Добірка наукової літератури з теми "Trucco politico"

The aim of this article is to analyse the privatisation process in the Republic of Belarus. This analysis will help to answer two questions. Firstly, is Belarusian privatisation strategic in nature? Secondly, what theoretical framework explains Belarusian privatisation policy?Juxtaposing the process of transferring state property to the private sphere in Belarus with traditional theoretical frameworks explaining the causes and course of privatisation in the former Soviet bloc countries does not fully explain the actions of the Belarusian authorities. Privatisation transactions were not part of a broader plan to restructure the economy. They were carried out ad hoc, usually as a result of a combination of two factors – pressure from external actors and the need to raise budget funds.To explain the actions of President Alexander Lukashenko, it seems appropriate to use an approach derived from the concept of power-ownership developed by Russian researchers Yuri Latov and Rustem Nureev. This assumes the formation of property rights from above and directly links political power with property control. In this view, giving up control over property is tantamount to giving up political power.

Abstract:Compared to political developments in Eastern Europe and Latin America, democratization in sub-Saharan Africa has been more problematic and uneven. Looking at the performance in four subregions—central Africa, East Africa, southern Africa, and West Africa—yields no convincing evidence of a “wave” of democratization; countries next to each other differ considerably with regard to their Freedom House scores. This does not mean that democratization has necessarily stalled, but it does demonstrate that the prevailing vertical cleavages along ethnic, racial, or religious lines can make such a transition volatile, as suggested by the cases of Burundi, Mali, and even Kenya. While political competition in mature democracies, typically divided along horizontal group or class lines, tends to generate positive-sum outcomes, such competition in Africa easily turns into “prisoner’s dilemma” games. The uncertainty about the value of cooperation in such situations usually produces political “truces” that are easily abandoned if the costs of adherence exceed the benefits. Against the background of this prevailing political logic, this article calls for a new approach to conceptualizing notions of “institution” and “power” in the analysis of politics in the region.

When I was growing up in South Arkansas in the 1950s the Civil War was very much still with us. I had a great-grandfather who fought in the war and his Civil War musket was an heirloom in our home. My friends drove pick-up trucks with Confederate flags and signs that showed a mean looking Confederate soldier saying “Forget Hell” or “The South’s going to rise again!” My thesis here tonight is that the old slogan “The South’s going to rise again” has proved prophetic in American politics. That is, in the words of the title of my lecture, we have seen over the past two decades the “Southemization” of American politics.

Abstract Driving mountain roads is a fundamental part of the modern experience in Oregon’s national forests. Building, maintaining, and overseeing forest access roads has been at the core of U.S. Forest Service land management policy since World War II. Beginning in 1942, demand for wartime lumber and the newly industrial scale of logging, particularly after the advent of log trucking, together precipitated a period of rapid infrastructure development in the previously remote resource hinterlands of the Pacific Northwest. Although initially a boon for public relations, timber productivity, and management itself, the roads quickly became fiscal and regulatory burdens for the federal agency. This article examines the story of public-lands logging and recreation—typically told as a narrative of environmental politics—through the lens of automobility. Mass road development, I argue, gradually produced a popular expectation—shared across political divisions and enduring more strongly than ever in the 2020s—that national forests were and forever should be places of easy automotive access. However, this expectation belies what it has taken to develop and maintain that access: namely, logging revenue. By following the political-economic, cultural, and environmental history of one notoriously busy road in northwest Oregon, the Clackamas River Road, historians may better understand the context in which multiple-use infrastructure took shape, as well as the difficult budgetary position in which USFS officials find themselves today, three decades after the spotted owl controversy all but ended a half century of national-forest log trucking.

DC officials enacted a Mobile Roadway Vending lottery in December 2013 that allocated street-metered parking spaces to the 250 food trucks operating throughout the District. Its creation was predicated on the belief among DC administrators that food trucks inject vibrancy into the urban environment and create job opportunities. Across America, though, expert regulators’ and political leaders’ opinions vary on how food trucks should be managed to accommodate the concerns of stakeholders who share limited street parking. By comparing DC’s lottery-rotation system to pure lottery and auction systems, we reveal the difficult-to-attain middle ground sought by officials who are caught between allocating parking through a lottery or through an auction sale that can possibly favor a wealthy minority. We acknowledge the benefits found in the District’s decision to create a policy that allows vendors the flexibility to roam for available street parking in some areas and to compete in a semi-random lottery for guaranteed parking in other areas. We suggest the lottery-rotation system’s major inefficiencies would be largely remedied by a secondary market allowing vendors autonomy to make as-needed parking trades. We conclude by asserting that, while the lottery-rotation system is economically inefficient, it is part of a broader, reasonable first effort that strikes an economic and political equilibrium in a dynamic industry and regulatory landscape.

Working with the theoretical notions of “homonationalism” (Puar 2013) and “pinkwashing” (Schulman 2011, 2012, Spade 2013) and using as a case study two photographic series by contemporary Spanish gay photographer David Trullo, I illuminate the complex situation in which contemporary queer Spanish visual artists must produce their work: they resist homonationalism and homonormativity at the same time that they must work within the very frames of homonationalism and homonormativity to fund, produce, and disseminate their particularly subversive queer politics. In analyzing Trullo’s series, Alterhistory: Una historia verdadera (2010) — a gay and lesbian, homonormative rewriting of late nineteenth- and early-twentieth-century photographic couple portraiture — I argue that he simultaneously makes visible and performatively embodies new LGBTQ visibilities and histories in Spain where they were previously erased through a queer manipulation of photographic language, specifically by altering what Roland Barthes has called photography’s “connotation procedures.” Also, I analyze Trullo’s Inca: 20 perfiles peruanos sin filtro (2009), a critique of neo-colonial Spanish enterprises in Latin America and Peru’s racism towards its queer indigenous population, which the artist produced while accompanying an exhibition promoting same-sex marriage funded by the AECID (Agencia Española de Cooperación Internacional para el Desarrollo). I conclude that Trullo intervenes in and complicates public debates about LGBTQ rights, visibility, embodiment, and the politics of neo-liberal commodification of progressive rights

Comparing the Lisu economy of the late 1960s to that of the early 1990s highlights not only the transformations in village economic adaptations, but also the cultural politics of incorporation into the Thai state. The earlier Lisu economy relied on income from opium to make up for shortfalls in rice production and household acquisitiveness made reciprocity with other households possible. In the 1990s, villagers scrambled to find economic strategies to adapt to life in the post‐opium economy. In the previous economy, there were checks on overproduction to ensure relatively equal wealth among households in an egalitarian political system. The post‐opium economy included new forms of commodified agriculture such as cattle herding, contractual planting of cash crops, buying of land, and investment in trucks and motorbikes to transport produce to market, as well as participation in wage labor in urban lowland markets. Survival required capital accumulation. Is acquisitiveness greed? Not in a reciprocity economy with inherent limits to accumulation of wealth, where the standards were set by the poor families in the village. But in today's economy, acquisitiveness for accumulation and investment rather than reciprocity has given rise to accusations of stinginess among villagers and greed by Thai officials.

A significant predominance of the number of produced trucks over the number of passenger cars was a feature of domestic automotive industry development until the 70-ies of the XX century. This fact did not correspond to the global vector of automotive industry development. The paper analyses the causes and consequences of this phenomenon by involving mainly a corpus of statistical sources of Russian and foreign origin. The socialist foundation of the political structure of the state and the focus on the development of heavy industry in the economy are identified as the fundamental factors that determined the specifics of Russian automotive industry strategy. By comparing the volumes of freight turnover of railway, river and road transport, the length of communication routes of various types both within the USSR and with the corresponding indicators of foreign countries, the author picks out the features of the Russian transport system that determined the containment of the USSR automotive industry development as a whole and the passenger car industry in particular. The paper denotes poverty and low level of education going with it to be among the social phenomena that prevented the mass distribution of passenger cars in the USSR and did not allow to form consumers of passenger car industry products in the country. Based on domestic and foreign data sources, the article concludes about the stability, regularity and validity of the predominance of produced trucks over passenger cars in the economic development of the country in comparison with the pan-European ones. It is noted that among others the result of this sectoral strategy is the contribution of truck production to the industrial breakthrough of the USSR in the 30-ies and the victory over Nazi Germany and Japan in 19411945 as well as a complex of diverse phenomena that exhibited in various sectors of social and economic life of the Soviet Union. The author claims that the change in the ratio of manufactured trucks and passenger cars in favour of the latter occurred in the 70-ies of the XX century as a result of the victory in the inter-party struggle of the concept of peaceful coexistence. The use of new data allowed the author to identify the influence of politics in the Soviet socialist state on the development strategy of the automotive industry as one of the key sectors of the economy