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Статті в журналах з теми "Sweden. Ambassaden"

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Clunies Ross, Margaret. "An Anglo-Saxon runic coin and its adventures in Sweden." Anglo-Saxon England 32 (December 2003): 79–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s026367510300005x.

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In the years 1741–3, two scholars of Anglo-Saxon and Gothic, one an Englishman and the other a Swede, were engaged in correspondence. The Englishman was the Reverend Edward Lye (1694–1767), then rector of Yardley Hastings in Northamptonshire, and the Swede was Eric Benzelius the Younger (1675–1743), bishop of Linköping and, in the last year of his life, archbishop-elect of Uppsala. For many years Benzelius had been preparing an edition of the ‘Codex Argenteus’ of the Gothic gospels, which had been in Uppsala University Library since 1669, but he had been unable to complete the work on account of his many other commitments and also through the lack of suitable publishers for such a volume in Sweden. In his frustration, he sought the help of his many highly-placed friends in England, who included Sir Hans Sloane and John Carteret, first Earl Granville, a former Ambassador to Sweden. They directed him to Edward Lye as the only man in England competent to complete the edition, and the University Press at Oxford, as the only publisher able to handle the diffcult commission, as it still possessed Junius's type fonts for printing Gothic, Old English and runic characters.
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Nicolaidis, Alexandra, David Dunér, and Peter M. Nilsson. "Alexandra Kollontai and three Swedish female physicians – friendly relationships around the Soviet ambassador in Stockholm 1930–1945." Acta medico-historica Rigensia 14 (2021): 57–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.25143/amhr.2021.xiv.04.

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Alexandra Kollontai was the Soviet ambassador to Sweden in the years 1930 to 1945. In Sweden she gained many friends in the peace- and women’s movement and among these were several female physicians. This article describes and investigates the friendships between Swedish female physicians and Alexandra Kollontai. The three physicians focused on are Ada Nilsson (1872–1964), Andrea Andreen (1888–1972) and Nanna Svartz (1890–1986). It is found that Kollontai and the physicians became proper friends, although initial contacts between them had political or medical causes.
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Sadova, Lyudmila. "Escalation of Swedish-Norwegian Conflict in 1895 According to the Documents of Russian Diplomats." Novaia i noveishaia istoriia, no. 5 (2021): 165. http://dx.doi.org/10.31857/s013038640015015-4.

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The Swedish-Norwegian conflict, which resulted in the dissolution of the union in 1905, was accompanied by outbursts of tension in relations between political forces and the public of the two countries. In 1895, when the crisis reached its peak, rumours about the threat of a war between the “fraternal peoples” were circulating among the Swedish and Norwegian public. The purpose of this work is to analyze the reports of Russian representatives in the United Kingdom of Sweden and Norway, to identify the events in 1895 that attracted the attention of diplomats and the degree to which their attitudes towards opposing political forces influenced the formation of the general picture in the Russian Foreign Ministry. The research is based on documents from the Archive of Foreign Policy of the Russian Empire. They contain a sufficient amount of information allowing one to identify the causes, course, stages, and evolution of the Swedish-Norwegian conflict as well as the driving forces behind it. The author concludes that, firstly, diplomatic reports suggest that Russian diplomacy took the threat of an armed clash between Sweden and Norway in 1895 quite seriously; secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway The author concludes that, firstly, the threat of an armed conflict between Sweden and Norway in 1895 was taken quite seriously by Russian diplomacy, secondly, the correspondence between the Russian ambassador and the Foreign Ministry contains a generally sober assessment of the political situation in Sweden and Norway, and the actions of Norwegian radicals are openly condemned by the former on the pages of his reports; at the same the difficult situation in which the Swedish–Norwegian king Oscar II found himself aroused sympathy, and the monarch’s position in the conflict – respect.
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Bazarova, Tatyana A. "“Do not Intervene in Anything”: Russian Representatives in Istanbul (1700–1701)." History 19, no. 8 (2020): 45–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.25205/1818-7919-2020-19-8-45-56.

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The article discusses the problem of establishing a permanent diplomatic mission of Peter I in the Sublime Porte. At the initiative of the envoy E. I. Ukraintsev, an article, enabling the tsar to send an ambassador for a permanent residence in Istanbul, was included in the Treaty of Constantinople (1700). After the envoy’s departure, only the Non-diplomatic ministers of the Ambassadorial prikaz (chancellery), namely translator S. F. Lavretsky, podyachy (clerk) Gr. Yudin (died in December 1700) and interpreter D. Petrov, stayed in the Ottoman capital. Translator S. Lavretsky became the head of the Russian diplomatic mission. In 1701, a messenger M. Larionov arrived in Istanbul with the tsar’s charter. According to it translator and podyachy had to stay in Istanbul until the arrival of the plenipotentiary ambassador with ratification. On the basis of the archival documents stored in the RGADA (Moscow), the author analyzes the activities of diplomatic missions in 1700-1701. The main task of the translator and the ambassador was to inform the Russian government about the political situation in the Ottoman Empire. Peter I sent the main forces of his state to the war with the Swedes, so he needed peace on the southern borders. The translator and podyachy maintained contact with ministers of the Sublime Porte, the Jerusalem Patriarch, agents, etc. They also monitored the preparation of the Sublime Porte for the arrival of the Russian plenipotentiary ambassador. Information collected from various sources regarding the situation in Istanbul, Crimea and other parts of the Ottoman Empire, as well as Western Europe, they sent to the Ambassadorial prikaz. The activities of Russian diplomats in 1700–1701 largely corresponded to the functions of the ambassadorial secretary (charge d’affaires).
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Maslov, Viktor. "On the Discussion of Mannerheim's Role in the War with the USSR." Philosophical anthropology 6, no. 2 (2020): 62–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.21146/2414-3715-2020-6-2-62-70.

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The article is written in the form of an essay. It examines what value for the course of the Great Patriotic War of 1941‑1945, in particular for the defense of Leningrad, had neutral-restrained position of Mannerheim and Finland as a state, expressed in relative distancing from Nazi Germany: non-participation in the storming and bombing of Leningrad, refusal to provide the German army the territory of Finland for hitting the city, to block the "Road of Life" on the lake Ladoga. It is shown that this position was largely the result of the diplomatic efforts of the Soviet Ambassador to Sweden, Alexandra Kollontai, who had a special friendly relationship with Mannerheim. In the course of the argument, along with the analysis of objective and literarily documented facts, the author also relies on personal evidence rooted in the biography of his grandfather, the famous academician P.P. Maslov. The article uses a concrete example to show how personal positions and interpersonal relationships, subject to their own logic, become important elements of historically significant factors.
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Miloiu, Silviu-Marian. "Editorial foreword." Romanian Journal for Baltic and Nordic Studies 2, no. 2 (December 15, 2010): 127–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.53604/rjbns.v2i2_1.

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This issue of Revista Română pentru Studii Baltice şi Nordice [The Romanian Journal of Baltic and Nordic Studies, RRSBN] crowns a year of steady progress in terms of number and quality of the programs and actions run by The Romanian Association for Baltic and Nordic Studies (ARSBN). The highlights of this year have been the first international conference for Baltic and Nordic Studies in Romania entitled Romania and Lithuania in the Interwar International Relations: Bonds, Intersections and Encounters, the opening of the exhibition dedicated to the 90th anniversary of the establishment of the Romanian-Finnish diplomatic relations (exhibition which has travelled since its first opening about 850 miles) and of the first Lithuanian exhibition displayed in a Romanian art gallery and the awarding of the title of Doctor Honoris Causa of Valahia University to Dr. Vladimir Jarmolenko, the Ambassador of Lithuania to Bucharest and Honorary Chairman of our Association. Besides, the members of the Association have been involved in research whose results have been disseminated in books, international and national conferences, thus contributing to the spreading of knowledge and the encouragement of debates on subjects close to its aims. The second issue of RRSBN also brings a novelty in the meaning that 2010 is the first year when the journal is published biannually as it will appear henceforth. Having been projected at the end of 2008, its first volume was published in November 2009. The articles published in this issue bring forth new documentary evidences and fresh interpretations upon a variety of topics regarding the history, the history of international relations or the history of commercial bonds of Baltic and Nordic European nations, in some cases in connection to the developments in the Black Sea area. In spite of the array of topics, some sections can be however distinguished. The first one encompasses the two articles signed by Costel Coroban and Veniamin Ciobanu regarding the role of Sweden in the international relations at the beginning of the 18th and of the 19th centuries when this power had to cope with its declining role in the international relations. After its defeat in the Battle of Poltava, Sweden gradually came to be regarded as the minor actor in the international diplomatic game in comparison with its more powerful neighbors of Britain, Russia or Napoleon’s France. The first article describes how Sweden tried to rise again to the status of Great Power with the financial support of the Jacobites and what were the international implications of the plot in which Swedish emissaries have allowed themselves to be engaged in Britain. Integrating a number of nine important archival documents, the second article proves the wide interest of Sweden regarding the international circumstances leading to the downfall of Imperial France in its attempt to adopt a wise foreign policy to compensate through the annexation of Norway for the loss of Finland to Tsarist Russia in 1809. Thus, Sweden was also looking to the developments of the Eastern Question and to the policies of Britain, France and Russia with regard to the Ottoman Empire.
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Jónsson, Már. "Denmark-Norway as a Potential World Power in the Early Seventeenth Century." Itinerario 33, no. 2 (July 2009): 17–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0165115300003077.

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On 2 January 1625, the English ambassador Robert Anstruther met with King Christian IV of Norway and Denmark and requested his participation in a union of Protestant states against Emperor Ferdinand II and the Catholic League in Germany. Within three days, King Christian proposed to contribute five thousand soldiers for one year, as part of an army of almost thirty thousand men. In early June, despite opposition from the Danish Council of State, reluctant to put a huge amount of money into foreign affairs, Christian decided to join what he called “the war for the defence of Lower Saxony”. He then headed an army of mercenaries southwards through Lower Saxony, secured all crossings over the river Weser and prepared to confront the Catholic forces. On 29 November, it was decided that Denmark would be in charge of military operations in Northern Germany, whereas England and the United Provinces would provide a monthly subsidy. The political and military prospects for Denmark were excellent, to say the least. It had the fourth strongest navy in Europe (after Spain and the two new allies), and only a few years before the Danish warships had been described by a French observer as “merveilles de l'océan”. A small standing army of two regiments had recently been established and Denmark was the fourth European state to do so after France, Spain and the neighbouring Sweden.
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Ciortea, Marcela. "Peregrin în Suedia. Nicolae Milescu Spătarul." Swedish Journal of Romanian Studies 5, no. 1 (May 15, 2022): 112–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.35824/sjrs.v5i1.23883.

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Nicolae Milescu Spătarul, a scholar from Moldova (born in 1636), is known especially for his activity during the second half of his life, from his permanent relocation to Russia (1671) to the year of his death (1708). Within this interval, in which he served the Tsars’ interests as a translator at Posolski Prikaz, some sort of Ministry of External Affairs, he is sent by the Tsar Alexei Mihailovici with an embassy to the Emperor of China, thus becoming the first European scholar who travelled from Moscow to Pekin, crossing through Siberia. This paper is focused on the first half of his life, following, firstly, his studies at the Great School of the Patriarchate of Constantinople, the education he received there, his relationships with the princes of Moldova, the relationships with other scholars from his time. Then follows his European journey: Berlin – Stettin – Stockholm – Paris, his relationship with the jansenists of Port Royal and the presentation of his work Enchiridion sive Stella Orientalis splendens Occidentali, in which he analyses a theological dispute that was of interest for the jansenists. The Enchiridion is made in Paris, in the year 1699, and is the first work published by a Romanian in the Occident. Our paper includes, for the first time integrally translated into Romanian, a few pages of correspondence, which illustrate, on one hand, the bond with the French ambassador of Stockholm and on the other, the accreditation of Milescu at the Court of Sweden as a representative of the former prince, Gheorghe Ștefan.
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Olin, Martin. "Tessinarna i Venedig." Sjuttonhundratal 6 (October 1, 2009): 7. http://dx.doi.org/10.7557/4.2757.

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<p>The Tessins in Venice</p><p>Foreign royalty and other travelers visiting Venice in the early eighteenth century encountered a flourishing of the arts. This vibrant artistic life could be transposed to new settings, as a number of Venetian painters worked for courts north of the Alps. When the statesman and <em>connoisseur</em> Carl Gustaf Tessin, Swedish Ambassador to Vienna, visited Venice in 1736, it was with the intention of hiring a decorative painter for the new royal palace in Stockholm. His first choice was Giovanni Battista Tiepolo, but his services proved to be too costly for the Swedes. Tessin did, however, buy art works, among them easel paintings by Tiepolo, Giuseppe Nogari and Francesco Zuccarelli. Anton Maria Zanetti helped Tessin survey the artistic landscape of his city and later became his agent. Carl Gustaf Tessin was not the first Tessin in Venice. His father and grandfather had also visited and documented Venetian architecture in drawings and notes. Marble floors in Venetian buildings left such a lasting impression on Nicodemus Tessin the Elder that he incorporated their patterns in his floor designs for Drottningholm Palace. In his travel notes from 1688, Nicodemus Tessin the Younger is critical of Venetian architecture, but writes enthusiastically about the city&rsquo;s theatre and civic life.</p>
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KIRGIZOV-BARSKIY, Arseniy V. "European Union and Cooperation in the Arctic Council." Arctic and North, no. 45 (December 22, 2021): 75–84. http://dx.doi.org/10.37482/issn2221-2698.2021.45.75.

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Since 2008, the European Union has unsuccessfully tried to obtain permanent observer status in the Arctic Council, the central cooperation forum in the Arctic. The analysis shows that the EU's failures in this area are connected both with its location mostly outside of the region and remoteness from the northern realities, as well as global geopolitical tensions. However, the EU has had de facto observer ad hoc status since 2013, allowing it to participate in almost all formats of interaction in the Arctic Council. Considering this fact, the permanent observer status has rather a symbolic meaning and is equivalent to joining a kind of “privileged Arctic club”. An analysis of the EU's functioning in its relations with the Arctic Council and its members shows that the EU is ready to adapt and listen to the opinion of the Arctic countries in order to become a legitimate Arctic actor. The Arctic Council is of uneven importance for the different EU member states: Denmark, Finland and Sweden are full members, several countries are permanent observers, but most EU countries are not interested in the Arctic issues. Because of this multifaceted nature, the collective EU is more of an extra-regional player on the platform, but one with serious Arctic claims. The EU is actively working on a common Arctic policy. It is represented in the Arctic Council by the Ambassador-at-Large for Arctic Affairs, introduced in 2017, who acts in coordination with the European Commission and the member states concerned. The EU's overall approach is not unsuccessful: it has managed to engage more member states on the Arctic vector, and European expertise and input on sustainable development issues is already becoming an integral part of the AC's work and promises to evolve further.
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Дисертації з теми "Sweden. Ambassaden"

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Johnsson-Gerde, Angelica, and Anna Högfeldt. "Marketing and Branding a Nation : tillämpningen av ambassader som plattform för att stärka Sverige som varumärke." Thesis, Uppsala University, Department of Business Studies, 2008. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-88811.

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Problem: The authors have, during the process of development of this thesis, tried to create an understanding of how a number of organizations, all working with different approaches around the ”brand Sweden”, perceive the efficiency and benefits of using extended concept around embassies as a tool in their strategic work. The embassies in question have an evolved concept in the sense that they don not only hold a traditional political and legal role. The problem facing us authors was the issue whether theses embassies are efficient arenas to coordinate the forces and resources of the organizations concerned, in the mission to enhance the visibility and awareness of Sweden abroad.

Purpose: The purpose is to describe the strategic work with marketing Sweden to be able to look in to whether the evolved concept behind the embassies in question are used as a tool in within the work of the organizations. We wish to research this to be able to evaluate if this arena is perceived as efficient for the organizations concerned.

Method: In order to get a background to which one establish and communicate a nations brand the authors have studied literature within the subject. The collection of primary data has been conducted in form of interview with representatives from the involved organizations, on which the theories later been applied in an analysis. With this data as a base the authors have proceeded with further studies and researches.

Result: In an increasingly globalized world characterized by competition, it is hard for a country to stand out and be perceived as attractive. Therefore the evolved concept around embassies is useful tool for the organizations concerned. This conclusion can be made, in the light of how the organizations structure their strategic work, how the embassies are used as a tool in their work, and how the organizations perceive the benefits they get from their cooperation with the embassies.


Problem: I vårt arbete har vi försökt skapa oss en bild av hur ett antal aktörer, som på olika sätt genom sina respektive uppdrag arbetar med varumärket Sverige, själva upplever effektiviteten och nyttan av ett utvecklade konceptet runt ambassaderna i Berlin och Washington D.C. Ambassadernas roll har där breddats till att inrymma ett vidare syfte än att bara vara en politisk och juridisk arena. Vi har velat ta reda på om dessa ambassadkomplex är effektiva arenor för att samordna krafterna för att öka den svenska synligheten i utlandet.

Syfte: Syftet med uppsatsen är att beskriva det strategiska arbetet med marknadsföringen av Sverige samt att undersöka hur det vidareutvecklade konceptet kring ambassaderna används som ett redskap i detta arbete. Detta för att kunna bedöma om denna arena upplevs vara effektiv för berörda aktörer.

Metod: För att få en bakgrund till hur man etablerar och kommunicerar ett lands varumärke har uppsats¬författarna studerat litteratur inom ämnet. Som primärdata har uppsatsförfattarna genomfört intervjuer, vilka sedan har analyserats i förhållande till de vetenskapliga teorierna. Utifrån denna information har även vidare forskning och undersökning har gjorts.

Resultat: För att ett land ska upplevas som attraktivt i en allt mer globaliserad värld, präglad av hård konkurrens, är det utvecklade konceptet runt ambassaderna en hjälp för våra aktörer. Denna slutsats kan man dra då man ser till strukturen på aktörernas strategiska arbete, hur ambassaden används som ett redskap och de intryck samt de upplevelser som aktörerna har fått genom sitt samarbete med ambassaderna.

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Bengtsson, Elin. "Europeisering av nationell bilateral diplomati mellan EU-stater : - en beskrivande fallstudie av Italiens och Sveriges bilaterala diplomatiska förbindelser via ambassaderna." Thesis, Linnéuniversitetet, Institutionen för statsvetenskap (ST), 2014. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:lnu:diva-31651.

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This study aims at examine if an Europeanization is affecting the bilateral diplomatic relation between Sweden and Italy as managed by the national embassies. The questions asked to pursue the aim are; how the bilateral diplomatic work is managed between the countries, are there any signs of Europeanization within this relation or is it still contingent on intergovernmental principles? In this study an analytical model is created and used to analyze how the bilateral diplomacy between Italy and Sweden is managed through the embassies. The discussion on top –down Europeanization by Tanja Börzel is central to the development of the analytical model. Indicators of Europeanization are generated and applied in the empirical analysis. The empirical material is based on documents and interviews.   One general conclusion of this study asserts that there is no direct top-down Europeanization going on within the national bilateral diplomacy. Another one affirms that an indirectly top-down Europeanization on an embryonic stage may be going on within the embassy-driven bilateral work carried out between the EU member states.
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Книги з теми "Sweden. Ambassaden"

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Knutsen, Knut. Norge i Sverige: Den norske ambassaden i Stockholm. Stockholm: Arvinius+Orfeus, 2021.

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Hedqvist, Hedvig. Seventeen Swedish embassies built 1959-2006. Stockholm: National Property Board Sweden (SFV), 2010.

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Evers, Rosander Eva, and Lorenz Werner Elisabet, eds. Seventeen Swedish Embassies built 1959-2006. Karlstad: Votum Förlag, 2010.

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Jan, Mårtenson. Residens: Svenska ambassader i EU-länder. [Sweden]: Wahlström & Widstrand, 1997.

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Norske rom: Norges ambassade i Stockholm. Stockholm: Arvinius + Orfeus Publishing, 2012.

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Shaw, John. The Ambassador: Inside the Life of a Working Diplomat (Capital Currents). Capital Books, 2007.

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Частини книг з теми "Sweden. Ambassaden"

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Orford, Anne. "Alva Myrdal." In Portraits of Women in International Law, 183—C14N65. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868453.003.0014.

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Abstract Alva Myrdal was a feminist public intellectual, social policy researcher, ambassador, socialist internationalist, and eventual Nobel Peace Prize Laureate. She is remembered both as one of the major architects of the Swedish welfare state and as a significant figure in international disarmament. For much of her life she was engaged in debates about social policy, initially within Sweden and then on the international stage, first as principal director at the UN Department of Social Affairs in New York from 1949, then director of the Department of Social Sciences at UNESCO from 1951, and finally as Swedish Ambassador to India from 1955 to 1961, before becoming the head of Sweden’s delegation to the UN Committee on Disarmament from 1962 to 1973. Alva Myrdal’s life and work offers a window into social democratic internationalism at the period when it was at its most idealistic and influential. As this chapter shows, the struggle over how to interpret her legacy is closely tied up with the rise and fall of social democratic internationalism in Sweden and beyond.
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Molander, Johan. "Foreword by Ambassador Johan Molander, Sweden." In The Banning of Anti-Personnel Landmines, xxiii—xxviii. Cambridge University Press, 2000. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/cbo9780511494246.003.

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McKay, Craig. "German Teleprinter Traffic and Swedish Wartime Intelligence." In Colossus. Oxford University Press, 2006. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780192840554.003.0038.

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As German forces marched into Norway in April 1940, the German ambassador to Sweden requested permission to lease a number of telephone lines running across Swedish territory. The lines would be used to carry communications between Germany and centres in Norway. The Swedish government agreed—and proceeded to tap the lines. Analysis showed that the Germans were using the lines for teleprinter traffic (among other things). Following suitable modifications to Swedish receiving equipment, the teleprinter signals were processed and printed out on paper tape. The initial traffic was in plaintext. From this traffic, and from telephone conversations, it was learned that the Germans were proposing to introduce something called the ‘Geheimschreiber’— in fact the Siemens T52, known to the British as Sturgeon. The Swedes assumed that the Geheimschreiber was some kind of encryption device. The assumption was confirmed at the end of April, when intercepted text became unreadable. It was at this point that Professor Arne Beurling, the magician of Swedish wartime cryptanalysis (and a future inheritor of Einstein’s office at the Institute for Advanced Study at Princeton University) entered the game. Beurling had already played a major role in the solution of the five-digit code used by the Soviet Baltic fleet. The T52 traffic would also succumb to his charms. His solution, based on traffic of 25 and 27 May 1940, led to the emergence in Sweden of what was virtually an industry for the extraction of intelligence from German cable traffic. Curiously enough, the exact details of Beurling’s break remain unknown. He never explained his method in detail, far less wrote it down, and rather relished keeping it completely secret. It is clear that Beurling made his attack on what the British called a ‘depth’ (and the Swedes referred to as ‘parallel texts’)—that is to say, a set of telegrams enciphered using the same key. Depths could quickly be identified from an indicator known as the QEP. Two telegrams sent on the same day with the same QEP could be assumed to have been enciphered using the same key. Depths should never have occurred.
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"Grotius’s Method: With Special Reference to Prolegomena." In A Normative Approach To War, edited by Onuma Yasuaki, 11–31. Oxford University PressOxford, 1993. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198257097.003.0002.

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Abstract Grotius lived through the Netherlands’ War of Independence. He experienced imprisonment as a result of political struggle-and made a bold escape. He lived in exile during most of the Thirty Years War and died before the Peace of Westphalia.1 In short, he constantly witnessed disturbances and wars. This was the main reason he wrote his masterpiece, JBP. He belonged to the Arminian school of Calvinism, and sought to overcome denominational differences and to unite the church from the standpoint of an advocate of religious tolerance.2 Again this is evident throughout JBP. His appointment as ambassador from Sweden to France enabled him to deepen his awareness of what causes disputes between bodies politic. But he also occupied a status close to that of the burghers, who were accumulating great wealth through commercial activities at a time when the Netherlands was emerging as a major power.
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Cromwell, Oliver. "1654 02 03 Letter from Oliver Cromwell to Bulstrode Whitelocke, ambassador to Sweden." In The Letters, Writings, and Speeches of Oliver Cromwell, Vol. 3: 16 December 1653 to 2 September 1658, edited by Joel Halcomb, Patrick Little, and David L. Smith. Oxford University Press, 2022. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oseo/instance.00281815.

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Pereira, Luiza Leāo Soares. "Working from ‘Rooms of Their Own’." In Portraits of Women in International Law, 455–66. Oxford University PressOxford, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780198868453.003.0039.

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Abstract Joyce Gutteridge, CBE, was the first woman Legal Adviser at the UK Foreign Office (as it then was). She is pictured here at the Second Session of the UN Committee for Peaceful Uses of Outer Space, in New York in 1962, alongside Ambassador Agda Rossell (Sweden). Gutteridge’s written Portrait contextualizes her undoubtedly ‘trailblazing’ work in international law, with the structural conditions that both hindered and helped her in ascending to a prominent position in the UK Foreign Office (FO). I draw from original interviews and communications with Gutteridge’s contemporaries, and my own work mapping out networks of international lawyers through obituaries, to sketch out a more detailed and complex portrait of this particular subject. I advocate that portraits of trailblazing women’s stories must be seen through an intersectional lens. The final picture is a realistic one, that juxtaposes difficulties faced by women lawyers and diplomats, with the particular situation of Gutteridge, a woman educated in elite institutions with privileged professional networks.
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Bohr, Niels. "Farewell to Sweden’s Ambassador in Copenhagen**See Introduction to Part II, p. [129]." In Niels Bohr Collected Works, 481–83. Elsevier, 2007. http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/s1876-0503(08)70311-6.

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Toal, Gerard. "A Cause in the Caucasus." In Near Abroad. Oxford University Press, 2017. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780190253301.003.0009.

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In December 2007, Damon wilson returned to the White House to take a position as senior director for Europe in the National Security Council of George W. Bush. Having spent the previous year in Iraq, Wilson was back working on an issue he was passionate about: North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) enlargement. Prior service in the State Department, the NATO secretary general’s office, and the White House gave Wilson familiarity with Euro-Atlantic divisions on the subject. Thrust into preparation for the forthcoming NATO summit in Bucharest, he was surprised that no internal policy process had yet generated a formal presidential decision on whether the United States was willing to offer a path to NATO membership for Georgia and Ukraine. Both states underwent “color revolutions” that saw fraudulent election results overturned and new elections sweep dynamic Westernizing leaders into power, events many Russian officials viewed as Western-fomented coups. Three years later in 2007, things were not looking so positive in either state. In Georgia, Mikheil Saakashvili’s government had violently suppressed antigovernment demonstrations a few weeks earlier, while Ukraine’s pro-Western leadership had descended into internal factionalism. Wilson, however, knew how strong the president’s instincts were on support for fledgling young democracies in post-Soviet space. Bush had announced his commitment at the outset of his presidency in a speech at Warsaw University where he declared: “No more Munichs, no more Yaltas.” During Bush’s tenure, NATO had admitted seven new member states, including the Baltic Republics, tacitly acknowledged as part of the Soviet Union at Yalta in 1945. Approaching his last NATO summit, Bush had a legacy opportunity to push enlargement farther east and south, to large strategic territories that were part of the original Soviet Union. Secretaries Condoleezza Rice and Robert Gates were skeptical but others such as U.S. ambassador to NATO, Victoria Nuland, were supportive. After a “deep dive” into the question by White House staff, Bush decided in late February that the United States should mobilize all its diplomatic power to offer a Membership Action Plan (MAP), a first step toward NATO membership, to both Georgia and Ukraine at Bucharest.
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Тези доповідей конференцій з теми "Sweden. Ambassaden"

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Станков, К. Н. "Russia at the Brunswick Congress (in the First Half of 1714)." In Конференция памяти профессора С.Б. Семёнова ИССЛЕДОВАНИЯ ЗАРУБЕЖНОЙ ИСТОРИИ. Crossref, 2023. http://dx.doi.org/10.55000/semconf.2023.3.3.010.

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Брауншвейгский конгресс был широким европейским дипломатическим форумом, на котором была предпринята попытка закончить Северную войну, заключив мир между Россией и Швецией. В конгрессе принимали участие представители Австрии, Дании, Польши-Саксонии, Пруссии, Ганновера и России. Последняя фактически впервые заявила о себе как о новой империи на евразийском пространстве. Ее главной задачей было заключение мира со Швецией на условиях всех территориальных приобретений, достигнутых в ходе Северной войны. Представителем России на Брауншвейгском конгрессе в январе 1714 г. царским указом был назначен один из ведущих русских дипломатов, посол в Гааге – князь Б. И. Куракин. Ему были даны широкие полномочия. В частности, они предполагали возможность заключения мира со Швецией независимо от того, прибудут ли представители от короля Карла XII, пребывавшего в то время в Османской империи, или от шведского правительства в Стокгольме. Кроме того, Б. И. Куракин должен был вести переговоры с императора Священной Римской империи о возможности последнего принудить Швецию к заключению мирного договора. Россией была предложена программа мирного урегулирования со Швецией. В случае невозможности заключения мира официальный Петербург ставил перед собой следующие задачи. Прежде всего, было необходимо укрепить Северный союз, не допустив сепаратного мира саксонского курфюрста и польского короля Августа II и датского монарха Фредерика IV со Швецией. Петр I также стремился расширить ряды своих союзников, присоединив к ним Пруссию и Ганновер. Наконец, русские дипломаты стремились нейтрализовать морские державы (Великобританию и Нидерланды), поскольку к 1714 г. сложилась опасная ситуация возможности их вступления в Северную войну на стороне Швеции. The Brunswick Congress was a broad European diplomatic forum during which an attempt was made to end the Great Northern War by making peace between Russia and Sweden. The congress was attended by representatives of Austria, Denmark, Poland-Saxony, Prussia, Hanover and Russia. The latter actually declared itself for the first time as a new empire in the Eurasian space. Its main task was to conclude peace with Sweden on the terms of preserving all territorial acquisitions achieved in the Great Northern War. In January 1714 one of the leading Russian diplomats, the ambassador in the Hague, prince B. I. Kurakin was appointed as a representative of Russia. He was given broad powers. In particular, they assumed the possibility of concluding peace with Sweden, regardless of whether representatives would come from king Charles XII, who was then in the Ottoman empire, or from the Sweden government in Stockholm. In addition, B. I. Kurakin was supposed to negotiate with the Emperor about the possibility of the latter to force Sweden to conclude a peace treaty. Russia proposed a program for a peace settlement with Sweden. In the event that it was impossible to conclude peace, official Saint Petersburgh set itself the following tasks. First, it was necessary to strengthen the Northern Alliance, preventing the separate peace of the Saxon elector and the Polish king Augustus II and the Danish monarch Frederick IV with Sweden. Peter I also sought to expand the ranks of his allies by adding Prussia and Hanover to them. Finally Russian diplomats sought to neutralize the maritime powers (Great Britain and Netherlands) as by 1714 there was a dangerous situation that they could enter the Great Northern war on the side of Sweden.
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