, 45:14, 17:84), to avoid armed conflicts and prefer peace (4:128), to maintain cordial relationships with the “people of the book,” and to avoid argumentation (29:46). But perhaps the most important references of Gülen with respect to interfaith relations are his readings of those verses that allow Muslims to fight others. Gülen positions these verses in historical context to point out one by one that their applicability is conditioned upon active hostility. In other words, in Gülen’s view, nowhere in the Qur’an does God allow fighting based on differences of faith. An important factor for Gülen’s embracing views of empathic acceptance and respect is his view of the inherent value of the human. Gülen’s message is essentially that every human person exists as a piece of art created by the Compassionate God, reflecting aspects of His compassion. He highlights love as the raison d’etre of the universe. “Love is the very reason of existence, and the most important bond among beings,” Gülen comments. A failure to approach fellow humans with love, therefore, implies a deficiency in our love of God and of those who are beloved to God. The lack of love for fellow human beings implies a lack of respect for this monumental work of art by God. Ultimately, to remain indifferent to the conditions and suffering of fellow human beings implies indifference to God himself. While advocating love of human beings as a pillar of human relations, Gülen maintains a balance. He distinguishes between the love of fellow human beings and our attitude toward some of their qualities or actions. Our love for a human being who inflicts suffering upon others does not mean that we remain silent toward his violent actions. On the contrary, our very love for that human being as a human being, as well as our love of those who suffer, necessitate that we participate actively in the elimination of suffering. In the end we argue that strong resonances are found in the notion of authentic toleration based on humility advocated by Conyers and the notion of hoshgoru in the writings of Gülen.
Звіти організацій з теми "Trucco politico"
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Lucas, Brian. Impacts of Trade Facilitation on Carbon Emissions. Institute of Development Studies, March 2021. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2021.039.
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There is very little evidence that trade facilitation measures have a significant impact on carbon emissions, except in the case of trucks at land border crossings, where there is good evidence that trade facilitation can lead to significant reductions in emissions. There is good evidence that trade facilitation measures at land border crossings can reduce traffic congestion and waiting times for trucks, but only limited evidence of the impact of these improvements on carbon emissions. Computer models of inspection stations at the USA-Mexico border suggest that improving the efficiency of land border crossings through the driver, vehicle, and cargo pre-registration, automating inspection and administrative processes, and carrying out joint customs inspections could potentially reduce CO2 emissions from trucks by up to 86% in some cases. There appears to be no evidence available about whether trade facilitation efforts at seaports have an impact on carbon emissions; this issue appears to not have been studied by any ports, international agencies, or researchers. Some seaports have produced estimates of their carbon footprints, but none appear to have considered customs inspection or other activities related to trade facilitation as a distinct activity. Very few studies address the impacts of trade facilitation on carbon emissions across global value chains. Two studies that have done so suggest that trade facilitation measures could lead to small increases in CO2 emissions, ranging from less than 0.1% to 2.23%. Studies examining the more general relationship between increasing trade and carbon emissions, without specifically focusing on trade facilitation measures, have found mixed results including positive, negative, and inverse U-shaped relationships in different countries and groups of countries; several of these studies suggest that a country’s level of economic development and quality of political institutions influence the relationship between trade openness and carbon emissions.
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Rahmé, Marianne, and Alex Walsh. Corruption Challenges and Responses in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Institute of Development Studies, January 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.19088/k4d.2022.093.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Democratic Republic of the Congo (DRC) consistently scores in the lowest rungs of global indexes on corruption, integrity and wider governance standards. Indeed, corruption of different sorts pervades public and corporate life, with strong ramifications for human development. Although the DRC is one of the richest countries in the world in terms of natural resources, its people are among the globe’s poorest.Corruption in the extractive industries (minerals and oil) is particularly problematic in terms of scale and its centrality to a political economy that maintains elites and preserves the highly inequitable outcomes for the majority. The politico-economic elites of the DRC, such as former President Joseph Kabila, are reportedly significant perpetrators but multinationals seeking valuable minerals or offering financial services are also allegedly deeply involved. Corruption is therefore a problem with national and international roots.Despite national and international initiatives, levels of corruption have proven very stubborn for at least the last 20 years, for various reasons. It is a structural and not just a legal issue. It is deeply entrenched in the country’s political economy and is driven both by domestic clientelism and the fact that multinationals buy into corrupt deals. This rapid review therefore seeks to find out the Corruption challenges and responses in the Democratic Republic of Congo.Grand level corruption shades down into the meso-level, where for instance, mineral laden trucks are systematically under-weighted with the collusion of state officials. With severe shortfalls in public funding, certain public services, such as education, are supported by informal payments. Other instances of petty corruption facilitate daily access to goods and services. At this level, there are arguments against counting such practices as forms of corruption and instead as necessary survival practices.To address the challenge of corruption, the DRC is equipped with a legal system that is of mixed strengths and an institutional arsenal that has made limited progress. International programming in integrity and anti-corruption represents a significant proportion of support to the DRC but much less than humanitarian and governance sectors. The leading international partners in this regard are the EU, US, UNDP, UK, African Development Bank, Germany and Sweden. These partners conduct integrity programming in general governance issues, as well as in the mineral and forest sectors.The sources used in this rapid review are gender blind and converge on a very negative picture The literature ranges from the academic and practitioner to the journalistic and investigative, and taken as a whole, is of good quality, drawing on different types of evidence including perceptions and qualitative in-country research. The sources are mostly in English with two in French.
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Overweight truck shipments to nuclear waste repositories: legal, political, administrative and operational considerations. Office of Scientific and Technical Information (OSTI), March 1986. http://dx.doi.org/10.2172/5441312.
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