Дисертації з теми "Territoriality of power"

This thesis is an exercise in political geography that addresses the tension between, on the one hand, attempts to de-centre the power of the state and, on the other, internal state territorialisation whereby the state increases its control over communities by controlling the physical and governance spaces in which they operate. It aims to describe how the state exercises power over society through territorial resource governance. Power is conceptualised beyond the physical manifestation of force to include hegemonic coercion and dominance. This thesis uses resource governance as a lens through which power is observed and understood. To achieve depth through a detailed case study, a state project to demarcate Tonle Sap areas was selected. The thesis finds that the Cambodian state depends on the international discourse of environmental protection, and the expansion of a modernist state in resource governance, in order to legitimise its interventions. Once the need for intervention is justified, the neo-patrimonial state exercises power over society in two main ways. First, through a system of personal power and patronage network in lieu of bureaucratic expertise, the state formulates a hasty national policy of environmental governance. Second, at implementation level, the agents representing the central state subdue the logic of rational resource governance under their own vernacular logic in pursuit of their rent-seeking interests. The study concludes that the nature of state power as expressed through territorialised resource governance is based on personal power exercised in an outwardly rationalistic framework of conservation, natural resource regulation and state modernisation.

Recent years have brought a resurgence of state-led plans to expand access to electricity over African polities. Nonetheless, and in line with deep-seated patterns of infrastructural and general abandonment by the centre, very few of those plans have seriously addressed poor, distant, sparse and scarcely endowed peripheral regions. Those rare instances have received scant attention in the literature, despite their precious value to single out key interactions between national electricity regimes and core-periphery political linkages. Addressing that gap, this thesis pays attention to schemes of peripheral electrification to better understand how African states govern their peripheries. To that end, it scrutinizes two schemes of electrification: northern Ghana from 1989 to 2012, and southeastern Tanzania from 2004 to 2015. The thesis argues that in northern Ghana central rulers embarked upon electrification against the odds of geographical determinism, guided as they were by political motivations, chief amongst them the extraction of narrow electoral rents. By contrast, in southeastern Tanzania central rulers endeavoured to tap into the abundance of gas, governed by a determination to advance business models inscribed in the national electricity regime. Ultimately though, the central rulers in Tanzania were forced to re-politicize electrification to appease the deep local resentment caused by the very extraction of gas flowing toward the capital. Both cases thus illuminate varying trajectories in the interplay between national electricity regimes and core-periphery political linkages, that shaped the territorial strategies of electrification. In addition, this thesis also offers two revelations. One first revelation is that sub-national units exert significant mediations in the linkages between core and periphery, via alterations of distributional settlements. This goes against a stream of literature that pays attention exclusively to vertical strategies engineered from political rulers in the centre. The second revelation is that over the long-term electrification alters the political linkages between core and periphery. This squares well with the predictions of theories about the infrastructural power of the state. All in all, this work affords an embryonic analytical elaboration on the strategies of territoriality in the electrification of regional peripheries in Africa. From a political geography perspective, this helps to illuminate how sub-national electrification can simultaneously redraw and reinforce long-entrenched political linkages between core and periphery.

This dissertation offers a comparative cross-cultural investigation into the imagination of space in three sibling centers of civilization driving the formative expansion of Europe in the early Middle Ages: the Frankish court, the papacy and Byzantium. At its center stands the Slavic world of eastern Europe, which in the eighth and ninth centuries attracted the expansive energies of a young Carolingian empire, a newly aggressive papacy and a resurgent Byzantine Empire. A close reading of Latin, Greek and Church Slavonic records reveals three models of imagining space, and three ways of conceptualizing power. Frankish authors at the courts of Charlemagne and Louis the Pious represented areas of the world under Frankish power as territories, and areas beyond Frankish reach as ethnicities. Their "imagined territoriality" of power included the Slavic world at those times and in those places when and where Frankish imperial reach was possible. At the same time, and especially in moments of crisis, court authors represented Frankish space as a heterogeneous network of nodes of landed wealth. This complex Frankish imagination of space was ultimately shaped by an exercise of power that was fundamentally economic in nature. Meanwhile, Roman authors at the ninth-century papal court imagined the spaces of eastern Europe very differently as homogeneous areas clearly delimited by strong borders. They reveal a geopolitical brand of territoriality as defined by geographers and historians of the modern nation-state. This papal vision of space was influenced by a power that was jurisdictional in nature. Finally, and in stark contrast, Byzantine authors imagined a non-territorial space of peoples in Eastern Europe: instead of drawing border lines to distinguish territories, they drew lines of faith to distinguish peoples. In the Church Slavonic sources, the most important principle ordering this ethnographic space was jezykb, a term meaning both "language" and "people," emphasizing both a Byzantine imperial ideology that was fundamentally ethnographic in nature as well as an exercise of power grounded in written cultures and even alphabets. This dissertation both exposes the critical role played by eastern European Slavlands in the origins of European conceptions of territoriality and demonstrates the power of cross-cultural investigations to deepen our understanding of the medieval past.
History

O presente trabalho de pesquisa empírica, de natureza qualitativa, investigou os modos de vida juvenis em duas microáreas de Belo Horizonte-MG, a partir de uma política pública e social da Prefeitura de Belo Horizonte (PBH) - o Programa BH Cidadania - baseada, dentre outros, no princípio da territorialidade, que permite ações integradas de modo a unificar os programas destinados à população considerada em situação de vulnerabilidade. A própria definição territorial proposta pelo Programa foi objeto de análise. Buscou-se, inicialmente, conhecer o universo local definido como território pela PBH e os jovens moradores. O modo como os jovens viviam nas microáreas priorizadas pelo Programa, suas dificuldades, seus desejos, suas relações com o poder público local foram os objetivos centrais deste trabalho. Para tal, foram utilizados questionários, observações e entrevistas semi-estruturadas em profundidade. Como conclusões, foi constatado que, em uma das microáreas, o território demarcado pelo Programa foi meramente administrativo e não houve a correspondência com um marco comum de experiência, demarcado por seus próprios moradores. Na outra, já havia um universo constituído de interações a partir de um estigma territorial, que coincidiu com a demarcação feita pela PBH. O Estado não aparece onde os jovens mais precisam dele, a saber, lazer e trabalho, e não constatou-se uma interação satisfatória entre o poder público e os jovens das duas microáreas. A atuação da prefeitura é pouco conhecida e valorizada. O Programa BH Cidadania, através de sua territorialidade, foi capaz de chegar até os jovens, mas não de assegurar a eles, de modo efetivo, seus direitos básicos. Ainda permanece entre eles a noção de \"privilégio\", por terem sido \"escolhidos\" pela ação do poder público municipal. Enfim, a ação pública no local tem presença empobrecida e não é suficiente para substituir as políticas estruturantes, estas sim capazes de mudar as condições dos jovens para uma melhor vivência da condição juvenil e entrada no mundo do trabalho.
This empiric research study, of qualitative nature, focused on an investigation of ways of life among juvenile populations set in two micro areas in Belo Horizonte - State of Minas Gerais, featuring a public and social policy of that Municipality (Prefeitura de Belo Horizonte (PBH) -- (BH City Hall) -- namely the \"BH Cidadania Program\" - (BH Citizenship Program). This policy is principally based on, but not limited to - the principle of territoriality which enables integrated action to be taken, thereby permitting the unification of programs directed at populations reputed to be in a status of vulnerability. The territorial definition proposed by this Program was itself also object of analysis. The initial step was to get acquainted with the local universe defined as a territory by the PBH and by the young dwellers themselves. The main points of focus of this study include the way these youngsters lived in the two micro areas set in priority by the Program, their difficulties, their wishes, and their relationship with local public authorities. Extensive resources were used in this work, including questionnaires, monitored watching and semi-structured interviews. Conclusions revealed that for one of these micro-areas, the territory delimited by the Program meant a mere administrative choice, as there was no agreement to any common trace of experience outlined by the dwellers themselves. Conversely, for the other micro area, an existing universe formed by interactions arising from a territorial stigma could be seen, which did coincide with the demarcation made by the PBH. The State is absent just where it is badly needed by the youth, principally as far as leisure and work are concerned, and no satisfactory interaction was observed between the public power and the young population at either micro area under analysis. The performance of the municipality was barely known and barely valued. The \"BH Cidadania\" Program, for its territoriality, was only partially successful in respect of approaching the youngsters, but never in assuring them their basic rights effectively. The concept of \"privilege\" for having been \"chosen\" by the municipal public power still prevails among that population. Lastly, the public interference in the depicted areas appear as a weakened and poor presence, being therefore insufficient to replace structuring policies, obviously the required instruments capable of fully upgrading existing living conditions of the youth into a better enjoyment of the young life experience, and the ultimate access of that population to the business world.

Os Tiros de Guerra são Órgãos de Formação da Reserva (OFR) do Exército Brasileiro que preparam o jovem para compor a reserva mobilizável da Força Militar terrestre, porém com especificidades e objetivos distintos dos da formação do soldado-recruta. Essa tese objetiva analisar a territorialidade militar terrestre no Brasil práticas e ações que se materializam no território e corroboram para sua apropriação a partir do estudo da distribuição e atuação dos Tiros de Guerra e a relação destes com o que preconiza a estratégia militar de presença, definida como uma das estratégias de organização e articulação do Exército Brasileiro. De duzentos e trinta Tiros de Guerra existentes, localizados em vinte e um Estados da Federação, foram pesquisados cento e cinqüenta e oito, mediante entrevistas com Chefes de Instrução e aplicação de questionários. Constatou-se que esses órgãos militares sofreram mudanças estruturais no que se refere à sua funcionalidade e ao público-alvo. De órgãos alternativos para que as elites locais se eximissem do serviço militar obrigatório em organizações militares da ativa, converteram-se em órgãos que absorvem os jovens mais desfavorecidos socialmente para a prestação do serviço militar. Comportam-se como vetor de convergência doutrinária patriótico-militar, caracterizando-se como uma rede de malha elástica estratégica institucional. Atendem, prioritariamente, a territorialidade institucional e promovem a apropriação simbólica do território municipal, em consonância com o poder político local. Corroboram com a estratégia militar de presença de maneira bastante limitada no aspecto combativo, todavia voltam-se à estratégia sociopolítica institucional no sentido de permanência e aceitabilidade da organização militar terrestre. Assim, validam uma presença institucional que, todavia, não se restringe à presença material, mas traduz-se numa inserção na malha social do município.
The Gunmen Instruction Units for Second Class Reserve are Military Organizations of the Brazilian Army that are responsible for forming its Reserve (OFR), preparing the youth to constitute the mobilizable terrestrial Military Force, however, with different objectives and specificities in comparison to the ordinary soldier-recruit formation. This academic work aims to analyse the military territoriality of land in Brazil practices and actions that are materialized in territory and corroborate its appropriation based on the study of the distribution and the work of the Gunmen Instruction Units in their relation with the military strategy of presence, defined as one of the strategies of organization and articulation in the Brazilian Army. One hundred fifty-eight of the two hundred thirty Gunmen Instruction Units located in twenty-one States of the country were studied through interviews with Chief Instructors as well as through questionnaires. It was verified that these Organizations have undergone structural changes in terms of their purpose and their public. From alternative organizations with which local elites individuals avoided the obligatory military service in ordinary military organizations, the Gunmen Instruction Units have become shelter for socially unprotected young people. The Units, thus, work as vectors of convergence for patriotic and military doctrine, playing the role of a strategic elastic mesh net in the institution. They cover, mostly, the institutional territoriality and promote the symbolic appropriation of municipal territory in agreement with local political power. Although the Gunmen Instruction Units corroborates the military strategy of presence in a very timid way in terms of combat purposes, it has succeeded in the socialpolitical strategy of the institution concerning permanence and acceptability of the terrestrial military organization. Thus, the Gunmen Instruction Units validate an institutional presence that is not limited to a material reality but it is also inserted and expressed in the social mesh of the municipal district.

The creation of rural settlement in Brazil is a historical and relational process, a conquest and produced space that the symbolic and functional appropriation is turned into territory. The main objective of this thesis is to analyze the referential that guides the construction of a territorial identity in rural settlements in Sergipe, to obtain multiples configurations of themselves. It was delimited as locus of investigation five of twenty two settlements, and classified by INCRA in phase seven, that the body corresponds to the consolidated settlements. The methodological way used was the qualitative research, based in three points: the construction of the territory, the meaning of territory and the settlement as a space of reference and the sense of being settled. This research was developed in transversal levels of characterization and analysis. A discussion was held about the territory category and its characteristics to comprehend the rural settlements, considered as territories, product and conditions of fights territorialization for lands in Brazil. The agrarian problem in Brazil and Sergipe was analyzed in a way to contextualize the object of study and the settlements studied was taken as a space of experience and reference to comprehend their identities. The delimitation of this research was guided from the comprehension that the construction of identities and territorialities in settlements is historical and relational, because the settled ones build social relations and establish link. The sense of being settled reveals itself as institutional and symbolic content and means not only a territorial category, but also the construction of social and spatial consciousness, that expresses in traditions and translations. This is the process of identity construction in settlements. A dialect that includes functionality and symbology, memory and daily routine, symbols and marks, objectivity and subjectivity.
A criação dos assentamentos rurais no Brasil é um processo histórico e relacional, um espaço conquistado e produzido e que pela apropriação funcional e simbólica é transformado em território. Esta tese tem como objetivo principal analisar os referenciais que norteiam a construção da identidade territorial nos assentamento rurais do estado de Sergipe, tendo em vista as múltiplas configurações na formação dos mesmos. Delimitou-se como locus de investigação cinco assentamentos, dentre os vinte e dois, classificados pelo INCRA na fase sete, que para o órgão corresponde aos assentamentos consolidados. Tomou-se como caminho metodológico a pesquisa qualitativa, ancorando-se em três questões basilares: a construção do território do assentamento, o significado do território: o assentamento como espaço de referência e o sentido de ser assentado. A pesquisa desenvolveu-se em níveis transversais de caracterização e analise. Procedeu-se uma discussão sobre a categoria território e suas características, para compreensão dos assentamentos rurais, assumidos como territórios, produto e condição da territorialização das lutas pela terra no Brasil. A questão agrária no Brasil e em Sergipe foi analisada de modo a contextualizar o objeto de estudo e os assentamentos estudados foram tomados como espaço de vivência e espaço de referência para compreensão de suas identidades. A delimitação da pesquisa guiou-se a partir da compreensão de que a construção das identidades e das territorialidades nos assentamentos é histórica e relacional, pois os assentados ao se fixarem no território constroem relações sociais e estabelecem vínculos de pertencimento e de identificação com o mesmo. O sentido de ser assentado se revela tanto com conteúdo institucional quanto simbólico, pois denota não só uma categoria territorial, mas a construção de uma consciência socioespacial de pertencimento, que se expressa nas traduções e nas tradições. É neste envoltório que demarcamos o processo de construção identitária nos assentamentos. Uma dialética que inclui funcionalidade e simbologia, memória e cotidiano, símbolos e marcas, objetividade e subjetividade.

Cette thèse porte sur la géographie d’un collectif de transporteurs : les propriétaires, les chauffeurs et les organisations de minibus de l’agglomération jakartanaise. Les minibus sont des transports non-centralisés : leurs flottes sont dispersées entre des dizaines de milliers de petits propriétaires, et exploitées par des chauffeurs indépendants selon un système de location journalière. Je propose de rendre compte de cette configuration particulière de l’offre à travers la notion de milieu, définie comme un champ de positions inégales et de relations de pouvoir ancrées dans la ville. Le but est de montrer que l’inscription spatiale des minibus dans l’espace urbain résulte d’une territorialisation de ce milieu. Le premier temps de ce travail vise à mettre en évidence ses structures sociales et spatiales. Il part de l’analyse de la relation fondatrice tissée entre les propriétaires et les chauffeurs par le truchement des véhicules. On montre ensuite comment le secteur a été structuré par les différents échelons de l’État, dans le but à la fois d’impulser sa croissance et de le contrôler. Ce contrôle passe néanmoins par des organisations intermédiaires qui tendent à concentrer l’exercice du pouvoir dans le milieu. Le deuxième temps de la thèse explore la production et la dynamique des territoires des minibus : les lignes, les quartiers et les points d’arrêt. Ces territoires sont modelés par la confrontation des territorialités des transporteurs avec les territorialités concurrentes d’autres acteurs de la ville. Ils sont aussi mis en tension par les transformations de la ville induites par la métropolisation, ce qui pose la question de leur pérennité et de leurs modalités d’adaptation
This PhD dissertation explores the geography of a particular group of transport operators: the minibus owners, drivers and organizations in the Jakarta metropolitan region. Minibuses are studied as a form of non-centralized transport typified by dispersed vehicle ownership among tens of thousands individuals, and loose work relationships between owners and drivers through the daily rental of the vehicles. This particular configuration of transport supply can be referred to as a milieu, that is a field of uneven positions and power relations embedded in the city. I argue that the spaces and places of the minibus are produced through the territorialization of that milieu. First, this study aims at uncovering its social and spatial structures, starting from the relationship that owners and drivers weave through the use of vehicles. The various levels of the State played a key role in producing the structures of the field, with the twofold purpose of stimulating its growth and controlling it. Yet, this control is exerted through intermediate organizations that tend to centralize power. The second step of this study analyzes the production and dynamics of the minibus territories: routes, neighborhoods and stops. These territories are crafted through the confrontation of the operators’ own territorialities with competing territorialities from other urban actors. Moreover, they are challenged by the rapid pace of urban change under the thrust of metropolization. This context questions the permanence and adaptation of these transport territories

The present work has, as its principal aim, the analysis of the possible implications, within the set of rules, provisions and principles that is commonly known as “European tax law”, of the principle of fiscal territoriality, especially in the design of a hypothetical theory of allocation of (direct) taxation powers amongst EU Member States with a scope extended to the entire Internal Market. In other words, what the present work ultimately aims at achieving is considering a possible interpretation of “territoriality” which can fit “the Internal Market territory” through the lens of European Union law. The result could be useful in order to attempt to transpose the concept of “territoriality” from its more “traditional” interpretation given from the perspective of international law and/or domestic law to a more authentically European interpretation and application. The research will, therefore, mainly focus on the taxation of items of income which are characterised by a “foreign” element, that is to say income of a transnational nature or income accrued by non-resident subjects. The first step will be constituted by the description and analysis of territoriality in the context of international (tax) law, which will be followed by what constitutes the main focus of the present work, i.e. the analysis of territoriality through the lens of European Union law: at first looking at the Court of Justice’s case law, then at the provisions of secondary EU law. The final step will be constituted by the comparative analysis of the tax treatment of non-residents in three “model countries” selected in light of the peculiarities of their fiscal systems, that is to say Italy, France and the United Kingdom.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior
The research Reforma Agr?ria de Mercado e Territorializa??o: um estudo a partir do Programa C?dula da Terra em Canind?-Ce , has an objective to discuss until whas time denominated agrarium refom has capacity of territory the of families in Five from the seven settlements cmated by resourles from the prgramme cell of earth em Canind?-Ce. In this context, the present work analysis the relation sitip between power and kind of identity, in special in those settlements, trying to learn the dialetic relationship. That passes by the process and appropriation in these spaces by these families gave the beginning of buying the land. The procedure methologic used by us gave privilege to realize the interview included in this process, wita the leaders of rural associations (STR); commission clero of earth (CPT); rural workers movement without land (MST); wita agricolas tecnics, and so the local coordinators of cell of earth in Fortaleza. The analysis of agrarium reform in Canind?, infects that the families giving entrance in buying the land, they could creatieg a hope in quality of life for getting the land. Nevertheless, it did not happen, in the rost of the parts of the areas in study. The territories present in general focus, the worse process of poomest besides the amount of debiths of these families, putting in risk the territorialization of themselves
A pesquisa Reforma Agr?ria de Mercado e Territorializa??o: um estudo a partir do Programa C?dula da Terra em Canind?-Ce tem como proposta discutir at? que ponto a denominada reforma agr?ria de mercado tem a capacidade de territorializar as fam?lias residentes em cinco dos sete assentamentos criados via recursos do Programa C?dula da Terra em Canind?-Ce. Nesse contexto, o presente trabalho analisa as rela??es de poder e o tipo de identidade espacialmente delimitadas esses assentamentos , tentando apreender a rela??o dial?tica que perpassa o processo de dom?nio e apropria??o desses espa?os pelas fam?lias que deram entrada na compra da terra. O procedimento metodol?gico por n?s utilizado privilegiou a realiza??o de entrevistas com as fam?lias envolvidas nesse processo, com lideran?as do Sindicato dos Trabalhadores Rurais (STR), da Comiss?o Pastoral da Terra (CPT), do Movimento dos Trabalhadores Rurais Sem Terra (MST), com t?cnicos agr?colas, e ainda com os coordenadores a n?vel estadual do Programa C?dula da Terra em Fortaleza. A an?lise da reforma agr?ria de mercado em Canind? infere que as fam?lias ao darem entrada na compra da terra, detinham a confian?a e esperan?a de melhoria da sua qualidade de vida aliada ao acesso a terra, no entanto, isto n?o ocorreu em parte expressiva das ?reas estudadas. As territorialidades detectadas apontam, em linhas gerais, para o agravamento da pobreza paralelo ao endividamento das fam?lias, comprometendo assim, o processo de territorializa??o das mesmas

Au croisement de l’histoire de l’administration de la justice en situation coloniale et de l’histoire des savoirs, cette thèse analyse des inspections itinérantes sous forme de procès, déployées auprès des communautés d’habitants de la province de Popayán (sud-ouest de la Colombie actuelle), entre le milieu du XVIe et le début du XVIIe siècle. L’étude vise à restituer les contextes et les acteurs de ces inspections appelées "visitas de la tierra", les modalités concrètes des déplacements et les rencontres occasionnées par la procédure, ainsi que son dispositif de production d’information, par observation et collecte de témoignages enregistrés in situ. D’autre part, la recherche questionne les usages judiciaires et savants de la documentation produite lors des "visitas de la tierra", au sein des collectivités soumises à leurs enquêtes (villes et paroisses coloniales, sites d’extraction d’or, communautés indiennes d’encomienda), comme dans les centres gouvernementaux de l’empire, auxquels sont envoyées des formes variées de comptes-rendus des inspections. Il s’agit de comprendre la manière dont ces procès agissent à la fois comme des rituels de négociation de l’ordre colonial à l’échelle des corps politiques espagnols et indiens de la province, mais aussi comme des instruments de connaissance de leurs territoires, dont les usages s’exercent à différents niveaux du gouvernement impérial
This PhD dissertation participates in historiographical trends that have been underway for several decades at the crossroads of imperial and colonial European expansion in the early modern period, the history of justice, and the history of knowledge production. It analyses inspections of royal justice and taxation-system in the form of itinerant trials, carried out among the communities of inhabitants in the province of Popayán (southwestern Colombia), between the years 1550s and 1630s. The study aims to reconstruct the contexts and actors involved in these procedures, called "visitas de la tierra", the concrete modalities of travel and social encounters they occasioned, and their practices of information-gathering, by observing and collecting testimonies.On the other hand, it questions the multiple uses of the visitas’ oral and written enactments, within the communities subjected to the trials (colonial towns and parishes, gold-mining districts, Indian encomiendas), as well as in the empire's governmental centers, to which various forms of reports were sent.The aim of the research is to understand better how the "visitas de la tierra" acted both as rituals of negotiation of the colonial order at the local scale of the political bodies established in the northern Andes, and as instruments of knowledge about their territories, the uses of which were exercised at different levels of imperial government

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The changes experienced in Rio de Janeiro in the late eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries, from a political and economic point of view, reverberated deeply on indigenous communities living near the city. It occurred not only because the indigenous legislation was amended with the Pombalino Directory and later suspended losing its general characteristic for the entire colonial/national territory, but also because land disputes became increasingly common in the life of these populations. In this context of intense changes, indigenous places like Itaguai and Mangaratiba experienced intricate situations regarding the relations of power, labor and land rights. From a regional history, we seek to highlight a double movement: one by the bias of the State and non-indigenous society and the other by the bias of the indigenous themselves. That is, on the one hand, we describe the hegemonic movement that seeks to assimilate, mix and produce free and dependent work labor between the so called civilized indigenous; while on the other hand, we describe a counter-hegemonic movement that seeks to stay, re-invent and produce a new historical culture, which helped the group identity processes and political interests.
As mudan?as vividas pelo Rio de Janeiro no final do s?culo XVIII e no in?cio do XIX, dos pontos de vista pol?tico e econ?mico, reverberaram com profundidade sobre as comunidades ind?genas que viviam pr?ximas ? cidade. N?o somente porque a legisla??o indigenista foi modificada, com o Diret?rio Pombalino e depois com a suspens?o do mesmo, perdendo seu car?ter geral para todo o territ?rio colonial/nacional, mas tamb?m porque conflitos agr?rios se tornavam cada vez mais cotidianos na vida dessas popula??es. Nesse contexto de intensas transforma??es, lugares ind?genas como Itagua? e Mangaratiba vivenciaram situa??es intrincadas no que diz respeito ?s rela??es de poder, ? m?o de obra e aos direitos territoriais. A partir de uma hist?ria regional, buscamos destacar um movimento duplo: um pelo vi?s do Estado e da sociedade n?o-ind?gena e outro pelo vi?s dos pr?prios ?ndios. Isto ?, de um lado, descrevemos o movimento hegem?nico que busca assimilar, misturar e produzir m?o de obra livre e dependente entre os ?ndios ditos civilizados; por outro lado, descrevemos um movimento contra-hegem?nico que busca permanecer, reinventar e produzir uma cultura hist?rica nova, que auxiliou nos processos identit?rios de grupo e em interesses pol?ticos.

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Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior (CAPES)
O processo de interioriza??o da posse portuguesa nas Capitanias do Norte - ap?s a expuls?o dos holandeses e com o desenvolvimento das atividades ligadas ? cria??o de gado no sert?o - expandiu o territ?rio portugu?s na Am?rica. Este processo teve como consequ?ncia o avan?o da conquista portuguesa na regi?o e os conflitos envolvendo os agentes da coloniza??o e os grupos ind?genas que habitavam aquele espa?o, bem como os conflitos de interesses dos principais grupos sociais da capitania e pelas pol?ticas de defesa da posse lusa do territ?rio. Dentre os rios que cortavam o territ?rio da capitania do Rio Grande, o A?u foi um dos que despertou interesse entre os conquistadores e colonizadores dos sert?es, fazendo daquela espacialidade uma ?rea onde interesses e exerc?cios de poder convergiam e geravam disc?rdias. A presente pesquisa tem como tem?tica a an?lise do processo de territorializa??o do sert?o do Assu a partir da a??o de desbravadores, conquistadores e colonizadores do espa?o em quest?o, ao longo do evento conhecido como Guerra dos B?rbaros no Assu, conflito que garantiu a integra??o da ?rea ao territ?rio e aos anseios da Coroa portuguesa. Assim, tomar-se-? como objetos de estudo os fen?menos sociais que caracterizaram a ribeira do Assu - na virada do s?culo XVII para o XVIII, em um recorte que se estende de 1680 a 1720 - como um espa?o de conflitos de interesses, percept?veis para an?lise a partir de documentos de ?poca, tais como registros de concess?es de sesmarias, correspond?ncias entre autoridades coloniais e rein?is, documentos oriundos do exerc?cio da administra??o da Am?rica portuguesa e legisla??o.
The internalization process of the Portuguese possession in Northern Captaincies - after the Dutch eviction and the development of activities related to livestock in the backlands (Sert?o) ? expanded the Portuguese territory in America. This process resulted in the advancement of Portuguese conquest over the region and conflicts involving agents of colonization and indigenous groups who inhabited that space, as well as conflicts of interest of captaincy?s major social groups and the defense policies of the Portuguese territory possession. Among the rivers which run through Rio Grande captaincy?s territory, the A?u was the one that aroused conquerors and colonizers of the back lands interest, making that spatiality an area where interest and power exercises converged and generated discord. This research aims to analyze the territorial process of Assu backlands, from the pioneers, conquerors and colonizers action over the space studied, during the event known as the War of the Barbarians in Assu, conflict that ensured the integration of the area the territory and the wishes of the Portuguese crown. Thus, it will be taken as objects of study social phenomena that characterized Assu?s riverside - at the turn of the 17th to the 18th century, in a cutout that extends from 1680 to 1720 - as an area of conflicts of interest, noticeable for analysis from period documents such as records of land grants concessions, correspondence between colonial and kingdom authorities, documents from the exercise of administration of Portuguese America and legislation.

Esta dissertação reflete sobre os motivos da integração e desmembramento de povos que produzem um espaço comum. Verificam-se aspectos comuns da ideologia iugoslavista do século XIX com as políticas nacionalistas do século XX, visando manifestações de poder comprometidas com a criação de Estados independentes. Sustenta-se que os partidos nacionalistas, antes da 1ª Guerra Mundial, não se rotulavam como partido dos trabalhadores, nem levantavam a bandeira socialista. Além disso, os mentores da unificação dos povos suleslavos almejavam o desenvolvimento comercial e industrial de suas regiões, mas não recebiam apoio das potências européias, nem eram liderados ou financiados por uma elite burguesa. Tentamos demonstrar que, neste primeiro momento do nacionalismo, os eslavosdo- sul realizaram sua união muito mais por iniciativa própria contra a política do Vaticano; contra o atraso feudal; contra a aculturação germânica, e que as intervenções externas favoráveis à formação de Estados eslavos nos Bálcãs foram relevantes somente com o descrédito socialista, uma vez que o Estado iugoslavo não proporcionou a democrática participação entre seus concidadãos nas atividades políticas e econômicas, ensejando o separatismo ultranacionalista. A morte do marechal Tito, em 1980, ressuscitou a intolerância de croatas e eslovenos em relação à centralização governamental dos dirigentes sérvios, os quais não souberam articular uma flexibilização política. É neste segundo momento que as potências internacionais realizaram intervenções concretas a favor da dissidência dos demais nacionalismos latentes, entre os eslavos-do-sul, que acabaram ganhando vida própria, respaldando os emblemas de espaço produzido por cada nacionalidade individualizada, no fundo, uma exploração ideológica de líderes locais formadores de opinião pública, os quais encontraram respaldo no interesse das potências ocidentais em se expandir no Leste Europeu e liquidar o socialismo. Considerando a formação do Estado, seja iugoslavo, sérvio, croata, etc., este estudo expõe a influência política pela ideologia do nacionalismo, mesmo com toda diversidade de religião, de tamanho do espaço compartilhado por comunidades multiétnicas, de diferentes credos e que usam diferentes línguas, na construção de uma nação. Não se questiona aqui a invenção de identidades ou recriação de nações, implicando alteração de territórios e de Estado. Importa verificar se o nacionalismo é um elemento perene de poder, na medida em que sempre pode ser acionado como estratégia política capaz de formar e destruir Estados.
This essay reflects on the reasons for integration and disintegration of peoples who have a common area. Checks commonalities between the ideology of the nineteenth century Yugoslavia and the nationalist policies of the twentieth century, to understand the manifestations of power committed to the creation of independent States. Argues that the nationalist parties, before the First World War, is a not labeled as a party of workers, and raised the flag socialist. Also, the mentors of the unification of South Slavic peoples aim the development of its commercial and industrial regions, but not received support from European powers, nor were led or financed by the bourgeois elite. We tried to demonstrate that in this first moment of nationalism, the Slavs of the south-union held their own for much against the policy of the Vatican, against feudal backwardness, against acculturation Germanic, and that external interventions in favor of the formation of the Slavs in the Balkans were relevant only to discredit socialist, since the State did not provide the Yugoslavian democratic participation among citizens in their political and economic activities, shares rise separatist groups ultranationalists. In the federative socialist system, from the Second World War, the Marshal Tito fought against the domination of the Nazis and Soviets and won power by forcing a \'hybridization\' of the South Slavs, in order to eliminate cultural differences in their territory. The death of this leader, in 1980, raised the intolerance of Croats and Slovenes on the centralized government of Serbian leaders, who have not articulated a flexible politics. This is the second time that the powers held international assistance to promote the secession of the other latent nationalism, which eventually gained a life of its own, backed emblems of space produced by each individual nationality, basically, an ideological exploitation of local leaders shapers of public opinion, which found support in the interest of Western powers in expanding in Eastern Europe and still socialism. Whereas the formation of the State, is Yugoslavian, Serbian, Croatian, etc.., this study exposes the political influence by the ideology of nationalism, even with all diversity of religion, size of space shared by multiethnic communities of different faiths and that use different languages, in building a nation. Question here is not the invention or recreation of identities of nations, involving change of state and territory. It verifys that nationalism is a perennial power in that it can always be executed as a political strategy capable of forming and destroy States.

L'étude présentée ici est le résultat d'un inventaire des établissements d'assistance présents dans les limites des diocèses d'Autun, d'Auxerre, de Chalon-sur-Saône, de Nevers et du sud du diocèse de Langres, entre les XIIe et XVe siècles, cette aire d'étude correspondant ainsi à un espace d'influence bourguignonne. À partir des données récoltées, un atlas de l'assistance et un répertoire des sources sur les hôpitaux médiévaux de l'espace bourguignon ont été réalisés. Les informations ainsi compilées se sont révélées être très variées, mais aussi particulièrement hétéroclites. Malgré tout, une réflexion a été menée au sujet des caractéristiques de ces hôpitaux et de leurs rapports avec les milieux économiques, religieux, politiques et sociaux qui les environnent. Elle s'articule donc autour de trois parties abordant tour à tour l'influence de facteurs extérieurs sur la création et l'implantation des hôpitaux, puis les interactions entre les structures hospitalières avec les milieux où elles se trouvent ainsi que la façon dont elles peuvent être instrumentalisées, et enfin elle met en parallèle l'évolution des établissements d'assistance avec celle de la société et des rapports de pouvoirs. Il en ressort, entre autres, que les établissements d'assistance sont des points de repère dans la construction du paysage médiéval, qu'ils sont importants pour l'équilibre de la société, mais qu'ils ont également joué un rôle majeur dans les jeux de pouvoirs et dans l'expression de la foi chrétienne médiévale.

Ce mémoire est le fruit de plus de deux ans de recherches avec des Kanhgág dans le Rio Grande do Sul, Etat le plus au sud du Brésil. Ce travail cherche à comprendre les relations et connexions existantes entre le colonialisme, la lutte pour la terre et le chamanisme. Nous prenons le concept de territoire en tant que loupe dans l’analyse des relations inter et intraétniques. A partir d’une ethnographie à Carazinho (RS), nous exposons les continuités cosmologiques qui divergent des continuités coloniales conciliées par les agents de l’Etat et les grands propriétaires terriens de la région. Prenant le concept de territoire comme base d’analyse, nous comprenons l’existence d’une relation fondamentale entre la constituition des corps Kanhgág et leurs pratiques territoriales et politiques. C’est ainsi que nous utilisons le concept de biopolitique qui nous aide à emphatizer les continuités des logiques coloniales qui pénètrent la gestion des corps et des territoires Kanhgág. Ce concept de territoire est aussi pensé à partir d’une experience de voyages avec une femme kujá dont les rêves vẽnh péti nous emmèneront sur les routes du nord de l’état du Rio Grande do Sul, juste après l’arrestation de cinq Kanhgág à Faxinalzinho (RS). Les connexions entre les savoirs des kujá kujá kajrẽn, en mouvement constant et la lutte pour la terre nous apparaît comme évidentes, nous cherchons donc à mettre la lumière sur les savoirs de cette femme, savoirs qui sont mis en pratique et qui, pour être reconnus par d’autres, forment partie de ce que l’on appelle la cosmopolitique Kanhgág. Le concept de cosmopolitique nous aide à joindre les différentes praxis relationelles des Kanhgág, qui, aujourd’hui confrontent des offensives coloniales diverses. Le territoire étant un des éléments centraux de cette offensive, nous cherchons à visualiser les différentes manières avec lesquelles les Kanhgág conçoivent et pratiquent leur territorialité à l’intérieur et au-delà des frontières institutionelles. Ces pratiques s’agencent dans le chamanisme, que ce soit avec les savoirs des kujá ou à travers des capacités relationnelles de certains chefs. Ce travail se base sur la relation comme prémice fondamental pour connaître la constitution et la transformation des mondes que les Kanhgág parcourent.
Esta dissertação é fruto de uma convivência de mais de dois anos com pessoas Kanhgág no Rio Grande do Sul, Estado mais setentrional do Brasil. Busca-se com esse trabalho, entender as relações e conexões existentes entre o colonialismo, a luta pela terra e o xamanismo. Tomamos o conceito de território como foco na análise das relações inter e intraétnicas. Ressaltamos, através da etnografia em Carazinho (RS), continuidades cosmológicas que entram em divergência com continuidades coloniais propiciadas pelos agentes estatais e fazendeiros da região. O conceito de território nos ajuda a entender a existência de uma relação fundamental entre a constituição dos corpos Kanhgág e suas práticas territoriais e políticas. Assim, utilizamos o conceito de biopolítica enfatizando nas continuidades de lógicas coloniais que permeiam a gestão dos corpos e territórios Kanhgág. Este conceito de território é pensado também acompanhando uma mulher kujá, cujos sonhos vẽnh péti, nos levaram nas estradas do norte do estado do Rio Grande do Sul após o encarceramento de cinco lideranças Kanhgág em Faxinalzinho (RS). As conexões entre os conhecimentos dos kujá, kujá kajrẽn em constante movimento e a luta pela terra nos aparece como evidente, buscamos assim focar as análises a partir dos conhecimentos desta mulher, conhecimentos que estão postos em práticas e por serem reconhecidos por outros, formam parte do que chamamos de cosmopolítica Kanhgág. O conceito de cosmopolítica nos ajuda a juntar as diferentes práxis relacionais dos Kanhgág que hoje enfrentam diversas ofensivas coloniais. Sendo o território um dos focos centrais dessa ofensiva, tratamos de ressaltar as maneiras com as quais os Kanhgág concebem e praticam sua territorialidade dentro e além das fronteiras institucionais. Essas práticas se agenciam no xamanismo, seja com os saberes dos kujá, seja através de capacidades relacionais de certas lideranças. Esse trabalho se baseia na relação como premissa fundamental para conhecer a constituição e transformação dos mundos que os Kanhgág percorrem.

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The work seeks to understand the process of reterritorialization triggered by tourism development in Tibau do Sul / RN, noting its economic, socio-cultural and political implications to the local society. Tourist activity was addressed as socio-cultural phenomenon, considering the case of (dis) (re) territorialization and power relations between staff producers of the tourism space. Given the complexity of this issue and the need for further studies that focus on the reterritorialization cases generated by tourism in the northeastern coast, given the action of the agents involved in the construction of the spaces generated by tourism, this work is then justified. For such a study an exploratory and qualitative study was conducted, through a survey of secondary and primary data, and interviews with leaders of public, private nonprofit community in the investigated county. In this sense, it was found that the process of (dis) (re) territorialization in the city investigated, permeates the contradictions resulting from the conflicts existing power while providing the location and implications for economic and sociocultural dimensions, its heart is found in the political, the relationship between entrepreneurship - established mainly by outsiders who own businesses in Pipa - and local government - composed entirely by insiders who work in the municipal headquarters, that until then, hold the political and the economic power. Thus, to understand the regionalization of tourism it is necessary to analyze its economic, socio-cultural and political dimensions, referring to the complexity of relationships between producing space agents. It is believed that the reterritorialization can be capable of producing territorialities contextualized to the culture, history, economy and local politics, understanding that the active participation of the natives will contribute to a less perverse, since this has been one of the faces experienced by local people
O trabalho busca compreender o processo de reterritorializa??o desencadeado pelo desenvolvimento do turismo em Tibau do Sul/RN, observando suas implica??es econ?micas, socioculturais e pol?ticas para a sociedade local. A atividade tur?stica foi abordada enquanto fen?meno sociocultural, considerando-se o processo de (des) (re) territorializa??o e as rela??es de poder entre os agentes produtores do espa?o tur?stico. Tendo em vista a complexidade dessa tem?tica e a necessidade de aprofundar estudos que enfoquem os processos desencadeados pela reterritorializa??o tur?stica no litoral nordestino, tendo em vista a a??o dos agentes envolvidos na constru??o dos espa?os produzidos pelo turismo, justifica-se o trabalho. Para tanto foi realizado um estudo explorat?rio e qualitativo, atrav?s de levantamento de dados secund?rios e prim?rios, e a realiza??o de entrevistas com as lideran?as do poder p?blico, iniciativa privada, terceiro setor e comunidade do munic?pio pesquisado. Nesse sentido, constatou-se que o processo de (des)(re)territorializa??o no munic?pio investigado, perpassa por contradi??es resultantes dos conflitos de poder existentes na localidade e embora traga implica??es nas dimens?es econ?micas e socioculturais, seu cerne ? verificado no ?mbito pol?tico, na rela??o entre o empresariado marcado predominantemente por outsiders que possuem neg?cios em Pipa e o Poder P?blico local integralmente composto por insiders que atuam na sede municipal, que at? ent?o, al?m de deter o poder pol?tico tamb?m detinham o poder econ?mico. Dessa forma, compreender a territorializa??o pelo turismo ? analisar suas dimens?es econ?mica, sociocultural e pol?tica; remetendo-se ? complexidade das rela??es entre os agentes produtores do espa?o. Acredita-se que a reterritorializa??o pode ser capaz de produzir territorialidades contextualizadas ? cultura, ? hist?ria, ? economia e ? pol?tica local, entendendo que a participa??o ativa dos nativos vai contribuir para um processo menos perverso, uma vez que essa tem sido uma das faces vividas pela popula??o local

Pour identifier des limites internationales de la liberté de l’État en matière fiscale, il convient d’étudier non seulement sa compétence fiscale — envers qui il peut exercer le pouvoir fiscal — mais aussi son pouvoir fiscal — ce qu’il peut faire dans l’exercice de ce pouvoir. Ces éléments sont éclaircis à travers l’analyse de la pratique étatique et de la jurisprudence internationale. La compétence fiscale de l’État ne repose pas sur une habilitation par l’ordre juridique international, mais doit être appréhendée sous le prisme des deux faces de l’État : personne publique et sujet de droit international. D’une part, les États disposent d’un pouvoir fiscal originaire de leur constitution comme personnes publiques souveraines. D’une autre part, en tant que sujets de droit international, ils peuvent se reconnaître des droits et des obligations subjectifs, et donc aménager l’exercice de leurs pouvoirs fiscaux par la détermination des sphères de leurs compétences par la conclusion d’engagements interétatiques. En dehors de cette hypothèse, les critères de rattachement fiscal sont des représentations d’une relation entre l’État et le sujet ou l’objet de l’impôt selon l’appréciation de l’État normateur, et non pas des règles certaines de compétence internationale.La liberté de l’État de déterminer le contenu de son pouvoir fiscal est encadrée de manière rudimentaire par le droit international. Cet encadrement implique essentiellement l’inopposabilité des normes fiscales d’effet extraterritorial et l’interdiction de réalisation d’opérations matérielles en territoire étranger. Pour autant, parce qu’il est souverain, l’État peut consentir à des limitations de son pouvoir fiscal dans le cadre de la coopération ou l’intégration internationale, sans que le titre de son pouvoir ne soit contesté
In order to determine the international limits of State freedom in tax matters, one should take into account not only thescope of the power to tax (i.e. the competence to tax), but also its content, in relation to the exercise of the power to tax.Therefore, jurisdiction to tax is a twofold concept: it entails a competence to tax — with regard to whom a State may exerciseits power to tax — and a power to tax — what a State may do while exercising this power. Its analysis is based on Statepractice and international case law.Competence to tax is not based on an empowerment by international law. Its analysis has to be guided by the idea thatStates have two facets: they are public persons and at the same time international law subjects. First, the creation ofStates as sovereign public persons marks the origin of their jurisdiction to tax. Secondly, as international law subjects, Statesmay recognize rights and assume obligations. Thus, they can adjust the exercise of their power to tax by establishing theirscope through double taxation conventions. In all other cases, tax nexus criteria do not constitute certain rules ofjurisdiction, but merely depict the way States conceive their relationship with a tax subject or object.International law restrictions to the exercise of the power to tax are minor. Indeed, these restrictions mainly entail theunenforceability of tax rules with extraterritorial effect and the prohibition of material acts of enforcement on foreignterritory. Therefore, as sovereign subjects, States are free to allow restrictions to their powers through internationalcooperation and integration. Such restrictions do not challenge the foundations of their power to tax

Saemankum en tant que milieu naturel aux multiples et riches ressources constitue un espace rural que le gouvernement décide d’aménager et d’urbaniser au début des années 1990. La mise en œuvre de cette politique d’aménagement du territoire a entrainé des mutations de l’environnement social et engendré un conflit entre partisans et adversaires du projet face à la question du mode de développement local le plus adapté. Les enjeux écoterritoriaux peuvent être analysés comme un jeu d’interactions entre l’action publique et l’espace pratique de la pêche. Ceci s’inscrivant dans le cadre d’un rapport de forces. Il s’agit essentiellement ici de décrire la compatibilité entre les rationalités à l’œuvre dans ce projet, en prenant en compte d’une part la territorialisation des pratiques environnementales, d’autre part les objectifs politiques et de croissance des acteurs concernés. Comment l’idée d’une gouvernance démocratique a-t-elle émergé ? À quel point le modèle du développement durable s’est-il imposé comme un élément unificateur dans la régulation des usages des zones littorales ? Cette recherche se définit comme une étude du rapport social au système territorial tel qu’on a pu le voir dans le jeu des acteurs, à travers l’évolution générale récente de l’administration du pays
Saemankum as a natural environment is a rural area with many rich resource that the government decided to develop and urbanize in the early 1990s. The implementation of this land policy has led to changes in the social environment and created a conflict between supporters and opponents of the project facing the question of which local mode of development would be most suitable. Eco-territorial issues can be analyzed as a set of interactions between public policy and the practice of fishing area. This is in the context of a power relationship. That means to describe the compatibility between rationality at work in this project, taking into account both the regionalization of environmental practices, on the other hand, political and growth objectives of stakeholders. How the idea of democratic governance was born? In which way the model of a sustainable development has emerged as a unifying element in the regulation of coastal areas uses? In short, this research is defined as a study of the social relations within the territorial system as we have seen in the actors’ strategies through the recent developments in the administration of the country

L’Avranchin occupe au sein du duché de Normandie une position frontalière, partageant ses confins occidentaux avec la Bretagne, le Maine et la seigneurie de Bellême. Territoire envisagé à la fois comme interface, périphérie et interstice, c’est également un espace vécu, résultat d’une dynamique propre, animée par les sociétés qui l’habitent. À travers son rapport au pouvoir et ses ambitions locales, le groupe aristocratique, dont la formation résulte d’un processus complexe et ancien, constitue une composante essentielle de l’identité frontalière.Loin d’être une région désertique, l’Avranchin présente au IXe siècle une organisation politique et sociale dans laquelle les familles aristocratiques s’intègrent. Cette société, dont on ignore le caractère endogène ou exogène, apparaît comme le produit manifeste du regnum neustrien. Elle se révèle notamment par le prisme des anciennes circonscriptions administratives, l’action royale ou encore le rôle des évêques et des ermites. Affectées par les profondes transformations du royaume carolingien, les familles aristocratiques sont touchées par l’influence des puissants groupes familiaux des Rorgonides puis des Robertiens, dont la stratégie de domination de l’espace se fait ressentir jusque dans l’Avranchin. La poussée bretonne du milieu du IXe siècle et la domination politique des comtes de Rennes accentuent le caractère composite et multiscalaire de cette société.Lorsque les ducs de Normandie, puis les comtes de Mortain, étendent leur autorité sur l’Avranchin au cours du XIe siècle, le groupe aristocratique présente une certaine forme de continuité. La mise en place d’un espace institutionnel résulte d’une construction habile, parfois fruit d’une politique d’accommodation et de compromis, et s’appuie sur des familles extérieures au territoire ou anciennement implantées dans l’Avranchin. Celles-ci façonnent leur pouvoir autour de nouvelles logiques et de nouvelles fidélités, induites par le contrôle ducal ou comtal, la détention d’offices administratifs ou la garde de forteresses. Elles ordonnent également leurs territoires suivant leurs propres dynamiques, parfois autour d’une fondation prieurale ou d’une fortification. Réseaux de relations élargis et de vassalité, cercles familiaux ou de voisinage montrent que les horizons de cette aristocratie ne s’arrêtent pas aux limite de ses possessions, ni à celles à l’Avranchin.Bien que n’ayant jamais engendré de vastes honneurs ou de grandes entités seigneuriales, les familles aristocratiques jouent un rôle essentiel le long des frontières. Parfois en appui de l’autorité ducale, mais bien souvent suivant leurs propres intérêts et au-delà de la maîtrise politique de la frontière, elles influent grandement sur les fluctuations du pouvoir dans les espaces périphériques de l’Avranchin où leurs interventions prennent diverses formes. La fondation de l’abbaye de Savigny en 1112-1113 éclaire cette société complexe, fortement marquée par les réseaux d’influence et d’alliance, où espace vécu et géographie des pouvoirs des familles aristocratiques façonnent l’espace frontalier
Avranchin occupies a border position within the Duchy of Normandy, sharing its western borders with Brittany, Maine and the lordship of Bellême. Territory considered at the same time as interface, periphery and interstice, it is also a living space, result of it own dynamic, organized by the societies that inhabit it. Through its relationship to power and its local ambitions, the aristocratic group, whose formation is the result of a complex and ancient process, constitutes an essential component of border identity.Far from being a desert region, Avranchin presents in the ninth century a political and social organization in which aristocratic families are integrated. This society, whose endogenous or exogenous character is unknown, appears as the obvious product of the Neustrian regnum. It is revealed in particular by the prism of the former administrative districts, the royal action or the role of bishops and hermits. Affected by the profound transformations of the Carolingian kingdom, aristocratic families are affected by the influence of the powerful family groups of Rorgonids and Robertians, whose strategy of domination of space is felt even in Avranchin. The Breton thrust of the middle of the ninth century and the political domination of the counts of Rennes accentuate the composite and multiscalar character of this society.When the dukes of Normandy, then the counts of Mortain, extend their authority over Avranchin during the eleventh century, the aristocratic group presents a certain form of continuity. The establishment of an institutional space is the result of a skilful construction, sometimes the result of a policy of accommodation and compromise, and relies on families outside the territory or formerly located in Avranchin. These shape their power around new logics and new loyalties, induced by the ducal or comtal control, the holding of administrative offices or the guarding of fortresses. They also organize their territories according to their own dynamics, sometimes around a prioral foundation or a fortification. Networks of extended relations and vassalage, family or neighborhood circles show that the horizons of this aristocracy do not stop at the limits of his possessions, nor at those in Avranchin.Although they have never generate vast honors or great seigniorial entities, aristocratic families play an essential role along the borders. Sometimes in support of the ducal authority, but often according to their own interests and beyond the political control of the border, they greatly influence the fluctuations of power in the peripheral areas of Avranchin where their interventions take various forms. The founding of the abbey of Savigny in 1112-1113 sheds light on this complex society, strongly marked by networks of influence and alliance, where the living space and geography of the powers of the aristocratic families shape the border area

碩士
國立臺灣大學
地理環境資源學研究所
93
In the recent years, there are a lot of theories which talk about the global production with the viewpoint of power relationships, such as commodity chain ( Dicken, 1998), global commodity chain( Gereffi, 1989), and the global production network (Henderson et al., 2002) etc.. These plenty of theories with the similar core concepts make me want to know what the significances and meanings represent in the research or study of power relationship in Geography. Besides, Headquarter as a core strategy center of transnational corporations, must take the responsibility to control, coordinate, manage and maintain the complex production relations. So, heeadquarters become the hub of power relations in the global production network.On the other hand, headquarter’s location must offer the sufficient elements to sustain and support the specific function of headqurter also. Therefore, this research tries to describe the embeddedness of IT industry and discuss the role and development of firm’s headquarter in the industrializing Asian countries—espacially the position of Taiwaness IT companies. So, this study has three purposes. First, I attempt to apply the GPN theory to analyse the cross-boder activities of firms, to illustrate the key agents in the production process how to construct the power relationship and to find out the position of Taiwaness Company in the global production network. Second, I fucuse on comparing the differences of headquarter functions between Taiwaness IT Company and their key buyer’s enterprise. Third, I try to draw on the spatial configuration of IT industry in Taiwan, to outline what the pattern is and why the territoriality is highly spatial cluster.

Magister Legum - LLM
The law relating to money laundering is not a new branch of law although it seems to be just emerging in this modern era of advanced technology and organised crime. It evolved in the 18th century with the case of Rex v William Kidd et al1 from the so-called golden age of piracy. With the increase in the sophistication of the world economy, the techniques of money laundering have become correspondingly complex, leading to incoherent and uneven prosecutorial policies with regard to crimes related to money laundering. This is specially so in developing African countries like Zambia, where the legal system is still evolving on this terrain. Inevitably, a lot of pertinent legal issues and impediments remain unresolved, particularly when prosecuting highcalibred white collar perpetrators such as former heads of state.