Дисертації з теми "The Sacred Mountain of Varallo"

Drawing upon the tools of spatial analysis, this study examines varieties of sacred space crafted at Stone Mountain Park, near Atlanta, Georgia. The focus on spatial aspects of religious practices at Stone Mountain grounds three over-arching methodological objectives of the thesis. The first is to further develop and extend spatial analysis within the academic study of religion. The second objective is to illustrate the need to expand the parameters of the contested term religion and its correlate sacred space to reflect the variety of social practices that fall outside the domains of traditionally conceived religious or sacred structures and locations. The third objective is to explore connecting threads between spatial analysis of religious practices and religious identity formation. Taken together, these three objectives provide an interpretative framework for five case studies examining the spatial history of the location, the emplacement of the Lost cause mythology at the site, differences between the decades old Easter sunrise service, and a more recent Via Crucis pilgrimage on Good Friday, the emergence of contemporary New Age spiritual practices on the monadnock, and the cultivation of a corporate religion during an extended Christmas holiday season marketed at the park. The project concludes with an exploration of areas of convergence between spatial analysis in religious studies and consideration of the relevance of place to religious identity formation.

This research provides communication strategies for First Nations and forestry agencies in British Columbia. I have used a community-based, participatory, and case study approach to conduct an in-depth study of conflict resolution between Sts’ailes, a Coast Salish First Nation located near Vancouver, and the British Columbia Ministry of Forests, Lands and Natural Resource Operations (hereinafter the Ministry of Forests). This study identifies the cultural uses of forest resources among Sts’ailes people and communication challenges central to the conflict, and suggests strategies that can help to achieve meaningful communication and collaboration between First Nations people and forestry staff. The ultimate purpose of this study is to explore cultural values related to forest management among the Sts’ailes Nation and to explore the dynamics of their communication process, focusing on Kweh-Kwuch-Hum, a sacred mountain located on Sts’ailes traditional land. This study asks how First Nations can make themselves heard when “speaking” about cultural values within the context of forest management. It describes Sts’ailes people’s ways of using and maintaining access to forestlands and resources. The cultural values of forest uses are important to the revitalization of the Sts’ailes way of life, cultural identity and well-being. Here, I focus on the case of a conflict over logging on Kweh-Kwuch-Hum and the resulting Policy Pilot Project (2008) to analyze the communication strategies used by both sides in the conflict. I demonstrate that both the Sts’ailes and the Ministry of Forests improved their communication strategies as they worked on the Policy Pilot Project together. My study confirms the theoretical framework that was used to address the invisible values of forests, and suggests that being proactive, promoting social learning, and having a conflict resolution protocol can facilitate more reflexive communication. I suggest that by linking Indigenous knowledge, one type of knowledge system, to multi-level governance, more meaningful communication and collaboration can be achieved. The findings highlight the relevance of a collaborative approach to the field, and provide a valuable lesson in forest governance systems, not only for Canada, but also for other countries where there are differences between statutory rights and customary rights.
Forestry, Faculty of
Graduate

This dissertation presents a study of one of the most difficult texts in the Psalter, Psalm 68. After an introduction setting out the distinctive features of my treatment and arguing for the need for a painstaking literary study, I divide my work into three sections. The first of these presents a translation with detailed notes on the text. The second explores this world of the text in more detail by examining the vocabulary of the Psalm (characterisation, semantic domains including geographical terms), its structural makeup (building from the smallest units to the largest), the central use and importance of intertextual connections, and the presence of ambiguity and `underdeterminacy'. I examine each of these as being of interest in their own right, but the ultimate purpose is to use them to deduce what a good reading of the Psalm might be and to cast light on its meaning(s) both to an original audience and to subsequenrt eaders.B y the end of this section I will have argued for a an `original' setting in the reigns of David or Solomon, one which is closely linked to the bringing of the ark to Zion and the building of the temple. My third section tackles the matter of writers and readers more explicitly. Although I shall have studied the text as one hitherto (since this is the only form in which we possess it), I now examine whether the Psalm `should' be seen as essentially a unity, and ask what can be known about its compositional history. I then turn to the question of dating, followed by a more explicit consideration of the implied audience of the text. Much work ha> been done on the possible cultic use of Psalm 68; I review this as part of my work on audience, before turning to the question of other readers in a final chapter. Although I shall have been primarily concerned with the initial meaning of Psalm 68 in the dissertation (for reasons of space), that chapter presents concluding reflections on the way in which the Psalm has been used subsequently and may sti'1 be used; I reflect on the continued power of the Psalm to speak through the centuries. Psalm 68 is indeed a complex text, but one which abundantly repays close reading and study, and one which is still fascinating, vivid, and arresting in the modern world.

La recherche menée dans le cadre de cette thèse a pour objet d'analyser et de comprendre les dynamiques émanant de la relation patrimoine religieux / espaces de montagne protégés (patrimoine naturel) en réinterrogeant la persistante rupture nature-culture et les significations du sacré dans le contexte patrimonial. Il s'agit aussi d'appréhender la nature et la signification des " lieux et bâtiments religieux ", ainsi que leur rôle dans les processus de patrimonialisation et de réappropriation des espaces de montagne par les différents acteurs du territoire. Cette thèse de géographie s'inscrit dans la réflexion actuelle de redéfinition des missions des Parcs naturels et dans le mouvement de promotion de la notion de " paysage culturel " par les instances internationales (e.g. UNESCO). Le site du monastère de la Grande-Chartreuse (Parc naturel régional de la Chartreuse), la vallée de la Qadisha et la forêt des Cèdres de Dieu (Nord-Liban) sont apparus comme des terrains riches permettant de mener à bien cette recherche doctorale qui mêle géographie culturelle et espaces montagnards. L'approche qualitative a été privilégiée pour répondre à cette problématique. Cette recherche s'appuie ainsi sur la chronosystémique, l'analyse de la littérature viatique et de données collectées (rapports officiels, législations, cartographie, relevés de terrains, interviews etc.).

The thesis has been written on the basis of main architectural concepts and their application in real life within a historical context investigation. Main architectural concepts are represented in a harmony of architectural composition that deals with relations among form, structure and space in the unique art work. Genius loci play very important role in the architectural creation - it represents a special and extra-ordinary urban locality and its architectural value in the historical, geographical and cultural context. The origin of Ostravice village within the historical frame concept of Moravia domain is the topic of this thesis. Other historical documents gave information about Bruneswerde as the Brno Castle. That means Brno Castle had to be founded not in Brno (as it has been consid-ered for many years) but it was located in Beskydy at Ostravice. The sacred city – Civitas Dei had been located in Bruneswerde region in early ages as the centre of European culture, education and spiritual life. Civitas Dei – divine Jerusalem in the transcription of St. Augustine's book De civitate Dei – is not only glorification of God and religious fantasy. It is also one of significant clues for recognition of historical architecture. The depiction of unknown settlement from the book of unde-fined origin is a superb testimony about extinct architectural works. They are legible from cadastral maps. Brno Castle - residence of nobility and power served shelter to St. Vojtěch, St. Prokop, St. Václav and St. Ludmila as it is obvious for the mentioned picture. Three major temples, three com-position axes symbolized by three towers on coins are in analogical relation to Brno triangle of four saints - the Saint family of Brno temples. Powerful ambitions of Brno City principals and clergy are inscribed into the urban structure in the way of composition relations which are legible to them who devoted themselves to the mystery of harmony. The absence of historical continuity affects personal attitudes and also identity of the whole community. The architecture truly reflects the past state of polis and it is eloquent even after its death. The architectural composition relations influence the natural environment for long time, longer than the architectural work existence. The geometric order of Renaissance Brno existence has not been in attention of architects so far. The features were discovered in characteristic paintings by Albrecht Durer. They are evidently secret works of the genius. A meaningful collaborator and follower in the extensive project was also his friend Jan Čert from Brno and lately from Vienna. His noble genealogy played a significant role in history of Silesia and Moravia for centuries. It is tendency to consider him as Austrian or even German architect. It is because of the fact that the genealogy tree of his noble family had roots in Moravia. It is supposed that Durer with Jan Čert´s support created the extraordinarily monumental architectural and urban works in Brno. A remarkable consensus in the urban composition of two squares and transition of traditional urban structure of Ostravice Civitas Dei into the modern Brno is also confirmed due to the identification of noble creators and owners, who were at the foundation, transformation and extinction of elements of the Moravian urban structure.

碩士
國立交通大學
客家文化學院客家社會與文化碩士在職專班
97
The Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain belongs to Chuan Hua Tang. Although it only has a history of nearly one hundred years, it has irreplaceable position in the development history of Nan-chuang nearby. The Hakkas view it as an ancestral tower of lineage or family, which indicates the important local influence of temple pagodas. On the other hand, the operation of temple pagodas also implies the decline of Hakka lineage forces in Nan-chuang area. To investigate how the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain became the common ancestral tomb of some Hakka families in Nan-chuang area, this study discussed the historical status of the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain through the viewpoints of Feng Shui, religious belief, concept of cremation, and the relationship between indigenous people and the Hakkas. In 1815, Chi-ying Huang from Guangdong Jiaying led people to reclaim Sanwan, and they further reclaimed the Tianwei area and Shihtou Mountain area of Nan-chuang, which started the development of hinterland of Jhonggang River. In order to educate villagers with planchette writing, the grandson of Chi-ying, Kai-lang Huang, established Chuang Hua Tang, followed by the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain . The Feng Shui location of pagoda exactly conforms to the Feng Shui viewpoint of the Hakkas. Moreover, due to the public health education advocated during the Japanese Occupation Period, the promotion of cremation policy, and the foresight of the local elites, the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain was constructed. Placing the urns in places besides the ancestral tomb of lineage is a new idea. In early days, the Shihtou Mountain Temple had a prosperous vegetarian culture and to its believers, it is in fact a kind of honor to place urns in the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain of the temple. In the early Japanese Occupation Period, most temples in Taiwan did not have columbarium pagodas inside. More than 10,000 of urns have been placed inside the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain , which indicates its importance in ancestor worship. To Hakka families who did not have their own ancestral towers or enough space in their ancestral towers , the Bone Tower of Shihtou Mountain became an alternative ancestral tower of the Hakkas in Nac-huang area. The close relationship between the Hakkas and the indigenous people in Nan-chuang started from the family of Chi-ying Huang. After more than one hundred years of intermarriage and cultural interactions, the language, life habits, religious belief, and ancestor worship of the Hakkas have significantly influenced the traditional culture of the indigenous people, especially the Saisiyat. After experiencing the changes over a hundred years, the most significant change in the phenomenon of cultural integration between the Saisiyat and the Hakkas in recent years are the common grave of ancestral tower style and the acceptance of the idea of cremation and placing urns into pagodas.

This thesis explores the cultural context of Sacred Harp singing on Sand Mountain, Alabama. Using Stephen Feld’s concept of “iconicity of style,” I demonstrate that Sacred Harp singing is more than just a form of music, but an overarching aesthetic that ties together multiple forms of cultural expression and social interaction. Sacred Harp singing occurs in many different contexts on Sand Mountain, ranging from church services, to organized singings, to impromptu social events. Its presence in all these realms connects the sacred and the secular, bridging diverse aspects of Sand Mountain culture. As I investigate the place of Sacred Harp within this geographically and demographically distinct region of Alabama, I show how it forms the basis for the construction of complex individual and group identities. Notions of “tradition” are especially important to Sand Mountain singers, who attempt to preserve singing practices and stylistic elements from earlier generations. Sacred Harp singing not only ties together disparate social realms; participants believe that it connects families and communities across time and space, linking present and past generations. In my analysis of the social context of Sacred Harp singing on Sand Mountain, I convey a much more detailed understanding of the iconic nature of the musical form than exists in previous scholarship, greatly adding to scholarly understanding of the cultural context of this musical form.

Dissertação de Mestrado Integrado em Arquitetura apresentada à Faculdade de Ciências e Tecnologia
Em norueguês, a palavra ås significa monte/montanha, como conjunto montanhoso/cume(eira) podendo, de igual modo, ser Deus e/ou entidade divina. Estes significados que derivam da mesma palavra, colocam a questão da relação entre o elemento físico natural (monte/montanha) e o elemento Divino/sagrado (Deus). O estudo desta relação começou com a viagem, com um percurso estudado previamente, mas desconhecido, de modo a explorar os anteriores conceitos. O objetivo foi refletir sobre o conhecimento adquirido (a experiência da montanha) associado à construção e humanização da paisagem. Questiona-se a relação da construção religiosa com a montanha e como a experiência permite descodificar a materialização do lugar sagrado. Através da experiência pessoal tornou-se possível identificar um conjunto de temas sobre a problematização da construção de um lugar, e procurar comprovar um conjunto de aproximações do sagrado por parte da arquitetura. Assim, pretende-se analisar e estudar como se transforma um espaço num lugar, e como a arquitetura é o instrumento para essa transformação, num local com privilegiada relação com o meio natural.A relevância do estudo de um lugar para a comunhão de cariz religioso poderá intensificar o significado do lugar, por se tratar de um espaço com um carácter específico e de proximidade entre o mundo material e o espiritual, onde a experiência está igualmente associada. Atendendo ao que foi dito, procurou-se exemplos arquitetónicos que correspondessem às temáticas previamente apresentadas e que respondessem à problematização, considerando-se pertinente a investigação da arquitetura religiosa no contexto alpino, mais concretamente através do estudo da arquitetura contemporânea religiosa no final da década de 80. Neste sentido, como casos de estudo foram selecionadas três capelas (1988-1994) localizadas no cantão de Graubünden, Suíça.
In Norwegian, the word ås means hill/mountain, as well as a mountain ridge/ridge, and it may also be God and/or sacred identity. These meanings that derive from the same word, question the relationship between the natural physical element (hill/mountain) and the Divine element/sacred (God). The study of this relationship began with a journey, with a course previously studied, but unknown, in order to explore the previous concepts. The purpose was to reflect on the acquired knowledge (the experience of the mountain) associated to the construction and humanization of the landscape. It is questioned the relationship between the religious construction with the mountain and how the (personal) experience allows to decipher the materialization of the sacred place. Through personal experience it became possible to identify a set of themes on the problematization of the construction of a place, and to try to prove a set of approximations of the sacred by architecture. Thus, is intended to analyze and study how a space can be transformed into a place, and how architecture is the instrument for that transformation, in a place with a privileged relationship with the natural environment.The relevance of the study of a place for religious communion could intensify the meaning of the place, because it is a space with a specific character and proximity between the material and the spiritual world, where experience can also be associated. Taking into account what was said, we sought architectural examples that corresponded to the previously presented themes and that would respond to the problematization, considering the pertinence of the investigation of religious architecture in the Alpine context, more concretely through the study of contemporary religious architecture in the late 1980s. In this sense, three chapels (1988-1994) located in the canton of Graubünden, Switzerland, were selected as case studies.

碩士
中原大學
文化資產研究所
98
The contemporary Taiwan temples are constructed with reinforced concrete and decorated with wood, stone or other pre-casting components. This is very different from traditional temples made by enforced brick or red brick with wood decoration. This research investigates the change of temple construction. The transformation of temple building are because of social development, humanities, the construction material and method advancement in Taiwan. The paper provides an insight of temple construction, to understand how temples are constructed with new means and keep its traditional flavor and technique. This research report has five main chapters as following: I.Introduction ： Including research inspiration, literature review, define research objective, methodology and field investigation. II. The development of Taiwan traditional temple throughout Taiwan history: This study found that religion evolves as Taiwan history developed over the time. The temple construction was also influenced by social environment, religious belief and ritual, temple organization and religious practice throughout each period of Taiwan history. III. Transformation of Taiwan temple construction ： The building act changed the way old temples and new ones being built from initial drawing, design to construction. The roles of master craftsmen evolves from traditional temples to the modern reinforced concrete temple. In addition, by the case analysis, it demonstrated the temple construction industry transformation over the time. IV. Case studies of contemporary temples： With several case studies, we understand the temple design, space, and construction is related to religious belief and is different from time to time. It has impact on what the raw material, construction formation, and the space design. V.Conclusion and future researches Sort out the direction of the development of Taiwan temples and other future research topics and suggestions.

Based on eighteen months of ethnographic fieldwork among the Dariganga and Khalkh ethnic groups of Mongolia, the thesis attempts to demonstrate their perception of landscape. Dariganga are the least studied among all ethnic groups of Mongolia, thus giving me a chance to present these issues for the first time in academic literature. I compare my data with this coming from the Khalkh Mongols to get a fuller picture of the perception of landscape in my country. Some scholars studying Monglian culture seem to presuppose that Mongolia is a never ending great steppe, an empty place or an infinite space. My work shows that their conclusions do not take into account the real Mongol – local, emic – environment perception. Mongolian landscape, as presented in local traditions, consists of many precisely defined spaces, characterised by invisible agents of land (spirits, masters, tengers etc). Within the shepherds’ understanding of their environment, I have identified fundamental types such as beneficial, fortunate and dangerous. I analyse these essential elements of the perception of landscape based on my ethnographic and autoethnographic research, including intensive participant observation. In the first chapter, I present how herders of two abovementioned areas change seasonally their territories by taking into account natural conditions and requirements of their livestock. This movement is crucial for feeding the herds properly, at the same time preserving pastures from degradation. Given that so much in the nomadic lifestyle has changed recently, a question arises, should the contemporary, modernized Mongolian pastoralism be still called “nomadism” or, rather, using more recent terms, should it be labeled a “mobile” or “migratory” pastoralism. After presenting the current discussion, I opt for last term. In the next chapter, I present four types of places considered dangerous: the wild, the haunted, the touristic and the harmful (mining places in particular). All of them are excluded from pastoral economy, the herders consider them “lost areas”. In the third chapter, I describe some historical sites venerated by local population, such as inherited campground, archaeological monument, and a dwelling place of old Dariganga heroes/brigands. The first, bor shoroo, is for herders a core element of their homeland; the second site is a place where Dariganga create their historical homeland based on archaeological relics. As for the third one, the Mongols all over the country venerate the Shiliin Bogd mountain, the abode of a group of brigands, sain er, as a national energetic centre. Those respectful areas are of decisive importance for creating homeland identity, both on a local as well as on a national level. In the last chapter, I present the local cult of Altan Ovoo, one of the ten state sacred mountains, believed to provide health and growth to humans and animals in the region. The ceremony of state worship is strengthening local identity and national unity. Thus, the mountain is regarded as the centre of Dariganga nature and culture. To sum up, Mongolian herders consider their land as a primary source of their livelihood; therefore, they strive for a correct harmony with it.
Dysertacja ta, oparta na osiemnastomiesięcznych badaniach etnograficznych, przeprowadzonych wśród mongolskich Chałchasów i Darigangów poświęcona jest prezentacji ich postrzegania krajobrazu. Darigangowie stanowią najmniej zbadaną grupę etniczną w Mongolii, w związku z czym mam możliwość prezentacji zagadnień na ich temat po raz pierwszy w literaturze akademickiej. W swojej pracy porównuję zebrane przeze mnie materiały z tymi, dotyczącymi Mongołów Chałchasów w celu pełniejszego przedstawienia wyobrażeń na temat krajobrazu w moim kraju. Część badaczy zajmujących się kulturą Mongolii, kojarzy Mongolię z niekończącym się stepem, miejscem pustym lub bezkresną przestrzenią. Moja praca pokazuje, że w podobnych twierdzeniach nie są brane pod uwagę prawdziwie mongolskie, a więc lokalne, emiczne znaczenia warunkujące zrozumienie otoczenia przez Mongołów. Mongolski krajobraz, zgodnie z tradycją lokalną zawiera liczne, precyzyjnie zdefiniowane przestrzenie, związane z niewidzialnymi reprezentantami terenów (duchami, gospodarzami, tengerami). Na podstawie wyobrażeń pasterzy na temat ich otoczenia zidentyfikowałem trzy podstawowe typy [przestrzeni], takie jak użyteczne, pomyślne i niebezpieczne. Analizuję owe trzy elementy postrzegania krajobrazu na podstawie badań etnograficznych, autoetnograficznych, zawierających intensywne obserwacje uczestniczące. W pierwszym rozdziale prezentuję, w jaki sposób pasterze z wyżej wspomnianych miejscowości zmieniają sezonowo ich pastwiska w zależności od warunków naturalnych oraz potrzeb ich zwierząt hodowlanych. Owe przemieszczenia są konieczne nie tylko ze względu na potrzebę dostarczania odpowiedniego pożywienia dla zwierząt, ale są też potrzebne do ochrony pastwiska przed degradacją. Biorąc pod uwagę przemiany, które w ostatnim czasie zachodzą w koczownictwie powstaje pytanie, czy współczesną, zmodernizowaną formę mongolskiego pasterstwa wciąż można nazwać „nomadyzmem” [koczownictwem] czy też właściwsze są nowsze terminologie, takie jak pasterstwo „mobilne” lub „migrujące”. W kontekście przedstawianej przeze mnie aktualnej dyskusji na ten temat, jestem skłonny optować za drugim terminem. W kolejnym rozdziale prezentuję cztery typy przestrzeni uważane za niebezpieczne: dzikie, nawiedzone, turystyczne i szkodliwe (w szczególności miejsca wydobycia). Wszystkie te przestrzenie są wyłączone z gospodarki pasterskiej, określane przez pasterzy jako „ziemie stracone”. W trzecim rozdziale opisuję miejsca historyczne czczone przez lokalną ludność, takie jak pastwiska dziedziczone, obiekty archeologiczne, miejsca zamieszkania bohaterów/zbójów Darigangów. Pierwsze, bor szoroo – jest kluczowym komponentem postrzegania [koncepcji] ojczyzny dla pasterzy, drugie – to miejsce związane z reliktami archeologicznymi, które stały się podstawą do wykreowania przez Darigangów historycznej ojczyzny. Trzecie – czczona przez wszystkich Mongołów góra Szilijn Bogd, siedziba bohaterów-zbójów sain er, uważana przez Mongołów jako centrum energii państwowej. Owe miejsca czczone odgrywają decydującą rolę w kreowaniu tożsamości zarówno lokalnej, jak i na poziomie państwowym. W ostatnim rozdziale prezentuję lokalny kult Altan Owoo, jednej z dziesięciu świętych państwowych gór, który to zapewnia zdrowie i wzrost dla ludności i zwierząt w danej okolicy. Państwowa uroczystość oddawania czci górze wzmacnia tożsamość lokalną i jedność narodową. Stąd ta góra jest uważana za centrum natury i kultury Darigangów. Podsumowując, pasterze mongolscy postrzegają ich ziemie jako podstawowe źródło ich życia, stąd dążą do właściwej harmonii z nim.