Дисертації з теми "TRAVEL / Middle East / Turkey"
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1
Whiting, Marlena Elizabeth Stout. "Travel in the Late Antique Levant : a study of networks of communication and travel infrastructure in the 4th - 7th centuries." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.711670.
Повний текст джерела
2
Neulet, Agathe. "Turkey, a return toward the Middle-East?" Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2014. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-194544.
Повний текст джерела
3
Yilmaz, Hasan. "Turkey and the Middle East : threats and opportunities." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2001. http://handle.dtic.mil/100.2/ADA396581.
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4
Sener, Muhammet Cagr. "An inspiration for democratization in the Middle East: Turkey." Monterey, California. Naval Postgraduate School, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/10945/10690.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For many years, countless individuals have debated the compatibility of Islam and democracy. Some scholars argue that Islam and democracy are incompatible because of the nature of Islam and its core teachings, while others assert the idea of their compatibility by emphasizing democracy's universality. Turkey, which is a predominantly Muslim, yet democratic country, is given as an example for the coherence and compatibility of Islam and democracy. More recent historic developments, beginning in Tunisia and continuing with other Middle Eastern countries, have triggered debates about the future direction of the political structure of these countries. The possibility of relatively strong fundamentalist-Islamist parties taking over after the collapse of existing governments has led to a reassessment of diverse democratization paths among not only Middle Eastern but also Western countries. Because of Turkey's strategic location, its common history with the Middle East, its political and economic strength, and most importantly, because of its unique character as a predominantly Muslim yet secular, democratic, and modernizing, Turkey again is being reviewed as a potential role model for countries in the Middle East. This thesis, after examining the compatibility of Islam and democracy and the core reasons for the democracy deficit in the Middle East, discusses the consideration of Turkey as a model of democratization for predominantly Muslim countries in the region. Moreover, it explores how Turkish historical experiences with democratization can teach us about the process of attaining a democratic society, regardless of its religion.
5
Sever, Ayseguel. "Cold war warrior of the Middle East? : Turkey, the Cold War and the Middle East 1951 - 1958." Thesis, University of Reading, 1994. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.359390.
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6
Palabiyik, Mustafa Serdar. "Travel, Civilization And The East: Ottoman Travellers." Phd thesis, METU, 2010. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/3/12611743/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis analyzes the Ottoman travellers&rsquoperception of &ldquo
the East&rdquo
in the late Ottoman Empire. In doing that, it links the Ottoman intellectual debates on the concept of civilization to their perceptions on the non-European lands and peoples. It mainly argues that the Ottoman intellectuals&rsquo
attempt to create a synthesis between the material elements of Western civilization and their own morality resulted in a perception of the East different from the Western perceptions. While the Western perceptions envisage a monolithic, unchanging and static East, the Ottoman perceptions vary in accordance with the temporal and spatial setting as well as with the intellectual inclinations of the travellers. Hence, this thesis contributes to the literature by fulfilling the gap about the Ottoman perceptions of the concepts of civilization and the East, by questioning the limits of existing literature on the Ottoman perception of the East which defines it as Orientalist/colonialist, by attracting attention to the use of Ottoman travel literature in understanding the Ottoman identity and their perception of the world, and, finally, by underlining the importance of the Ottoman perceptions of civilization and the East in understanding the historical roots of the &ldquo
identity question&rdquo
in Turkey.
7
Senol, Aylin. "Understanding The New Activism Of Turkey In The Middle East: Turkey As An Emerging Soft Power." Master's thesis, METU, 2011. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12612755/index.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis will examine the transformation in the Turkish foreign policy towards
the Middle East and evaluate the relevance of &ldquosoft power&rdquo
term for describing Turkey&rsquo
s new activism in the region. Since the establishment of the Turkish Republic, Turkey has aligned itself with the Western world so that this alignment has been the main determinant of its relations with the non-Western world. The Middle East was not an exception in this process. After decades of remaining aloof from the Middle Eastern affairs, Turkey has followed a new foreign policy towards the region, as part of its new foreign policy vision, since the AK Party coming to power in 2002 and has shown a growing willingness to participate in Middle Eastern affairs. Various arguments are developed by different actors, including the one elaborated in this thesis, to explain the new activism of Turkey in the region.
8
Sehlikoglu, Karakas Sertac. "Becoming an Istanbulite woman : intersections of subjectivity, movement, and desire in the Middle East." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2015. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.708660.
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9
Shaaban, Ingy Abdel Kader. "Evaluating security image of the Middle East as perceived by travel intermediaries." Thesis, University of Bedfordshire, 2006. http://hdl.handle.net/10547/301603.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
An analysis of literature on security issues and its effect on destination image suggests that that to date little research has been done on the specific issue of the security image of the Middle East destinations, particularly as perceived by travel intermediaries. In this context, and due to the current situation of the Middle East, especially the Islamic countries, this research is a response to the urgent need to investigate and evaluate the safety and security perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of travel intermediaries towards Middle East destinations, and also seeks to compare between such perceptions, attitudes and behaviours of travel intermediaries based in the region and those of travel intermediaries based outside the region. This research may be described as phenomenological research that employed qualitative research tools. As a result of this perspective, the development of research methods is geared toward qualitative methods of study. The phenomenological approach employs qualitative research tools to interpret meaning from the reactions of individuals to experiences of dealing with Middle East destinations. Therefore, the present study adopts, as a primary method of data collection, interviewing of individuals representing the travel intermediaries in UK and Egypt. Results from the evaluation of the Middle East security image held by travel intermediaries showed that the Middle East is mostly positively perceived by majority of travel intermediaries despite the security problems that might occur in some of its destinations. Also it was made very clear that each destination in the Middle East is sold and promoted separately based on its unique image and identity as presented by travel intermediaries and not as apart of the Middle East.
10
Alamuddin, Hana S. (Hana Slieman). "Waterfront developments in the Middle East case study : the Golden Horn Project, Istanbul, Turkey." Thesis, Massachusetts Institute of Technology, 1987. http://hdl.handle.net/1721.1/71062.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.S.)--Massachusetts Institute of Technology, Dept. of Architecture, 1987.MICROFICHE COPY AVAILABLE IN ARCHIVES AND ROTCH.
Includes bibliographical references (pages 113-115).
This thesis examines waterfront developments in the Middle East . It concentrates on the Golden Horn project in Istanbul as it raises a number of issues that are central to any such development in that region. In order for us to appreciate the problem, the thesis starts with an examination of the history of the city of Istanbul. This is followed by an investigation of the role of the Golden Hom in its life throughout history. The main issue raised in waterfront developments in a Middle Eastern context is discontinuity between the city and the new development through the introduction of new users, functions, scale and sensibilities alien to what exists now. Istanbul, being part of an international heritage, its preservation and continuity to the water's edge becomes a moral obligation as well as a practical need to protect rest of its fabric from the repercussions of overloading. A performance specification is put forward to integrate the development back into the life of the city. Formally, urban waterfronts in the context of the Middle East are problematic as no precedent exists for dealing with the water's edge. Hence an investigation of the cultural attitude to nature and the form of the city is put forward, from which principles and orders are extrapolated to aid the designers in their approach to the problem.
by Hana S. Alamuddin.
M.S.
11
Sasley, Brent E. "Individuals and the significance of affect : foreign policy variation in the Middle East." Thesis, McGill University, 2006. http://digitool.Library.McGill.CA:80/R/?func=dbin-jump-full&object_id=102843.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This dissertation seeks to expand our understanding of variation in foreign policy. Although we have a series of large, extant literatures dealing with the sources of foreign policy, there has been less attention paid over the last decade to understanding why states change their behavior. At the same time, the thesis argues that foreign policy change is best understood as a result of the role of individual decision-makers and the role that emotion plays in their foreign policy calculations.Foreign policy depends on the decisions made by individual leaders. The type of individual thus determines the specific policy. Here individuals are categorized as ideological or adaptable. Ideological individuals are more rigid in their belief structures, are more likely to select policies that fit with their extant understandings of the world and the position of their state in it, and more likely to rely on the emotional or affective appeal an object or issue holds for them. Adaptable leaders are more flexible, not tied to specific ideologies or reliant on emotion to guide their thinking, and thus more likely to choose or learn ideas that best respond to changing environmental conditions. At the same time, how a state's decision-making institutions are structured tells us how likely it is that an individual's own predilections matter. In polities where decision-making is centralized (e.g., in the office of the prime minister), individuals have greater leeway to put their ideas (whether based on their ideological outlooks or shifting environmental circumstances) into practice, while in de-centralized polities other actors constrain the leader from autonomous decision-making. In such cases, it is likely that an individual's ideas will conform to those of the constraining actors. Finally, the role of ideas is taken into consideration, as the dominant national ideas about foreign policy regarding a specific issue-area help us better understand the context in which individuals make (or change) foreign policy.
This model is tested against alternate explanations---systemic imperatives, Constructivism, public opinion, poliheuristic theory, and prospect theory---in two case studies: the Israeli decision to pursue and sign the 1993 Oslo Accords, and the 2002 decision by the Islamist government in Turkey to actively lobby for membership in the European Union. Both foreign policies represent significant variation, and both provide important theoretical and empirical puzzles for scholars.
12
Gokmen, Mahmut. "The Geopolitics of U.S.-Turkey Bilateral Relations, 1947-2006." University of Akron / OhioLINK, 2008. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=akron1206930547.
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13
Al-Taha, Muhammad. "The Orient and three Victorian travellers : Kinglake, Burton and Palgrave." Thesis, University of Leicester, 1989. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.311360.
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14
Saeed, Seevan. "The Kurdish national movement in Turkey : from the PKK to the KCK." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/16936.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the transformation of the Kurdish national struggle in Turkey from a political movement to a social movement. The Thesis will argue that the Kurdish national struggle during the Twentieth Century in Turkey was largely a failure, and that the emergence of the Unions of Communities in Kurdistan (KCK) has been a direct and concrete response to this failure. The thesis will track how the KCK has transformed a one-dimensional political nationalist struggle into a multi-dimensional one, including politics, culture and society for the Kurds living in Turkey. The focus here will be on the period from March 2005, when the KCK was established, until July 2011 when the KCK announced its Democratic Autonomy project. In order to explain how and why the KCK has emerged, the Thesis takes an approach based on social movement theories to analyse the KCK as a social and cultural nationalist movement that deploys various approaches and techniques. The KCK is shown to take this new and more popular and successful tact through a comparison of the discourse surrounding the Kurdish national struggle before and after the establishment of the KCK. The ‘new discourse’ of multi-dimensional struggle is, in particular, compared with the old unadulterated discourse of the Kurdistan Workers Party (PKK), which was a straight reaction to the Turkish state policy towards the Kurds and their struggle. The analysis of this process is accomplished through an examination of numerous contemporary resources such as the PKK and the KCK policies and literatures, government intelligence reports, books, journals, and through conducting tens of qualitative interviews alongside comprehensive observation during my fieldwork for this thesis. Ultimately, the Thesis will argue that the transformation of discourse for the KCK from the PKK is evident in its “Democratic Autonomy model”. The KCK proposes this model as an alternative to the nation state model in Turkey.
15
Garlitz, Richard P. "Academic Ambassadors in the Middle East: The University Contract Program in Turkey and Iran, 1950-1970." Ohio : Ohio University, 2008. http://www.ohiolink.edu/etd/view.cgi?ohiou1224727953.
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16
Yildirim, Abdulkadir. "Muslim Democratic Parties: Economic Liberalization and Islamist Moderation in the Middle East." The Ohio State University, 2010. http://rave.ohiolink.edu/etdc/view?acc_num=osu1280199427.
Повний текст джерела
17
LeBlue, James Brodie. "Is Turkey’s Foreign Policy Moving East?" ScholarWorks@UNO, 2013. http://scholarworks.uno.edu/honors_theses/50.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Justice and Development Party (Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi, AKP) of Turkey has reoriented its country's historical Westward-looking foreign policy towards the Middle East because of a freeze in European Union accession, trans-national security issues resulting from the Kurdistan Worker's Party (PKK), and the expansion of its economic interests into the region. The United States should take careful note of these changes in an effort to mitigate any opposition to the AKP’s policies, as well as to better utilize Turkey’s growing clout in the region.
18
Collins, Marshall. "Exclusion vs. Inclusion: American and Turkish Foreign Policy in the Middle East." Digital Commons @ East Tennessee State University, 2012. https://dc.etsu.edu/honors/39.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Why do countries engage in democracy promotion around the world? Why is the principle component of U.S. foreign policy abroad assistance with democratization? One answer is the Democratic Peace Theory (DPT) (also known as “Liberal Peace”). Accordingly, DPT states, as its basic tenant, democracies behave differently with one another than they do non-democracies, especially in relation to military altercations.
Why are some countries more successful than others in promoting democratic ideals around the world? In order to partly explain this question, I examine American and Turkish foreign policy initiatives in the Middle East from a comparative perspective. The United States of America and the Republic of Turkey both reflect the basic tenant of the Democratic Peace Theory in their foreign policies. Each maintains policies that promote the establishment of democracies and the perpetuation of democratic ideals in the Middle East region. Differences in policies are observable when consideration is placed on the principles of inclusion and exclusion in negotiating, nation building, and the promotion of national interests in foreign affairs. The United States maintains bureaucratic rigidity while Turkey exemplifies an open policy when negotiating with interested parties. An analysis of nuclear proliferation in Iran, the two invasions of Iraq since 1990, and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict reveals an increase and advancement of Turkey’s influence in the spread of democracy in the Middle East and a corresponding decline in that of the U.S. This approach might have strengthened Turkish strategic leverage in the region with comparatively greater (than the United States) ability to promote democratic ideals in the Middle East region through the continued building of partnerships and a dedication to stability of the region, the balancing of internal political ideologies, and the stability of Turkish international relations above all else.
19
Demirel, Gozde. "Foreign policy of turkey and spain versus middle east, after 2002. Transition to democracy and new international agents." Doctoral thesis, Universitat Rovira i Virgili, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10803/145484.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Turkey and Spain experienced drastic changes after Second World War. Turkey started the occidentalization process, with the reforms made by Atatürk but today the country still has continued struggle somewhere between full democracy and authoritarianism. On the other hand Spain stands as a solid example of democratic consolidation. The focus of the thesis is to analyze the effects of democratic transition and consolidation to foreign policy decision making process. The idea is to properly examine similar and different cases in both states and see the results in decision making. In particular, the main focus is Middle East policy of Turkish Republic between 2002 and 2013. The perspective of research is mainly based on the relations of Turkey with Middle East countries, Iran, Iraq, Syria, Israel and also Cyprus. Alternately, purpose of the dissertation is to comprehend the fundamental characteristic of Turkey‘s foreign policy under AKP rule and in what way and wherefore Turkish foreign policy changed. Additionally, the importance of Alliance of Civilizations and Barcelona Process clarified in the framework of democracy and peace promoters in Middle East region.
Key worlds: Turkey, Spain, foreign policy, Middle East, democracy, revolutions, Islamism, Alliance of Civilizations and Barcelona Processİspanya’nın ve Türkiye’ninyakınsiyasi tarihini tahlil edildiğinde, iki ülke arasında benzeşen yanlar bulduğu gibi farklı noktalarda rastlayabiliriz. BilindiğiüzereTürkiye’ninbatılılaşmasüreci Atatürk’ünönderliğinde gerçekleşen reformlarla başlamıştır, buna rağmengünümüzTürkiye’si tam demokrasi ve otoriter rejimin arasındakalmıştır. Diğertaraftanİspanya tam demokrasiyleyönetilmektedir. Bu tezin amacı, demokrasiyegeçiş sürecinde İspanya ve Türkiyeörneklerini inceleyerek iki ülkearasındaki benzer ve farklıyönleri bulmak ve demokrasiye geçiş ve konsolidasyon sürecinin diş politika karar verme sürecindeki etkilerini incelemektir.Daha spesifik olarak, bu araştırma Türkiye’nin 2002 ve 2013 yılları arasında kiOrtadoğu dış politikasını mercek altına yatırmaktadır. Bu hedef doğrultusundaTürkiye’nin Irak, Iran, Suriye, Israil ve Kıbrıs’la olan ilişkileri incelenmiştir. Ayni zamanda Milletler İttifakı ve Barselona Süreci, Ortadoğu bölgesi barışdestekleyicileri olarak ele alınmaktadır.
La historia de la república, la transición a la democracia en el caso de Turquía y España ha tenido algunas similitudes y diferencias. Turquía inició el proceso de occidantalisation por las reformas hechas por Atatürk. Hoy en día, el país aun continua su lucha entre la plena democracia y el autoritarismo. Por otro lado, España se erige como un sólido ejemplo de la consolidación democrática. Esta tesis se enfoca en analizar los efectos de la transición y la consolidación de la democracia en la toma de decisiones en la política exterior. Se pretende investigar casos similares de ambos estados y ver los resultados en la toma de decisiones. En particular, el objetivo principal es estudiar en profundidad la política exterior de Turquía hacía el Medio Oriente después de 2002. Principalmente, la perspectiva de la investigación se basa en las relaciones de Turquía con los países del Medio Oriente tales como Irán, Irak, Siria, Israel así como Chipre. Además, la Alianza de Civilizaciones y el Proceso de Barcelona se analizan como promotores de la paz en el Medio Oriente.
En ce qui concerne l’histoire politique interne de la Turquie et de l'Espagne, il est possible d'observer des similitudes et des différences. La Turquie a initié son processus d’occidentalisation grâce aux réformes menées par Atatürk, de nos jours, le pays se partage toujours entre autoritarisme et démocratie. L'Espagne s'érige au contraire comme un exemple de la consolidation démocratique.Cette thèse se propose d'analyser les effets de la transition et de la consolidation de la démocratie sur les prises de décisions au sein de la politique extérieure, et ce, en travaillant sur des cas similaires au sein des deux pays, la Turquie et l'Espagne. Plus particulièrement, l'objectif principal de cette recherche est d'étudier en profondeur la politique extérieure de la Turquie au Moyen-Orient à partir de l'année 2002. Aussi, la perspective développée porte-t-elle principalement sur les relations de la Turquie avec les pays du Moyen-Orient que sont l'Iran, l'Irak, la Syrie, Israël, ainsi qu'avec Chypre. De plus, l'Alliance de Civilisations et le Processus de Barcelone analyse en tant que promoteurs de la paix au Moyen-Orient
20
Hasgur, Mesud. "The Perception of Turkey in the Middle East in the Last Decade: The Cases of Egypt and Tunisia." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2013. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/6289.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study examined the factors affecting the perception of Turkey in the Middle East from 2002 onwards by analyzing the combination of media, political elite discourse and people's political predispositions in the cases of Egypt and Tunisia. The research is separated into two parts. In the first part of 2002-2010, the factors of democratization, economic development, foreign policy activism, Islamic Oriented Government as well as Turkish TV series were found to be critical in the explanation of Turkey's popularity.
In the second part of 2010-2013, democratization and foreign policy activism were the most effective factors while the other variables still had some effect. In particular the study looked at the news titles, articles, headlines in newspapers, as well as the views of journalists, activists, bloggers, politicians, and academics, which together shaped public perception. A brief historical background is also given in regards to the mutual prejudices and stereotypes between Arabs and Turks during Ottoman rule and the 20th century.
The thesis concludes by emphasizing the continuation of democratic progress and reforms in Turkey as well as the need for foreign policy adjustment according to crisis situations as a policy recommendation for the government. The present study also seeks to contribute to both the public opinion theory of Zaller and the recent literature on the "Turkish Model".M.A.
Masters
Political Science
Sciences
Political Science; International Studies Track
21
Keller, Nadine. "New Media Travel Writing and the Renegotiation of Postcolonial Discourses - A Critical Discourse Analysis of Representations of the ‘Middle East’ on Travel Blogs." Thesis, Malmö universitet, Fakulteten för kultur och samhälle (KS), 2018. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:mau:diva-21469.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The aim of this thesis is to investigate the potential of travel blogs, as a form of popular new media travel writing, to renegotiate conventional discourses about the ‘Middle East’. By conducting a critical discourse analysis on six travel blogs authored by female writers from both the US and the ‘Middle East’, this thesis examines representational practices found in travel narratives, discloses their discursive tendencies, and interprets those in a sociocultural context. Thereby, the analysis draws on a twofold theoretical approach. Postcolonial theory, on the one hand, allows to relate the findings of the analysis critically to the colonial heritage that is inseparable from the genre of travel writing and that informs the discourse about the Oriental ‘other’. Affordance theory, on the other hand, makes it possible to examine how blogging can be seen as a tool that allows disrupting common practices of ‘othering’ in travel writing. The analysis shows that travel blogging has transformative potential and can, mainly through the affordances of self- representation and innovative expression, challenge long-established discourses about the ‘Middle East’. Limiting factors of this potential are mostly arising from neo-imperialistic structures that carry traces of the colonial past. Essentially, the results of this thesis imply that the genre of travel writing is evolving in new media and that it expands the discursive framework of media representations, making it a promising site for future research seeking to explore transcultural encounters and the societal implications of such.
22
Walters, Richard John. "Geodetic observation and modelling of continental deformation in Iran and Turkey." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2012. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:39c0e88a-4f45-483a-b8e1-6a7dc3e9d41b.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I use Interferometric Synthetic Aperture Radar (InSAR) and GPS geodetic observations, along with numerical models, to examine the distribution of strain, assess seismic hazard, and study the dynamics of deformation across Turkey and Iran. I measure interseismic strain accumulation across the Ashkabad fault using InSAR, and find that atmospheric corrections using MERIS (Medium Resolution Imaging Spectrometer) data are necessary in order to retrieve the tectonic signal in the presence of large atmospheric delays. I estimate a slip rate of 5-12 mm/yr for the Ashkabad fault which is faster than previous geodetic estimates. I also attempt to validate atmospheric corrections derived from the ERA-Interim numerical weather model and find that they do not work satisfactorily for this region. I produce InSAR-derived velocity maps for five overlapping tracks in Eastern Turkey, covering both the North Anatolian Fault (NAF) and East Anatolian Fault (EAF), and measure slip rates for the NAF and EAF of 20+/-3 mm/yr and 10+/-2 mm/yr respectively. I calculate a velocity field for Eastern Turkey from these InSAR data and a compilation of GPS data, and find that strain is mainly localised across the NAF and EAF and that there is negligible differential vertical motion across the Anatolian Plateau. I construct a thin viscous sheet model for Iran and find that the GPS velocity field is well described by deformation of a ductile lithosphere. Contrary to previous suggestions, a rigid central Iran is not required to match the kinematics of Iranian deformation, but buoyancy forces acting in the lithosphere are found to play an important role. I develop a new method to assess slip rates and therefore seismic hazard on major faults in Iran from this continuum model. In this thesis I have measured slip rates across three major strike-slip faults using InSAR; the first time this has been achieved for the Ashkabad fault and the EAF. I have demonstrated the importance of atmospheric correction for these results, and have shown that Iran deforms as a continuous medium.
23
Grimsel, Naadirah. "Changing world order : the Republic of Turkey's rise as a middle power." Thesis, Stellenbosch : Stellenbosch University, 2014. http://hdl.handle.net/10019.1/86391.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2014.ENGLISH ABSTRACT: Changes in world order have caused major shifts in the global positioning of states at the international level. The end of the Cold War ushered in a new power structure that shifted from a bipolar arrangement to a multipolar disposition. The emergence of this new world order allowed for emerging and developing states, such as Turkey, the opportunity to fill gaps left by the power vacuum created by the new multipolar power arrangement. This led the Turkish state on its path to become a middle power within the new world order. To assess the impact of changing world orders in the promotion of Turkey as a middle power in the new order, this study uses Coxian Critical Theory and the social relations of forces framework to account for Turkey’s middle power ascent. The framework developed by Robert Cox consists of three aspects, namely world orders, forms of state and the social relations of production. The change in world order both in the post-Cold War and post-2001 era has caused fundamental shifts within the Turkish state, both in terms of forms of state and in the social relations of production. Changes in the forms of state of the Turkish Republic following the end of the Cold War allowed for the creation of more robust civil society organizations, and a state that was transformed by the spread of international norms that originated at the world order level. International norms at the world order level not only affected the forms of state, but also the social relations of production and the political economy of Turkey. As a result changes in the forms of state and social relations of production informed by changes at the world order level, influenced the creation and execution of a proactive autonomous and internationally geared Turkish foreign policy, which is indicative of a middle power.
AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Aanpassings in die wêreld orde het grootskaalse verskuiwings op internasionale vlak in die globale positionering van state te weeg gebring. Die einde van die Koue Oorlog het ontwikkel in ‘n nuwe mag struktuur wat beweeg het van bipolêre magskikking tot multi-polêre ingesteldheid. Die opkoms van hierdie nuwe wêreld orde het vir opkomende en ontwikkelende state, soos Turkye, die geleentheid gebied om in rolle in te tree wat ontstaan het as gevolg van die magsleemte wat veroorsaak is deur die nuwe multi-polêre orde. Die faktore het daartoe bygedra dat Turkye ‘n nuwe rol as ‘n intermedïere moondheid (‘middle power’) begin aanneem het. Hierdie studie het die Kritiese Teorie van Robert Cox gebruik om te bepaal wat die impak is van die veranderende wêreld orde op die ontwikkeling van Turkye as ‘n intermedïere moondheid in die nuwe wêreld orde, asook die mag van sosiale verwantskappe (‘social relations of forces’) raamwerk om rekenskap te gee and Turkye se rol as intermedïere moondheid. Die raamwerk wat deur Robert Cox ontwikkel is bestaan uit drie aspekte; die wêreld ordes, staatsvorme, en die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. In beide die post- Koue Oorlog en die post-2001 era het die verandering in wêreld orde merkwaardige verskuiwings in die Turkse staat veroorsaak; beide in terme van die aard van die staat asook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie. Teen die einde van die Koue Oorlog het die veranderinge in die aard van die staat van die Turkse Republiek toegelaat dat meer kragtige burgerlike samelewingsorganisasies kon bestaan, sowel as ‘n staat wat omskep was deur die verspreiding van internasionale norme, wat ontstaan het op wêreld orde vlak. Hierdie internasionale norme het nie net die forms of state vorm of aard van die staat beïnvloed nie, maar ook die sosiale verwantskappe van produksie en die politieke ekonomie van Turkye. Uit die aard van die saak het veranderinge in die vorm van die staat en sosiale verwantskappe van produksie wat veroorsaak was deur die verandering op wêreld orde vlak, gelei tot die ontstaan en ontwikkeling van ‘n pro-aktiewe, selfstandige en internationaal gerigte Turkse buitelandse beleid. Die laasgenoemde dui aan op Turkye se ewolusie as ʼn intermedïere moondheid.
24
Ciplak, Bilal. "Democracy Promotion and Turkey." FIU Digital Commons, 2014. http://digitalcommons.fiu.edu/etd/1439.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The dissertation documented the degree of Turkey’s involvement in the promotion of democracy in the Arab Middle East (ME). Initially, I investigated why and under what conditions Turkey promotes democracy in the ME, and then I explained strategies through which Turkey promotes democracy in the region. I applied the neo-classical realist theoretical framework and a mixed methodology in the research, and I provided evidence from two sources: face-to-face interviews with the Turkish and foreign officials and common citizens, and the statistical data from institutions, such as the OECD, Turkish Statistical Institute, and World Bank.
My research indicates that Turkey promotes democracy through seven channels. These channels are official development assistance (ODA), mentoring, demonstrative effect, normative pressure, conditionality, military power, enlargement, and civil society organizations. Turkey promotes democracy in the ME for three substantial reasons: first, to advance its security and economic interests; second, to improve the political, social, and economic conditions of people living in the region; and third, to create long-term regional stability, crucial for cooperation in economic and security realms.
I attempted to engage in debates with two distinct, but interrelated fields of comparative politics and international relations. My most important contribution to the field is that I documented Turkey’s case of democracy promotion regarding the degree of Turkey’s involvement in this endeavor, its strategies, specificities, and effectiveness in the region. I also contribute to the field as I explained the difference between democracy promotion policies of a regional power, such as Turkey, and global powers, such as the US. I further engaged in discussions that illuminate some aspects of the interplay between the identity and strategic interests in states’ foreign policy decisions.
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Yilmaz, Mehmet. "The war that never happened : the sharing of Euphrates-Tigris Rivers' water between Turkey, Syria and Iraq." Thesis, Monterey, Calif. : Springfield, Va. : Naval Postgraduate School ; Available from National Technical Information Service, 2003. http://library.nps.navy.mil/uhtbin/hyperion-image/03Jun%5FYilmaz.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Thesis (M.A. in National Security Affairs)--Naval Postgraduate School, June 2003.Thesis advisor(s): T.V. Paul, James Russel. Includes bibliographical references (p. 97-100). Also available online.
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Stefani, Eliana <1990>. "Turkey between EU and Middle East: 20 years of international relations through the two sides of the Mediterranean Sea." Master's Degree Thesis, Università Ca' Foscari Venezia, 2016. http://hdl.handle.net/10579/8123.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis wants to study the different approaches which turkey has with the European Union and the Middle East, in its international relations. Analyzing the recent changes in the Turkish policy, it is understandable how Turkey is not a stable country, that is trying to benefit as much as possible from all the international relations. The long accession negotiations are the proof of the European doubts for a country who, firstly, wanted to become an EU Member, and then, wants to play the role of protagonist in the Middle East.
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Bernard, Edward Franklin. "Ancient travels on the Via Maris in Iron Age I a geographical study /." Theological Research Exchange Network (TREN), 1987. http://www.tren.com.
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28
Clary, Eric Michael. "Using the Syrian Civil War to Measure Hierarchy: Regional Power Transition in the Middle East." PDXScholar, 2018. https://pdxscholar.library.pdx.edu/open_access_etds/4359.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 2018, the Syrian Civil War will enter into its ninth year of conflict. From an international relations perspective there are few, if any, studies on state actors in regional sub-state systems. What can an intrastate conflict teach us about future dynamics of the regional interstate hierarchy? It is worthwhile to examine The Syrian Civil War for three reasons. First, Syria lies in the heart of the Middle East lending proximity to regional actors. Second, the breakdown of order in Syria represents a microcosm of the global anarchic environment. Third, Syrian Civil War is an intrastate war that encapsulates both state and non-state actors. This paper intends to provide a clear regional hierarchical analysis with future possibilities and perspectives.
For the last century realism then neorealism dominated the field of international relations, yet they are unfit theories for analyzing the Middle East's hierarchy. To address anomalies realists and neorealists incorporated preference and satisfaction, which undermined the core tenets of their theories. Power Transition Theory (PTT) incorporates satisfaction while maintaining structural organization. The addition of power and satisfaction give PTT the necessary tools to assess regional hierarchies and estimate the likelihood of conflict. This PTT theoretical framework will be used to assess the global hierarchy, the status quo set by the United States, and Syria's relation to the status quo. A synopsis of the Syrian Civil War will be provided to contextualize the actors and dyadic comparisons between actors before and after the Iranian-Russian-Syrian victory in Aleppo. The dyadic comparison indicates power and satisfaction among interested parties and if they change during the course of the conflict.
Conclusions indicate that the actors and the environment in the Syrian theater are suitable for Power Transition Theory and the data acquired by researching the Syrian Civil War affirms Yeşilada and Tanrikulu's assessment that Russia tops the Middle East's hierarchy with Turkey and Iran following at near parity. The findings reveal the veracity of Lemke's claim that PTT can be utilized for intrastate conflict. The findings substantiate my claim that intrastate conflict can inform us of a region's hierarchy.
29
Marshalian, Michelle. "Winners, Losers and the Political Economy of the Middle East and North Africa : A brief look at industrial development, trade, productivity and jobs Productivity, structural change and skills dynamics: Evidence from a half century analysis in Tunisia and Turkey Winners and Losers in Industrial Policy 2.0: An evaluation of the impacts of the Tunisian Industrial Upgrading Program Trade, Tariffs and Missing Imports: Using trade liberalization to understand business-state relations in Egyptian manufacturing." Thesis, Paris Sciences et Lettres (ComUE), 2019. http://www.theses.fr/2019PSLED056.
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Les succès et les échecs des politiques publiques sont, en large partie, sont influencés par le contexte politique et institutionnel des économies. Cette thèse analyse la manière dont les résultats socio-économiques des pays de la région MENA sont déterminées par l'environnement institutionnel et politique des différents pays. Trois essais sont proposés. Le premier étudie l'impact des qualifications sur la productivité à l'aide d'une comparaison entre deux pays, la Turquie et la Tunisie. Le second analyse l'impact des subventions sur les performances des firmes. Le troisième étudie l'effet de l'ouverture commerciale sur les importations des biens manufacturés selon que les firmes font partie des secteurs connectés au pouvoir politique ou pas, dans le cas de l'Égypte.L'étude comparative Turquie-Tunisie, montre que les compétences des travailleurs ont bien un impact mesurable sur la productivité de la Turquie, mais pas en Tunisie. En Turquie, l'industrialisation par substitution aux importations a été démantelée relativement tôt, alors qu'en Tunisie la politique postcoloniale a abandonné sa politique d’industrialisation par substitution aux importations relativement tard. En conséquence, le haut niveau des compétences de la main-d’œuvre en Tunisie n'a pas pu contribué à la productivité à la différence de la Turquie. Ensuite, l'étude de l'intervention gouvernementale sous forme de subvention auprès des firmes en Tunisie, montre que, comme attendu, les subventions permettent aux gouvernements d'étendre leur contrôle sur les entreprises privées. Cette politique a produit des effets contrastés sur les entreprises tunisiennes. Elle a favorisé l'emploi dans les petites entreprises, tandis que dans les grands entreprises, c'est le capital qui en a bénéficié. Enfin, le dernier essai concernant l'économie égyptienne montre que la réduction des barrières commerciales a davantage bénéficié aux firmes présentes dans les secteurs dans lesquels on n'observe pas de lien de connexion entre l’État et les entreprises. La réduction de l'évasion fiscalo-douanière favorise les firmes plus compétitivesThe political economy is an important determinant of the successes and failures of public policies. This dissertation explores how the political economy has shaped socio-political outcomes. I use a comparative study, a study of a fiscal subsidies, and a case study of liberalization to elaborate this point. In the comparative study on Turkey and Tunisia, I observe that workforce skills have a measurable impact on productivity in Turkey, a country that abandoned import substitution industrialization at a relatively early stage. Whereas the post-colonial institutional setting of the economy and relatively later import substitution industrialization in Tunisia is not amenable to harnessing the skills of the workforce for productivity --- even if levels of education were historically higher than in Turkey. A case study on government intervention in the form of firm subsidies in Tunisia finds that governments can use firm subsidies to extend control over the private sector, while still reporting measurable and observable positive benefits to the economy. Lastly, a case study on liberalization demonstrated in Egypt that reforms to remove administrative and tariff barriers disproportionately helped firms in industries with no known government cronies and reduced tariff evasion. However, government cronies operating in the historically important natural resource sector still reaped benefits from liberalization reforms
30
Baykan, Toygar Sinan. "Electoral success of the Justice and Development Party : the role of political appeal and organization." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2016. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/65895/.
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31
Mostaghim, Manna. "The Female Citizen as a Precursor to Political Revolution in the Middle East – A Comparative Study of Turkey and Iran." Thesis, Department of Government and International Relations, 2011. http://hdl.handle.net/2123/8290.
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Gender politics has existed at the periphery of academic analysis regarding social and political movements prior to dramatic political upheaval or revolution. In contrast to existing research, this study seeks to contend that there is an underlying female narrative to political revolution. To this end, it proposes a constructivist analysis that relies on discourse analysis to understand political and social movements. Through a comparative study of the gendered politics within Turkey and Iran, Four main premises are considered — the central assumptions regarding the 'Muslim woman'; the woman's personification of nationalism within domestic politics; the role of the woman in the public sphere; and the role of the woman in the private sphere. These discussions will establish the woman as a pre-cursor for revolution and an essential arbiter that determines the trajectory of political upheavals in Middle Eastern nations.
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Sasley, Brent Elliott. "A structural reinterpretation of power in the Middle East, explanations and implications of the evolving military relationship between Turkey and Israel." Thesis, National Library of Canada = Bibliothèque nationale du Canada, 1998. http://www.collectionscanada.ca/obj/s4/f2/dsk2/tape15/PQDD_0024/MQ32957.pdf.
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Samardali-Kakai, Linda. "Obstacles which significantly affect tourism development in Jordan." Thesis, Edith Cowan University, Research Online, Perth, Western Australia, 2013. https://ro.ecu.edu.au/theses/707.
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Tourism in Jordan is a service industry with enormous potential. However it has not been fully utilised and developed to generate increasing income for the Hashemite Kingdom of Jordan, a growing tourist destination. This research examines the current tourism environment to identify obstacles that hinder its enhancement. The study investigates both domestic and international tourism in Jordan and makes recommendations to resolve the obstacles identified.
A previous study highlighted ten main obstacles to tourism in Jordan, and attempted to make viable recommendations to resolve them in the short to medium term. This study involved a series of questions and discussions around the views of the Jordanian tourism industry and the local community on the topic. Participants were recruited for two different sample groups. Sample 1 comprised of 12 stakeholders which included respondents who were involved in the tourism industry in Jordan who provided insightful information in support of the research objectives. Sample 2 was a further 18 respondents which included respondents from the local community and tourists in Jordan who had a different point of view on these obstacles.
The overall aim of this research was to explore the significance of the obstacles to tourism development in Jordan. The study was designed to answer the question: “What are the stakeholders’ perceptions of the obstacles to tourism development in Jordan?” The study had four main objectives:
1. To investigate stakeholders’ perceptions of the barriers to tourism development;
2. To identify the significance of the barriers to growth, both internationally and domestically;
3. To identify the approaches taken by stakeholders to address the barriers; and
4. To identify emerging international and domestic markets.
Questionnaires distributed between 2011 and 2012 revealed that: Bylaws in Jordan constrain the Jordan Tourism Board (JTB) in their efforts to act; thereby hindering the JTB's ability to promote Jordan domestically. The lack of international promotional and marketing campaigns was identified as the most important deterrent by Sample 1 stakeholders. The lack of funding for developing international tourism was regarded as an important obstacle by Sample 1 participants. The false impression of Jordan as an unsafe destination for international tourists was ranked the most important obstacle by Sample 2 participants. Sample 2 stakeholders in general blamed the weak structure of many organisations involved in tourism development in Jordan for the obstacles that inhibit tourism, as decision-making is often prohibited by bylaws.
This research will give the Jordanian Tourism Board an opportunity to improve the tourism sector and generate increased revenue to further promote Jordan as a tourist destination, both domestically and internationally. At the time of this study there was no strong evidence to indicate that stakeholder organisations were working together to overcome the obstacles. Furthermore, the local communities in Jordan felt justified to increase prices at tourist attractions, resulting in tourists feeling exploited, thereby alienating visitors.
It is clear from this study that Jordan is a developing country with huge, untapped potential as a tourist destination. This research puts the spotlight on tourism in Jordan and identifies the obstacles that hinder tourism development. It does so by examining the perceptions of tourism stakeholders in the industry in Jordan, as well as those of the local communities and tourists to the country.
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Seloom, Muhanad. "The label 'terrorist' : PKK in Turkey." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/10871/31146.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines how the ‘terrorist’ label affects those that are labelled by this designation, particularly with reference on a subsequent choice to use violence in the context of an ethno-nationalist conflict. Drawing on the PKK as a case study, the study asks: what effect did the labelling of the PKK as a ‘terrorist organisation’ by the Turkish government have on the use of violence by Kurds in the Turkish-Kurdish ethno-nationalist conflict? The invocation of the label terrorist in any conflict often means both the labeller and the labelled are predisposed to use violence. This study argues that this process of labelling leads the labeller and the labelled to frame one another as an existential threat. To date, the effects of using the label ‘terrorist’ in an ethno-nationalist conflict context remain relatively understudied in both social and political sciences. The period under analysis extends from 1992 to 2015, corresponding to the period during which the Turkish government continuously designated the PKK as ‘terrorist’. In conflict discourse, belligerents use demeaning labels against each other to gather support, legitimacy or simply to increase combatants’ morale. The study argues that the label terrorist is a constituent element of the conflict. The Turkish government uses the label terrorist as a tool to securitise the Kurdish-Turkish ethno-nationalist conflict. The Turkish government’s labelling of the PKK as ‘terrorist’ places the Kurdish issue in the broader framework of securitisation, a theory in International Relations. While securitising the Kurdish issue has bestowed more powers to the Turkish government to combat violence described as ‘terrorist’, the resolution of the ethno-nationalist conflict became increasingly more complex leading to protracted waves of violence. Analysing data collected through semi-structured qualitative interviews with Kurds from Turkey, the study reveals that the impact of the label terrorist is far more complex than previously assumed in the existing academic literature. The specific effects of the label terrorist on any given conflict, however, are the subject of an empirical question to be settled through rigorous research. Drawing on the Labelling Theory of Deviance fathered by Howard S. Becker and complemented by discourse analysis, this study finds that the application of the label terrorist against the PKK increases the perception of victimization among its wider Kurdish community. Secondly, the research demonstrates that the invocation of the label terrorist against the PKK places the group’s actors and sympathizers in a situation that makes it harder for them to engage in peaceful means of resolving the conflict. The interplay between these two consequential effects of victimisation and political exclusion leads to the conclusion that there is an indirect relationship between designating an ethno-nationalist armed group ‘terrorist’ and the choice to use violence.
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Fischer, Maureen Julia. ""Turkey is the Key": Studies on America's Relationship with the Ottoman Empire, The Turkish Republic, and Islam in the Near and Middle East." W&M ScholarWorks, 2016. https://scholarworks.wm.edu/etd/1477068545.
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Mission Accomplished: Manifest Destiny and American Foreign Missions to the Ottoman Empire in the 1830s William Goodell’s memoir, Forty Years in the Turkish Empire, was a compilation of some of his journals, letters, and other writings during his tenure as a missionary living in Constantinople. This paper analyzes Goodell’s motivations, activities, and reflections during the 1830s in order to discuss Goodell’s role as an agent of Manifest Destiny. Though the United States did not have the desire or ability to conquer the Ottoman Empire by the sword, some Americans asserted their power through the spread of religion, and many of these Americans supported the efforts of the American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions (ABCFM). William Goodell provides a view into the Protestant missionaries from the United States to the Ottoman Empire and the world at large who, in the 1830s, were intrinsic component of the burgeoning Manifest Destiny mentality and reflected physical American expansion westward in the form of Christian American expansion eastward. These evangelical missionaries were also a force of expansion, and a strand of manifest destiny expressed in the form of ideological imperialism. “A Colorful and Turbulent Career”: Depictions of Turkey in American Tourist Guidebooks, 1920-1935 Americans who wanted to visit Turkey around its establishment as a nation could consult a variety of sources which help to demonstrate the American perceptions of the Turkish Republic and its leaders during the 1920s and 1930s. The ultimate marker of these American guidebooks is the time they devoted to Robert College in Constantinople. These authors’ depiction of Robert College as an American stronghold in the Oriental East represents the type of Western gaze that acted as a penetrating force and constituted a mental and physical imposition on Turkey in the 1920s and 1930s, a process which continued as travelers used the guidebooks for their various needs. This paper discusses the differences in wants and needs between the Turkish government and Western travelers, reconciled effectively through the reality of İstanbul as the destination of choice for Westerners who wanted a taste of the Orient that was still comfortably “Western.”
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Khan, Amal. "The effects of Islam on the political structure of : Iran, Turkey and Saudi Arabia." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2010. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/1431.
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This item is only available in print in the UCF Libraries. If this is your Honors Thesis, you can help us make it available online for use by researchers around the world by following the instructions on the distribution consent form at http://library.ucf.edu/Systems/DigitalInitiatives/DigitalCollections/InternetDistributionConsentAgreementForm.pdf You may also contact the project coordinator, Kerri Bottorff, at kerri.bottorff@ucf.edu for more information.Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
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Skliar, Olga S. "Gender Representations And Gender Bias In Elt Textbooks Published In The Middle East: A Case Study Of Elt Textbooks Published In Turkey And Iran." Master's thesis, METU, 2003. http://etd.lib.metu.edu.tr/upload/12608555/index.pdf.
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In addition to general knowledge on the official curriculum subjects, including the English language, schools convey multiple cultural and ideological meanings, playing a significant role in the processes of socialization and cultural reproduction. The function of school textbooks as powerful agents of socialization is realized through the texts and visuals in the content. Locally issued ELT materials, written in English by local authors, comprise a combination of local and foreign social meanings. Positive social change may be initiated by constant revision of cultural and ideological implications in educational media and subsequent exclusion of integrated biased meanings and linguistic forms reinforcing social inequities.
This research study deals with gender representations and gender discriminatory meanings in ELT textbooks. It focuses on the ways gender-related social inequalities are reflected in texts and illustrations in two ELT series published by the Turkish Ministry of National Education and the Iranian Ministry of Education.
Critical discourse analysis was chosen for investigation of gender issues integrated in the content of the textbooks. The study examined representations of female and male characters at code level in the pronoun and noun systems, at sentence level in reading passages and dialogues, and in visuals.
The study revealed imbalance in representations of woman and man, and gender-related stereotypes in all examined categories of both ELT series. In both Turkish and Iranian textbook sets, traditional female and male roles depicting women as mothers and housewives and men as breadwinners were emphasized more than modern ones sustaining gender egalitarianism in public and family spheres. In contrast to women, men took active parts in all essential social fields, and bigger numbers of males than females were involved in texts and illustrations. Authors&rsquogender did not have a big influence on the results obtained by the current research. It was suggested that gender-related ideologies and stereotypes are shared, supported, and unconsciously reproduced by both women and men in a society.
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Ahmed, Mohammed Ali. "The legal status of the Kurds in the Middle East : the twenty-first century policies of Turkey, Iran, Syria and Iraq towards the Kurds." Thesis, University of Exeter, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10036/3145.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The process of decolonisation has led to the emergence of a number of ethnically complex states in the Middle East. The present thesis addresses the Kurdish minority in Turkey, Iraq, Syria and Iran, investigates and analyses the nature and structure of these four states. The nature of the four states is complex in terms of their population; each one contains more than one faith, ethnicity, and language. One ethnicity, faith or sect may dominate the state which may not necessarily reflect the majority of the population, for example, the minority of Alawis dominating Syria, or the constitution, penal code and political system may be biased to a majority sect (Shia in Iran). The present study investigates, compares and contrasts the twenty-first century policies of Turkey, Syria, Iran and Iraq towards the Kurds, it examines whether the concept of equal citizenship does exist or not in the four states. The minority rights including the Kurds are the key to pluralism and peace in the Middle East. Over the last 50 years, many Middle Eastern and North African minorities have been oppressed or have struggled to survive, national groups (Berbers, Kurds, Turkmens, etc.), religious communities (Christians, Zoroastrians, Baha'is, etc) or both (Armenians, Jews, etc.). Sects, such as Shia in the Gulf States and Sunnis in Iran have not been successfully integrated within Islam itself. The central argument the present thesis seeks to examine is how equal citizenship (equal access for political, educational, social and economic institutions of the country) can be delivered for the Kurds in the four countries. In order to achieve this, the legal status of the Kurds needs to be changed via reforming and amending the constitution and penal codes of the four states. Recognition of the legal rights of the Kurds and abolishing the discriminatory laws are the cornerstone of a healthy civil society and the key to pluralism and peace in the region.
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Barimo, Elise. "The impact of islam on women in the middle east a discussion of the political role of islam in turkey, saudi arabia, and lebanon." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/659.
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The social instability of the Middle East is often assumed to be consequential predominantly from the influences of extreme traditional Islamic practices; with substantial prominence placed upon the treatment of and violence against Middle Eastern women. This discussion seeks to directly prove the prevalence of Islamic influence on Middle Eastern politics and the resulting social instability. This assessment is designed around an interdisciplinary examination of coalescent factors. By assessing the political history, social and cultural lifestyle, and political and legal situation of the region, the assessment examines the contributors to the social instability of Saudi Arabia, Lebanon, and Turkey. The principal conclusion of this narrative is that the influences of extreme traditional Islamic values have a direct influence on the social instability and gender equality exhibited in Islamic Middle Eastern nation-states.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
Political Science
40
Bardakci, Fatma. "Turkiet vänder blickarna mot öster : -en fallstudie av Turkiets utrikespolitiska förändring gentemot Mellanöstern." Thesis, Mittuniversitetet, Avdelningen för samhällsvetenskap, 2013. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:miun:diva-20085.
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Abstract Turkey has emerged as a major actor in the Middle East over the last decade, since the ruling party AKP came to power in 2002. Turkey is now playing a mediation role in regional conflicts and has been speaking out loudly on sensitive issues such as the Iranian nuclear program and the Palestinian- Israeli conflict. Furthermore, Turkey has established close ties with the Arab world which has suffered the relationship with its long-time ally Israel. This new presence in Middle East has been criticized by Turkey's allies in west. Critics argue that the country is about to abandon its former western relationship and strengthen their ties with the Arab world instead. This thesis has two main purposes. First, an empirical purpose which is to describe and explain changes in Turkish foreign policy towards Middle East. Second, this thesis has a theoretical purpose, aiming to make a contribution to the study field also on a theoretical level. The ambition is therefore to provide with ideas and/or modify the model of Gustavsson in order to make it more applicable of other cases of foreign policy change. The theoretical framework applied on this thesis is Jakob Gustavsson's model for explaining foreign policy change. Turkey's foreign policy change will be analyzed through a qualitative case study that focuses on the country's relations with the Middle East. Based on Gustavsson's model, possible explanations to Turkey's foreign policy change towards Middle East are structural changes in the international and national system. The end of the bipolarity system during the cold war resulted in a major structural change, thus Turkey had to adapt to the new system by hammering out a new foreign policy doctrine. In addition to this, the growing opposition to a Turkish membership within the EU is considered to be another explanation to Turkey's improved relations with the Middle East. The results shows furthermore possible explanations on a national level such as growing economy, a strong Turkish public opinion, new actors and also AKP:s ideological affinity with Muslim aspirations. The Iraq crisis, which arose in 2003 when Turkey rejected a resolution authorizing the deployment of American forces in Turkey in a war against Iraq, functions as a catalysts for the changes in Turkish foreign policy. One of the main components in the model emphasizes that the individual key actor needs to go through a change within its belief system, however the author have not found such evidence in this case and thus suggests that this part of the model becomes slightly modified or even removed. Keywords: Turkey, AKP, Ahmet Davutoglu, Middle East, foreign policy change, zero problems towards neighbors
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Akunal, Zuhal. "English-medium education in Turkey a myth or an achievable goal? : An evaluation of content-based second language instruction at the Middle East Technical University." Thesis, University of Kent, 1993. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.317671.
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42
Erken, Ali. "The construction of nationalist politics : the MHP, 1965-1980." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2013. http://ora.ox.ac.uk/objects/uuid:c9393a5e-ac9a-4641-ab0a-91d4ea4f7477.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis presents an analysis of the political discourse and strategies of the MHP (Milliyetçi Hareket Partisi-Nationalist Movement Party) between 1965 and 1980. It particularly focuses on the role of young militants in the development of the nationalist movement in Turkey during this period. The 1960s and 1970s in Turkey saw military coups, street clashes, violence perpetrated by university students, and the rapid proliferation of civil organizations. Yet this turbulent period in modern Turkish history has received no systematic historical investigation. The MHP was one of the principal actors of this period. The study argues that the change in the profile of the CKMP-MHP leadership and the recruitment of young nationalist students, who became increasingly involved in physical confrontations with the socialists, had multiple effects on nationalist discourse and strategies. Retired soldiers involved in the 27 May 1960 military coup sought to develop a nationalist party based on secular-Kemalist principles, but those people who held conservative views of nationalism started to join the CKMP-MHP. The anti-Republican discourse of this current of thought involved the re-appropriation of Ottoman history and culture and certain religious themes into nationalist discourse. This ideological orientation appealed to most of young nationalists organized around the ülkü ocakları. However, the thesis demonstrates that there were various channels of ideological indoctrination in the nationalist movement, a diversity of positions that sometimes stirred conflicts among the nationalists themselves. The question of political strategy involved paradoxical aspects as well. Young nationalists were willing to take on the mission of becoming the future elites of the country yet were simultaneously involved in violent confrontations with socialists. Most of the party leadership, on the other hand, was preoccupied with parliamentarian goals and the long-term administrative success of nationalist activists in the state apparatus. The thesis shows that viewing the party activities and paramilitary operations in the same framework gave rise to serious tensions within the nationalist movement. The findings of this study also shed light on the institutional and ideological evolution of the nationalist movement after 1980.
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Lovely, Eli K. "Islamists as instruments of change : the inclusion of mainstream Islamist groups in Egypt and Turkey : a study on democratization /." Norton, Mass. : Wheaton College, 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/10090/15110.
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Daryani, Achraf. "Diet and Metabolic Risk Factors in Immigrant Women from the Middle East and Swedish-Born Women : A Cross-Sectional Study of Women from Iran, Turkey and Sweden." Doctoral thesis, Uppsala : Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis, 2006. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-7103.
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Wilman, Gabriel. "Degrees of causality an assessment of endogenous contributors to instability in jordan, syria, & turkey." Honors in the Major Thesis, University of Central Florida, 2012. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETH/id/641.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The political instability of the Middle East is often perceived to be derived primarily from the interaction of Middle Eastern nations with external forces; with significant emphasis placed upon the disruptive effects of modern colonialism and Westernization. While this study does not seek to directly contest the catalytic primacy of exogenous factors, it does seek to establish the necessary causality of pre-existing internal factors. Rather than approaching the situation from a linear causal perspective, this assessment is oriented around an interdisciplinary examination of confluent factors. By examining the political history, ethno sociology, and economy of the region, the analysis investigates the underlying variables which have contributed to the instability of the Jordan, Syria, and Turkey. The primary conclusion of this analysis is that the interactions of multiple endogenous variables provide a basis of necessary causality which may be of equal causal import to that of modern colonialism and Westernization.B.A.
Bachelors
Sciences
International and Global Studies
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Hatyina, Ladislav. "Kurdská otázka a problematika kurdské menšiny v Turecku." Master's thesis, Vysoká škola ekonomická v Praze, 2008. http://www.nusl.cz/ntk/nusl-77027.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This Final Thesis is concerning the question of Kurdish minority which is currently dwelling in the Turkish state. I tried to make a clear picture about historical development of both nations, Turkish and Kurdish. The main hypothesis should reveal whether prevail the effort of Kurdish people to reconstruct own state -- new Kurdistan or whether are they attempting to obtain autonomy of Turkish government on the present. One part of this Thesis covers the interrelations in between those two groups of nations.
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Aruz, Joan. "Marks of distinction : seals and cultural exchange between the Aegean and the Orient : (ca. 2600-1360 B.C.) /." Mainz am Rhein : Zabern, 2008. http://bvbr.bib-bvb.de:8991/F?func=service&doc_library=BVB01&doc_number=016485626&line_number=0002&func_code=DB_RECORDS&service_type=MEDIA.
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Demiryontar, Birce. "The shaping of the Turkish migration policy : competing influences between the European Union, international organisations and domestic authorities." Thesis, University of Sussex, 2017. http://sro.sussex.ac.uk/id/eprint/67340/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis studies Turkish migration policies as an outcome of the interactions between the European Union, international organisations (UNHCR, IOM) and domestic migration governance. Counterbalancing a tendency in the literature to focus on external influences and specifically the EU's power over candidate countries, Turkish migration policy is seen to result from interrelationships between external and domestic actors that vary according to context of policy type, time and relative balance of power between the actors. Changes in international relations, Turkey's relationship with the EU, and internal to migration governance, can relativize the power asymmetry between EU and Turkey, leading to opportunities for domestic authorities to exert influence. The study has a comparative design across four cases of migration policy decision-making and by actor-type. This allows investigation of interrelations and an actor's efforts to exert influence relative to the others. A prominent policy is examined for each of the main four fields of Turkish migration policy: legislative reform (Law on Foreigners and International Protection), irregular migration (EU-Turkey readmission agreement), regular migration (adoption of the EU's visa lists) and asylum (removal of geographical limitation clause from the 1951 Refugee Convention). Document analysis is supplemented by original data from twenty-one semi-structured interviews, conducted with experts from Turkish Ministries, international organisations and the EU Commission. The main finding is that the degree of external influence over Turkish migration policy is contextually shaped, by time, the substance of a specific policy field, and most notably by the degree to which a policy field is politicised. EU influence is strongest when a policy field is politicised and driven by ‘conditionality'. International organisations are less influential actors but present in shaping more technocratic and less politicised policies through ‘social policy learning'. Turkish authorities exert clear agency and use international negotiations to gain leverage to advance domestic migration interests.
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DeLoach, CarrieAnne. "EXPLORING TRANSIENT IDENTITIES: DECONSTRUCTING DEPICTIONS OF GENDER AND IMPERIAL IDEOLOGY IN THE ORIENTAL TRAVEL NARRATIVES OF E." Master's thesis, University of Central Florida, 2006. http://digital.library.ucf.edu/cdm/ref/collection/ETD/id/3062.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Englishwomen who traveled to the "Orient" in the Victorian era constructed an identity that was British in its bravery, middle-class in its refinement, feminine in appearance and speech and Christian in its intolerance of Oriental heathenism. Studying Victorian female travel narratives that described journeys to the Orient provides an excellent opportunity to reexamine the diaphanous nature of the boundaries of the public/private sphere dichotomy; the relationship between travel, overt nationalism, and gendered constructions of identity, the link between geographic location and self-definition; the power dynamics inherent in information gathering, organization and production. Englishwomen projected gendered identities in their writings, which were both "imperially" masculine and "domestically" feminine, depending on the needs of a particular location and space. The travel narrative itself was also a gendered product that served as both a medium of cultural expression for Victorian women and a tool of restraint, encouraging them to conform to societal expectations to gain limited authority and recognition for their travels even while they embraced the freedom of movement. The terms "imperial masculinity" and "domestic femininity" are employed throughout this analysis to categorize the transient manipulation of character traits associated in Victorian society with middle- and upper-class men abroad in the empire and middle- and upper-class women who remained within their homes in Great Britain. Also stressed is the decision by female travelers to co-assert feminine identities that legitimated their imperial freedom by alluding to equally important components of their transported domestic constructions of self. Contrary to scholarship solely viewing Victorian projections of the feminine ideal as negative, the powers underlining social determinants of gender norms will be treated as "both regulatory and productive." Englishwomen chose to amplify elements of their domestic femininity or newly obtained imperial masculinity depending on the situation encountered during their travels or the message they wished to communicate in their travel narratives. The travel narrative is a valuable tool not only for deconstructing transient constructions of gender, but also for discovering the foundations of race and class ideologies in which the Oriental and the Orient are subjugated to enhance Englishwomen's Orientalist imperial status and position. This thesis is modeled on the structure of the traveling experience. In reviewing first the intellectual expectations preceding travel, the events of travel and finally the emotional reaction to the first two, a metaphoric attempt to better understand meaning through mimicry has been made. Over twenty travel narratives published by Englishwomen of varying social backgrounds, economic classes and motivations for travel between 1830 and World War I were analyzed in conjunction with letters, diaries, fictional works, newspaper articles, advice manuals, travel guides and religious texts in an effort to study the uniquely gendered nature of the Preface in female travel narratives; definitions of "travelers" and "traveling;" the manner in which "new" forms of metaphysical identification formulated what Victorian lady travelers "pre-knew" the "East" to be; the gendered nature in which female travelers portrayed their encounters with the "realities" of travel; and the concept of "disconnect," or the "distance" between a female traveler's expectation and the portrayed "reality" of what she experienced in the Orient.M.A.
Department of History
Arts and Humanities
History
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Magued, Mohamed Shaimaa. "La politique arabe de la Turquie depuis 2002 comme une dimension de sa gestion régionale au Moyen-Orient." Thesis, Aix-Marseille, 2012. http://www.theses.fr/2012AIXM1057.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Vers fin de 2002 et début 2003, la Turquie a adopté une diplomatie active au Moyen-Orient dans un cadre de désordre et de déséquilibre de force entre les différentes puissances. Notre point de départ est l'arrivée d'une nouvelle élite en tant qu'événement instigateur et accélérateur de la reconstruction du rôle de puissance régionale. L'analyse de la politique arabe de la Turquie a recours aux notions du «rôle national» et de «puissance régionale» comme un binôme complémentaire visant à déterminer les préceptes fondateurs de la politique régionale turque en termes de source de projection, de dynamiques d'action et d'intérêt national. A partir de ce cadre théorique et de notre enquête de terrain, nous présentons une analyse critique de la littérature et une reconsidération des fondements épistémologiques et ontologique du processus de conceptualisation en Relations Internationales, notamment du terme de « puissance régionale ». L'apport de cette thèse au niveau méthodologique, en termes de définition d'un cadre conceptuel approprié à la théorisation et aux spécificités des études de cas traités, permet de reformuler la politique arabe en tant que dynamique de renaissance d'une nouvelle Turquie. En affirmant un rôle de puissance régionale, l'AKP dispose d'un répertoire d'action plus affirmé et autonome qui concilie les exigences du rôle régional avec ses alliés occidentaux et voisins d'une part ainsi que ses intérêts nationaux d'autre part. La politique arabe présente un microcosme de la politique étrangère turque et détermine comment la Turquie a émergé en tant que puissance régionale au niveau global, à partir de l'embryon militaro-séculierBy the end of 2002 and the beginning of 2003, Turkey adopted an active diplomacy in the Middle East in a context of instability and persistent rivalry between different powers. This study considers the arrival of a new political “conservative” elite as an instigator and accelerator event in the reconstruction of the Turkish role as a regional power. The analysis of the Arab policy of Turkey is based on a conceptual framework that relies on two complementary notions, the “national role” and the “regional power.” Both determine the founding precepts of the Turkish regional policy in terms of source of projection, dynamics of action and national interest. In light of this theoretical framework and the field work undertaken on the Arab policy, this study adopts a critical analysis of the literature. By reconsidering the conceptualization process in the International Relations discipline, the thesis focuses on the term of “regional power role” in order to conceal the epistemological and ontological deficiencies in different theoretical concepts that aim to understand world politics like “regional power.” Accordingly, this study provides a different method in theorizing by formulating a conceptual framework that is more adapted to global politics' reality in terms of considering the specificities of the different cases and the various configurations of regional powers. By relying on the “regional power role”, the Arab policy analysis reveals the emergence of a new Turkey. A more assertive and autonomous diplomacy is adopted by the AKP that conciles the exigencies of this role with its Western allies and neighbours from one side and its national interests from the other side