Статті в журналах: "Strategic movements"

1

Krause, Peter. "The Structure of Success: How the Internal Distribution of Power Drives Armed Group Behavior and National Movement Effectiveness." International Security 38, no. 3 (January 2014): 72–116. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00148.

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When and why do national movements succeed? What explains variation in the use and effectiveness of political violence employed by nationalist groups? Groups pursue common strategic goals against external enemies, such as the founding of a new state, while engaging in zero-sum competition for organizational dominance with internal rivals in their national movement. The distribution of power within a national movement provides its structure, which serves as the key variable for both the internal and external struggle. The hierarchical position of groups within the movement drives their actions, while the number of significant groups in the movement drives its effectiveness. Contrary to existing scholarship that treats nonstate coercers as unitary or suggests that united or fragmented movements perform best, hegemonic movements with one significant group are most likely to succeed. Hegemonic movement structure incentivizes the pursuit of shared strategic goals; reduces counterproductive violent mechanisms and foreign meddling; and improves the movement's coherence in strategy, clarity in signaling, and credibility in threats and assurances to yield strategic success. Analysis of seventeen campaigns involving sixteen groups within the Palestinian and Algerian national movements reveals that the power distribution theory explains greater variation in the effectiveness of national movements than previous scholarship.

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2

Stewart, Neil, Simon Gächter, Takao Noguchi, and Timothy L. Mullett. "Eye Movements in Strategic Choice." Journal of Behavioral Decision Making 29, no. 2-3 (October 29, 2015): 137–56. http://dx.doi.org/10.1002/bdm.1901.

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3

Holdo, Markus. "Power Games: Elites, Movements, and Strategic Cooperation." Political Studies Review 18, no. 2 (August 8, 2019): 189–203. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1478929919864778.

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Cooperation between movements and political elites are frequently associated with the risk of cooptation. Because it undercuts contentious actors, cooptation may seem rational for elites that seek to protect their interests. However, recent scholarship questions whether this view is empirically valid. Adding to these debates, this article demonstrates that even if we accept, for the sake of argument, that elites always act to maintain power, cooptation may often not be the rational choice of strategy. This article presents a typology of elite responses that focuses on three phases of elite–movement interaction: preparatory, term-setting, and confrontation phases. In each phase, elites’ choice between cooptation and conditional cooperation depends on whether legitimacy appears instrumental to achieve their goals. Cooperation, as opposed to cooptation, generates legitimacy and can, therefore, be used strategically by movements.

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4

Ishikawa, Jun. "The Strategic Dilemma of Social Movements." Japanese Sociological Review 39, no. 2 (1988): 153–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.4057/jsr.39.153.

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5

Boumeester, F. "Analysing national secessionist movements: from a tactical viewpoint towards strategic understanding." Pathways to Peace and Security, no. 1 (2021): 204–6. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/2307-1494-2021-1-204-206.

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6

Andretta, Massimiliano. "Strategic Alliances: Coalition Building and Social Movements." Contemporary Sociology: A Journal of Reviews 41, no. 2 (March 2012): 244–45. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0094306112438190uu.

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7

Morgan, Marcus. "Movement intellectuals engaging the grassroots: A strategy perspective on the Black Consciousness Movement." Sociological Review 68, no. 5 (January 10, 2020): 1124–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0038026119900118.

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Drawing upon activist interviews and framing theory this article proposes that the Black Consciousness Movement (BCM) is better understood not by focusing on the objective status of its leadership as middle-class intellectuals, but by instead looking at what these ‘movement intellectuals’ subjectively did to link their philosophy of liberation to the lifeworlds of those they sought to engage. It argues that this shift reveals three important features of social movements and movement intellectuals more generally. Firstly, it uncovers the meaningful, value-driven, emotional and collective-identity bases for action, alongside the more familiar instrumental motivations. Secondly, given the inevitable clash between movement intent and the contingent constraints under which movements invariably operate, it argues that movement success is better judged not by external criteria that are assumed to hold universally, but instead by reference to the unique strategic intentions articulated by movements themselves. Finally, it shows how, given heterogeneous audiences, the deployment of a diversity of grounded intellectual strategies can help augment the resonance of a movement’s core political message.

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8

Griffiths, Ryan D., and Louis M. Wasser. "Does Violent Secessionism Work?" Journal of Conflict Resolution 63, no. 5 (July 3, 2018): 1310–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002718783032.

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Recent research suggests that the strategic use of violence may increase a group’s chance of gaining independence. We investigate this topic using comprehensive data on all secessionist movements between 1900 and 2006 and an original data set on the institutional and extrainstitutional methods that secessionists have used from 1946 to 2011. Our analysis yields several important findings. First, strategy depends on context. Not all secessionist movements are the same, and many have legal and/or institutional routes to independence that shape the methods that they employ. Second, no secessionist movement challenging a contiguous state has won its sovereignty without using institutional methods, either exclusively or in combination with extrainstitutional methods. Finally, we identify four successful combinations of secessionist methods and discuss how these movements develop in relation to their strategic setting. Overall, we find no evidence that violence helps a secessionist movement to gain independence.

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9

Clark, Logan D., and Sara L. Riggs. "Movement Strategies in Virtual Reality: Exploring the Influence of 3D Endpoint Variability." Proceedings of the Human Factors and Ergonomics Society Annual Meeting 65, no. 1 (September 2021): 91–95. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1071181321651101.

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Research using a kinematic approach has revealed that users often exhibit strategic biases in their movement behavior to minimize the effort required to reach a target. However, a recent exploration of these effects in a virtual reality (VR) environment yielded conflicting results, calling into question whether strategic patterns observed in movements to physical targets can be expected to generalize to VR environments. In the present study, we re-analyze the data from Clark and Riggs (2020) using principal component analysis (PCA) to empirically distinguish between alternative explanations for the unexpected results. Our findings clarify the source of these results for downward versus upward movements and provide a preliminary look at how adaptations to manage perception- and execution-related motor variability may impact users’ movement strategies in VR.

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10

Li, Yevgeniya, Jean-Grégoire Bernard, and Markus Luczak-Roesch. "Beyond Clicktivism: What Makes Digitally Native Activism Effective? An Exploration of the Sleeping Giants Movement." Social Media + Society 7, no. 3 (July 2021): 205630512110353. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/20563051211035357.

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This article explores how successful digitally native activism generates social change. Digitally native movements are initiated, organized, and coordinated online without any physical presence or pre-existing offline campaign. To do so, we explore the revelatory case of Sleeping Giants (SG)—an online movement that led more than 4,000 organizations to withdraw their programmatic advertising spend from Breitbart, a far-right publisher. Analyzing 3.5 million tweets related to the movement along with qualitative secondary data, we used a mixed method approach to investigate the conditions that favored SG emergence, the organizing and coordinating practices of the movement, and the strategic framing practices involved in the tuning of the movement’s language and rhetoric toward its targets. Overall, we contribute to research on online movements and shed light on the pivotal role of peer production work and of language in leading an impactful online movement that aimed to counter online disinformation and hate speech.

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11

Frisch, Hillel. "Strategic Change in Terrorist Movements: Lessons from Hamas." Studies in Conflict & Terrorism 32, no. 12 (November 30, 2009): 1049–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10576100903320795.

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12

Beckwith, Karen. "Mapping Strategic Engagements: WOMEN'S MOVEMENTS AND THE STATE." International Feminist Journal of Politics 9, no. 3 (August 14, 2007): 312–38. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14616740701438218.

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13

Jasper, James. "A Strategic Approach to Collective Action: Looking for Agency in Social-Movement Choices." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 9, no. 1 (February 1, 2004): 1–16. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.9.1.m112677546p63361.

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In theories of social movements, the structural models of the last thirty years may have reached the limits of their utility. Future breakthroughs are likely to arise from attention to the microfoundations of political action. The study of strategic choices may be one fruitful new path of research, especially if sociologists can develop an approach to strategy that takes cultural and institutional contexts more seriously than game theory, which has long dominated the study of strategy. As a starting point, I present several strategic dilemmas that organizers and participants face, either explicitly as choices or implicitly as tradeoffs. These choices represent agency in contrast to the structure that has interested scholars for so long. By portraying strategic players as audiences for words and actions, they are also thoroughly cultural. If we can begin to explain the choices faced and the choices made, we will go a long way toward opening up the study of social movements to strategic factors mostly ignored in the dominant models. Viewed as causal mechanisms, choices may offer the microfoundations for rethinking social movement theory.

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14

Rochon, Thomas R. "Political Movements and State Authority in Liberal Democracies." World Politics 42, no. 2 (January 1990): 299–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.2307/2010467.

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Political movements are an increasingly common form of mass political mobilization, and the legitimacy and authority of democratic states depends to a growing extent on the relationship between movements and states. Existing case studies of political movements neglect that relationship in favor of issues of mobilization, organization, and societal impact. These studies can nonetheless be used to show that political movements employ a mixture of confrontation and collaboration in their relationship to the state. More centralized states, which offer fewer institutional channels for movement influence, face more confrontational movements. However, political movements in all democratic settings use confrontation primarily as a strategic device to enhance their leverage in negotiations with state authorities. Movements are not a challenge to state authority so much as they are a force for change within democratic society.

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15

Martin, Brian. "Towards strategic rioting?" Theory in Action 15, no. 2 (April 30, 2022): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.3798/tia.1937-0237.2212.

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Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case’s statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change.

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16

Routledge, P. "Space, Mobility, and Collective Action: India's Naxalite Movement." Environment and Planning A: Economy and Space 29, no. 12 (December 1997): 2165–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1068/a292165.

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Contemporary theories of social movements have failed adequately to address the spatiality of collective action. I argue that an analysis of collective action that pays due attention to the spatiality of movement practice can provide an important complement to social movement theories. This spatiality of social movement agency involves an analysis of how spatial processes and relations across a variety of scales, as well as the particularities of specific places, influence the character and emergence of social movements, and how social movements use space strategically. Using the notions of locale, location, and sense of place as an interpretive framework I argue that a spatialized analysis of conflict provides important insights into social movement experience. First, it informs us of the broader spatial context within which social movements are located; second, it informs us of the spatial and cultural specificity of movements; third, it informs us of the cultural expressions of social movement agency; and, fourth, it informs us of how the strategic use of space may constrain or enable collective action. I contextualize these arguments by analyzing the Maoist insurgency of the Naxalite movement, which first emerged in India during the late 1960s.

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17

Pullum, Amanda. "Social Movements, Strategic Choice, and Recourse to the Polls*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 21, no. 2 (July 1, 2016): 177–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-21-2-177.

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In 2011, twenty-one state legislatures held floor votes on one or more bills seeking to limit teachers' collective bargaining rights, tenure protections, or both. In eighteen states, these bills became law. Teachers' unions took varying approaches to fighting against these pieces of legislation, but only in a few states did they turn to the ballot box, despite widespread availability of electoral tactics. In this study, I use fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis (fsQCA) to determine why most teachers' unions did not turn to the ballot. I find two causal “pathways”: one in which political opportunity structures and union strength make legislative compromise possible, and another in which these conditions, along with the nature of the legislative threat, make success at the ballot seem unlikely. Social movement scholars must reexamine the role that threat plays in strategic choice processes, and prospect theory can help make sense of these choices.

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18

McGarry, Aidan, Robert J. Davidson, Guya Accornero, James M. Jasper, and Jan Willem Duyvendak. "Players and arenas: strategic interactionism in social movements studies." Social Movement Studies 15, no. 6 (August 2016): 634–42. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14742837.2016.1199320.

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19

O'Reilly, Karen. "Majority–minority relations in contemporary women's movements: strategic sisterhood." Gender, Place & Culture 20, no. 8 (December 2013): 1042–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/0966369x.2013.850793.

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20

Álvarez Ruiz, Antón, and Patricia Núñez Gómez. "Communication strategies in civil movements: «Marea Blanca», «Marea Verde» and Telemadrid’s mobilization." OBETS. Revista de Ciencias Sociales 11, no. 1 (June 15, 2016): 53. http://dx.doi.org/10.14198/obets2016.11.1.03.

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This article analyses the importance of the communication strategies applied by three significant social movements: Telemadrid workers’ mobilization (Madrid’s public television), the «Marea Blanca» («White Tide»), which grouped up the healthcare professionals, and the «Marea Verde» («Green Tide»), which was done by teachers. These movements are a practical application of the «indignados» («outraged») movement and, following the 15-M steps, they improved these strategies in what refers to communication and mobilization. For this purpose, we carried out two investigations: twelve in-depth interviews with leading members of these social movements; and an online questionnaire passed to strategic planners who are the experts in communication strategies from the advertising agencies.

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21

Rohmayanti, Lilis. "Strategic Management of Increasing Competency of Students Through Strengthening Character Education (PPK) and School Literation Movement (GLS) at Muhammadiyah Junior High School Margasari." International Conference of Moslem Society 3 (April 12, 2019): 129–48. http://dx.doi.org/10.24090/icms.2019.2434.

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Strengthening Character Education (PPK) and the School Literacy Movement (GLS) are two very important movements in the world of education today. Both are movements that can improve Student Competence in both attitudinal, knowledge and skills competencies. The purpose of this study is to describe the process or stages of strategic management in the form of Scanning, Formating, Implementing and Evaluating in PPK and GLS at Muhammadiyah Margasari Middle School in Tegal Regency. This study uses qualitative research. Data analysis methods used are (1) Data Collection (2) Data Reduction (3) Data Display (4) Conclusion Drawing / Verification. The results of this study are Muhammadiyah Margasari Middle School implementing the stages of strategic management in PPK and Literacy. The stages are First, Scanning includes External and Internal Environmental Analysis with SWOT Analysis. Second, Formating through (1) Formulation of Vision, Mission, Core Value (2) Formulation of integrated School Objectives in PPK and Literacy (3) Formulation of Short and Medium Term School Strategic Plans that contain strategic programs, targets, strategies, funds and resources to improve competency of students through Strengthening Character Education (PPK) and School Literacy Movement (GLS), indicators of success. Third, Implementing is the implementation of improving the quality of students through PPK and Literacy activities including (1) PPK based on class, school and community. (2) GLS habituation, learning and development. Fourth, Evaluating is an evaluation of activities that have been carried out through School Self Evaluation for follow-up and continuous improvement.

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22

CHEN, Si-Yi, and Ren-Lai ZHOU. "Prospective Memory Needs Strategic Control Processing: Evidence from Eye Movements." Acta Psychologica Sinica 42, no. 12 (January 26, 2011): 1128–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.3724/sp.j.1041.2010.01128.

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23

Zachary, Daniel S., Jessica Gervais, Ulrich Leopold, Georges Schutz, Viola S. T. Huck, and Christian Braun. "Strategic Planning of Aircraft Movements with a Three-Cost Objective." Journal of Aircraft 48, no. 1 (January 2011): 256–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.2514/1.c031090.

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24

Milton-Edwards, Beverley, and Alastair Crooke. "Waving, Not Drowning: Strategic Dimensions of Ceasefires and Islamic Movements." Security Dialogue 35, no. 3 (September 2004): 295–310. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0967010604047528.

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25

Done, D. John, and Christopher D. Frith. "Automatic and strategic volitional saccadic eye movements in psychotic patients." European Archives of Psychiatry and Neurological Sciences 239, no. 1 (January 1989): 27–32. http://dx.doi.org/10.1007/bf01739740.

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26

Hodgson, Timothy L., Frouke Hermens, Kyla Pennington, Jade S. Pickering, Gemma Ezard, Richard Clarke, Jagdish Sharma, and Adrian M. Owen. "Eye Movements in the “Morris Maze” Spatial Working Memory Task Reveal Deficits in Strategic Planning." Journal of Cognitive Neuroscience 31, no. 4 (April 2019): 497–509. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/jocn_a_01362.

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Analysis of eye movements can provide insights into processes underlying performance of cognitive tasks. We recorded eye movements in healthy participants and people with idiopathic Parkinson disease during a token foraging task based on the spatial working memory component of the widely used Cambridge Neuropsychological Test Automated Battery. Participants selected boxes (using a mouse click) to reveal hidden tokens. Tokens were never hidden under a box where one had been found before, such that memory had to be used to guide box selections. A key measure of performance in the task is between search errors (BSEs) in which a box where a token has been found is selected again. Eye movements were found to be most commonly directed toward the next box to be clicked on, but fixations also occurred at rates higher than expected by chance on boxes farther ahead or back along the search path. Looking ahead and looking back in this way was found to correlate negatively with BSEs and was significantly reduced in patients with Parkinson disease. Refixating boxes where tokens had already been found correlated with BSEs and the severity of Parkinson disease symptoms. It is concluded that eye movements can provide an index of cognitive planning in the task. Refixations on locations where a token has been found may also provide a sensitive indicator of visuospatial memory integrity. Eye movement measures derived from the spatial working memory task may prove useful in the assessment of executive functions as well as neurological and psychiatric diseases in the future.

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27

Jasper, James M. "The doors that culture opened: Parallels between social movement studies and social psychology." Group Processes & Intergroup Relations 20, no. 3 (May 2017): 285–302. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1368430216686405.

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During the last 30 years the study of social movements has changed dramatically, under the recognition of how important cultural meanings are to collective action and outcomes. Social movement studies has rediscovered a number of microlevel cultural mechanisms that have enriched our understanding of protest and social movements, bringing some subjective elements to a field that for a generation had been highly structural. These include the collective identities of political players, the dynamics of gender, the role of emotions, strategic choices, and the influence of leaders. In much of this work, sociologists and political scientists in social movement studies have worked in parallel to social psychologists, and there has been insufficient dialogue between the two traditions.

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28

Pajnik, Mojca, Žiga Vodovnik, Živa Humer, and Boris Mance. "The Shape of Feminism to Come." Southeastern Europe 44, no. 3 (December 21, 2020): 343–65. http://dx.doi.org/10.30965/18763332-44030001.

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Abstract This article explores the networked politics of feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia, focusing on the organizational (“actional”) and the thematic (content-related) credo of the movements during the “All-Slovenian Uprisings” of 2012–2013. Analysing the movements’ “repertoires of contention”, the authors argue that the movements are driven by cross-movement and cross-issue (i.e. connective) alliances. They identify the presence and/or absence of those interconnections, and explore the content on which the movements focus and around which they generate various forms of activity. The empirical part of the article analyzes ten relevant feminist and lgbt movements in Slovenia and their online activities using the methods of network analysis. The results confirm the “prefigurative” character of movements, showing how they formulate their agenda in line with their own inner causes, so as to confirm their strategic orientation. The analysis also points to the development of the trans-thematic consciousness that emerges beyond the thematization of gender and sexual inequality, opening up larger anti-austerity issues.

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Döll, David. "Die Strategie der convergence des luttes in Frankreich." PROKLA. Zeitschrift für kritische Sozialwissenschaft 46, no. 184 (September 1, 2016): 451–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.32387/prokla.v46i184.125.

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The movement against the Loi Travail pushes the line of antiausterity and democracy struggles to the center of Europe. This paper reflects on the different steps of the “Convergence des luttes”(Convergence of Struggles) in the context of global movements and the crisis of neoliberal hegemony. It argues for strategic convergences of struggles on a European level. The coming “European left” has to form a transnational project against the neoliberal EU and the nationalist regressions.

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Ross, Susan Dente. "“Their Rising Voices”: A Study of Civil Rights, Social Movements, and Advertising in the New York Times." Journalism & Mass Communication Quarterly 75, no. 3 (September 1998): 518–34. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/107769909807500307.

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This content analysis of the New York Times and review of NAACP records documents strategic use of advertising in the New York Times by the civil rights movement between 1955 and 1961. The advertisements are scrutinized in light of theories of social movements, communication, and sociology, and the history of the civil rights movement. The ads framed the civil rights movement to prime the audience to receive radical messages from marginalized speakers, to encourage media legitimization of the movement, to popularize movement goals, and to mobilize support and resources beyond the South.

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Nepal, Padam. "How Movements Move? Evaluating the Role of Ideology and Leadership in Environmental Movement Dynamics in India with Special Reference to the Narmada Bachao Andolan." Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment 4 (May 24, 2009): 24–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.3126/hn.v4i0.1821.

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Lawrence Cox (1999) has argued that the established perspectives on social movements operate with an inadequately narrow conception of the ‘object’ that is being studied and thus tends to ‘reify’ “movements” as usual activity against essentially static backgrounds, and in its place, he advocates a concept of social movement as the more or less developed articulation of situated rationalities. Following Cox, therefore, the present study perceives social movements as articulations of situated rationalities by perceiving them as a tactical, dialectical response to the harsh realities of the political system. This would help us capture the essential dynamic and transformative aspects of the movement. Any social movement, and for that matter, environmental movements are characterized by the presence of agencies and structural components, which, however, are not a priori and static. They are rather dynamic and get changed and transformed in the course of the movement. Precisely for this reason, the environmental movements can at best be comprehended by way of locating and analyzing the dynamism and transformations of the movements produced by the dialectical interaction of the various components and parameters of the movement over a span of time. Hence, the present paper aims to evaluate the dynamics and transformations of the environmental movements in India, taking the case of the Narmada Bachao Andolan, and, adopting a strategic relational approach within the agent-structure framework as its framework of analysis. For the present purpose, however, we have taken only two variables, namely, Ideology and Leadership and attempted the analysis of their contributions in producing movement dynamics.Hydro Nepal: Journal of Water, Energy and Environment Issue No. 4, January, 2009 Page 24-29

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32

Figueiredo, Eluana Borges Leitão de, Ana Paula de Andrade Silva, Ana Lúcia Abrahão, Benedito Carlos Cordeiro, Isabel de Almeida Fonseca, and Mônica Villela Gouvêa. "The Pororoca effect on permanent education in health: about the interaction research-work." Revista Brasileira de Enfermagem 71, suppl 4 (2018): 1768–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1590/0034-7167-2017-0462.

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ABSTRACT Objective: to build municipal responsibility with the permanent education in health policy from the interaction between research and innovation of work practices. Method: experience reports structured through dialogic meetings that allowed the participative diagnosis and strategic administration considering research in health education. Results: from the activities and interactions, we identified active forces in the reinvention of training for workers in the municipal network of health services, in which we found three streams: “inside and outside interactions”, “movement towards meetings” and “strategic collective arrangements”. Final considerations: through action research and a collaborative critique, collective movements were constructed, they showed ways to produce new directions in health education and allowed the strategic creation of the Núcleo de Educação Permanente as a responsibility of the municipal government, not depending on Federal policies.

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33

Heidemann, Kai A. "Pedagogies of Solidarity." Comparative Sociology 19, no. 3 (August 25, 2020): 335–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/15691330-bja10014.

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Abstract Sociological scholarship on social movements has shed important light on the role of knowledge production for processes of collective action and mobilization. However, much of this research overlooks the question of how movement-based knowledge emerges from within institutionalized settings of formal education. Drawing on a qualitative case study, this article examines the repertoire of knowledge-building practices mobilized from within a state-based system of adult education in francophone Belgium. Building on social movement theory, it is shown how formalized sites of adult education can empower the presence of social movements in society when they adopt counter-hegemonic principles of popular education that allow them to act as free spaces which facilitate the construction of strategic capacities and collective identities.

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Tsailas, Demetrios. "China-Europe Strategic Issues." Security science journal 2, no. 2 (December 13, 2021): 77–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.37458/ssj.2.2.5.

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Today, a shakeup of forces and a great power competition have begun on the global geopolitical scene. This competition is mainly due to the rise of China, the deepening of globalization and the interdependence of countries, and violent movements that transcend borders, such as international terrorism. In particular, the increase in China's national power has led to a change in the world order that emerged after the Cold War, and geopolitics is once again taking a central role on the global agenda. The geopolitical focus on the Asia-Indo-Pacific Ocean complex has evolved into a geostrategic rivalry where China is seen as the main threat. This approach is reflected in the international security strategy. In addition, it also manifests itself in the practices of international organizations led by the West forces. We see the most important example of this in the European Union's view of China.

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Welton, Anjalé D., and Tiffany Octavia Harris. "Youth of Color Social Movements for Racial Justice: The Politics of Interrogating the School-to-Prison Pipeline." Educational Policy 36, no. 1 (December 3, 2021): 57–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/08959048211059728.

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Youth social movements for racial justice, especially against police violence, are on the rise. And this broader policy landscape is reflective of how youth are addressing racism in policing in their local context. Therefore, by drawing upon scholarship related to Black Radicalism, activism, and social movements, this study examines how youth of color activists are fighting against the overpolicing of their schools and communities in two specific contexts: Wake County, North Carolina and Chicago, Illinois. This study demonstrates how context shapes youth of color social movement building, that youth are strategic in how they employ activism, and ultimately adults can either impede or help advance youth’s demands for justice.

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Faúndes, José Manuel Morán. "The Development of ‘Pro-Life’ NGOs in Argentina: Three Strategic Movements." Religion and Gender 8, no. 1 (February 19, 2018): 50–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/rg.10248.

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In Latin America, the agenda of sexual and reproductive rights advocated by the feminist and LGBTI movements has challenged the hegemony of the sexual order held by traditionalist sectors, especially the hierarchy of the Catholic Church and conservative evangelical churches. These religious groups have reacted, in turn, to arrest the advance of feminist and LGBTI agendas. Beyond conservative Catholic and evangelical hierarchies, opposition activists also include religious academic institutions, politicians, Christian lay movements, and civil society groups, among others, all committed to a more restrictive view of sexuality. One important strategy of this ‘Pro-Life’ activism in recent years has been the conformation of non-governmental organizations (NGOs). This article offers an analysis of the emergence and development of ‘Pro-Life’ NGOs in Argentina. Using both quantitative and qualitative data, it examines three strategic movements made by these NGOs from the 1980s to the present: a state-political turn that favored strategies aimed to colonize the state and to impact sexual policies and the law; a blurring of religious identities; and a process of federalization and civil ecumenism.

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Hambrick, Donald C. "NEW ACADEMIC FIELDS AS SOCIAL MOVEMENTS: THE CASE OF STRATEGIC MANAGEMENT." Academy of Management Proceedings 2005, no. 1 (August 2005): E1—E6. http://dx.doi.org/10.5465/ambpp.2005.18778411.

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Woodward, Alison. "Book Review: Majority-Minority Relations in Contemporary Women's Movements: Strategic Sisterhood." Sociological Review 63, no. 2 (May 2015): 526–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/1467-954x.12300.

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Moghadam, Valentine, and Elham Gheytanchi. "Political Opportunities and Strategic Choices: Comparing Feminist Campaigns in Morocco and Iran." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 15, no. 3 (September 1, 2010): 267–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/maiq.15.3.n248564371645v14.

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How do women's rights activists mobilize in nondemocratic and culturally conservative contexts? Why do some women's movements succeed in securing the policy outcomes they seek while others fail to realize their objectives? Comparing two recent cases of feminist activism in the Middle East/North Africa region—the Moroccan and Iranian campaigns for family law reform—the article demonstrates the way that political opportunity structures shape the strategic options available to activists and influence movement frames. While a political opening is conducive to movement growth and success, including cooperation for legal and policy reform (Morocco), the closing of political space compels extrainstitutional feminist contention and transnational links (Iran). In examining the structure of political opportunity in addition to strategic choices, the paper addresses the interplay of structure and agency in mobilization processes and finds that—to paraphrase Marx—women and men make history, but not under conditions of their own choosing.

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Bracey, Glenn E. "BEYOND MOVEMENTS: THE ONTOLOGY OF BLACK LIVES MATTER." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 26, no. 4 (December 1, 2021): 489–96. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-26-4-489.

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This special issue on Black Lives Matter provides insights on the choices activists and organizations are making to defend Black lives in light of various, often unsupportive, political contexts. This concluding essay takes a step back to consider how anti-blackness conditions and shapes the ongoing movement for Black lives. Whites’ refusal to see Black people as fully and irrevocably human facilitates their constant aggression against Black people, including treating Black people as socially dead and beyond the bounds of social regulation. Consequently, scholars should conceptualize the movement for Black lives as a fundamentally defensive movement for recognition as persons rather than an insurgent attempt to integrate into white society. Starting analyses with realization of global antiblackness as a fundamental context allows social movement scholars to better conceptualize race, understand relationships between competing parties, recognize the scope and goals of Black movements, understand organizations’ strategic choices, and opens new areas for inquiry and analysis.

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Sbicca, Joshua, India Luxton, James Hale, and Kassandra Roeser. "Collaborative Concession in Food Movement Networks: The Uneven Relations of Resource Mobilization." Sustainability 11, no. 10 (May 21, 2019): 2881. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/su11102881.

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How do food movements prioritize and work to accomplish their varied and often conflicting social change goals at the city scale? Our study investigates the Denver food movement with a mixed methods social network analysis to understand how organizations navigate differences in power and influence vis-à-vis resource exchange. We refer to this uneven process with the analytical concept of “collaborative concession”. The strategic resource mobilization of money, land, and labor operates through certain collaborative niches, which constitute the priorities of the movement. Among these are poverty alleviation and local food production, which are facilitated by powerful development, education, and health organizations. Therefore, food movement networks do not offer organizations equal opportunity to carry out their priorities. Concession suggests that organizations need to lose something to gain something. Paradoxically, collaboration can produce a resource gain. Our findings provide new insights into the uneven process by which food movement organizations—and city-wide food movements overall—mobilize.

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Staggenborg, Suzanne. "STUDYING A MOVEMENT UP CLOSE: GRASSROOTS ENVIRONMENTALISM." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 27, no. 1 (March 1, 2022): 1–12. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-27-1-1.

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Qualitative fieldwork methods, particularly participant observation, afford a close-up look at the dynamics of social movements, allowing researchers to directly observe processes such as strategic decision making and the creation of social movement communities. Extended fieldwork allows us to see how movements and organizations change over time. This article reports on the value of long-term participant observation in a study of grassroots environmentalism in Pittsburgh. I show how the method increases our understanding of how and why people get involved in the movement; the importance of tactics in mobilization; and the challenges of organizing and developing strategy in movement organizations. The study compares organizations that vary by structure and ideology and points to the importance of looking at the multiple and lasting impacts of movement actions and campaigns. The article also notes some of the difficulties of fieldwork, the desirability of team research and multimethod studies, and suggestions for future research.

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Perdana, Aditya, and Delia Wildianti. "Women Political Movements After 20 Years of Reformasi in Indonesia." Jurnal Perempuan 24, no. 1 (March 7, 2019): 43. http://dx.doi.org/10.34309/jp.v24i1.297.

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The main question in this article is how is the achievement of women political movements after 20 years of reformation in Indonesia? This article elaborates two things which are foundation reasons for examining why women movement in politics have stagnant position and offering strategic agenda that could be discussed for attracting young women in political arena. There are three main reasons to see women movement after Reformation 1998. First aspect is considering civil society characteristics and also party politics in Indonesia which are unique. Second issue is there are established political interaction between both organizations. Third issue are concerning on electoral competition that is important to highlight. That is how to endorse the winning of women candidates in each election could be achieved. We believe that to build connectivity and linkage between young women generation and party politics is strategic step for party politics for resolving the necessity of women candidacy and their winning opportunities in elections.

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Ellner, Steve. "Implications of Marxist State Theory and How They Play Out in Venezuela." Historical Materialism 25, no. 2 (August 3, 2017): 29–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569206x-12301419.

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The implications of Marxist state theories developed by Nicos Poulantzas and Ralph Miliband are useful for framing issues related to leftist strategy in twenty-first-century Venezuela. A relationship exists between each of the theories and three issues facing the Chavista movement: whether the bourgeoisie (or sectors of it) displays a sense of ‘class-consciousness’; the viability of tactical and strategic alliances between the left and groups linked to the capitalist structure; and whether socialism is to be achieved through stages, abrupt revolutionary changes, or ongoing state radicalisation over a period of time. During Poulantzas’s lifetime, his concept of the state as a ‘strategic battlefield’ lent itself to the left’s promotion of ‘strategic alliances’ with parties to its right. The same concept is compatible with the ‘process of change’ in Venezuela, in which autonomous movements play a fundamental role in transforming the old state and the construction of new state structures.

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Stojadinovic, Mladen. "Transnational social movements in the internet era: The case of „Avaaz”." Sociologija 59, no. 4 (2017): 497–517. http://dx.doi.org/10.2298/soc1704497s.

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The paper will deal with concept and range of transnational social movements at the beginning of 21st century, which is a period characterized by huge growth of importance of new technologies and Internet. We will be interested in the role of transnational social movements which base or at least overwhelmingly organize their activity through Internet and social networks; ?Avaaz? will be taken as an example since it is the most popular activist community at the mentioned network. The key aim will be to describe and partly explain the possibilities that Internet provides for functioning of movements, but also to give indications of strategic and tactical changes in their actions, as well as of dangers such type of technology can cause in relation to practical social and political consequences. Firstly, it will shortly be spoken about the concept of transnational social movements, then about the relation between Internet and democracy, conditions that lead to development of new practices such as direct democracy or e-democracy and about the political participation on the Internet. Then the focus will move to ?Avaaz? movement, its recent features and activities, the ethics of this movement that might be defined as cosmopolitan, but also to critics that might be directed to ?Avaaz?. The final part of the paper will be devoted to considerations on transnational social movement?s future and their real and potential impact on emergence of global civil society, in order to assess the achievements of this particular and similar movements.

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Frickel, Scott, Rebekah Torcasso, and Annika Anderson. "The Organization of Expert Activism: Shadow Mobilization in Two Social Movements*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 20, no. 3 (September 1, 2015): 305–23. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-20-3-305.

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The organization of expert activism is a problem of increasing importance for social movement organizers and scholars alike. Yet the relative invisibility of expert activists within social movements makes them difficult to systematically identify and study. This article offers two related ways forward. First, we advance a theory of “shadow mobilization” to explain the organization of expert activism in the broader context of proliferating risk and intensifying knowledge-based conflict. Second, we introduce a new methodological approach for collecting systematic data on members of this difficult-to-reach population. Findings from comparative analysis of expert activists in the environmental justice movement in Louisiana and the alternative agriculture movement in Washington reveal both important commonalities and fine-grained differences, suggesting that shadow mobilizations are strategic collective responses to cumulative risk in contemporary society.

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Davidson, Robert J. "STRATEGIC TRADEOFFS: MOVEMENT-GOVERNMENT INTERACTIONS AND DUTCH GAY AND LESBIAN POLICY, 1986–1994*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 23, no. 2 (June 1, 2018): 203–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-23-2-203.

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Interactions between social movements and government actors have been conceptualized as either combative and exclusionary or institutionalized and coopted. This article transcends that dichotomy by tracing one social movement organization's tactical pursuit of institutionalization, examining the process through which institutionalization occurred, and evaluating its effects. This case study, based on qualitative, archival data, traces the institutionalization of the gay and lesbian social movement organization, the Dutch Association for the Integration of Homosexuality, COC, between 1986 and 1994. The analysis offers three findings: First, institutionalization is a process built through sustained exchange relations over time. Second, institutionalization does not necessarily result in cooptation but does involve tradeoffs. Third, both SMO and governmental actors are affected, albeit differently, by the process of institutionalization. While the COC was primarily affected organizationally, the Dutch government became more activist by attempting to influence the social institution of sexuality to accommodate homosexuality.

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Fugazzola, Caterina. "A Family Matter Asymmetrical Metonymy and Regional LGBT Discourse in Italy." European Journal of Sociology 60, no. 3 (December 2019): 351–82. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000397561900016x.

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AbstractIn this project, I use the LGBT movement in Italy as a case study to investigate how social movements in culturally diverse social environments strategically employ contentious language to develop discourses that maximize cultural and policy outcomes without encountering discursive fragmentation. My research shows that supporters of LGBT civil rights in different Italian regions relied on a tactical use of particular words in order to respond to regionally specific norms of cultural expression regulating the boundaries drawn around the concept of family. Taking a cultural and linguistic approach to the study of social movements, I present the mechanism of asymmetrical metonymy as an example of the strategic use of polysemic language to achieve discursive convergence through culturally specific tactics, and I argue that discourse and rhetorical analysis offer a way to understand how movements make sense of different cultural limitations in a fragmented social environment.

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Espinoza-Kulick, Alex. "A MULTIMETHOD APPROACH TO FRAMING DISPUTES: SAME-SEX MARRIAGE ON TRIAL IN OBERGEFELL V. HODGES*." Mobilization: An International Quarterly 25, no. 1 (March 1, 2020): 45–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.17813/1086-671x-25-1-45.

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Social movements scholars have widely used the framing perspective to analyze meaning-making related to social movements and contentious politics. Qualitative methods have helped to illuminate how activists frame social issues to combine meanings in strategic ways. By contrast, linear statistical modeling is ill-suited to analyze the interdependent and circuitous aspects of collective action frames. This study offers a multimethod approach that uses an abductive framework to combine techniques from computational text analysis and network modeling along with interpretive coding. I demonstrate this approach in the context of framing disputes through legal mobilization over the same-sex marriage in the case of Obergefell v. Hodges. By examining Court discourse and amicus briefs, I show the coordination of similarities and distinctions among opposing social movement groups and elite actors. Future research can expand this method for both case studies and comparative analyses of movements.

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Ryckman, Kirssa Cline. "A Turn to Violence: The Escalation of Nonviolent Movements." Journal of Conflict Resolution 64, no. 2-3 (July 9, 2019): 318–43. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0022002719861707.

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Nonviolent resistance can be a powerful tool for ordinary civilians to transform their governments; however, not all nonviolent movements end in success and many ultimately escalate into violent conflicts. To understand this escalatory process, I begin with the premise that social movements are not unitary actors but a collection of groups with varied preferences on goals and tactics. I argue that escalation is likely when movements have violence-wielding groups among their varied factions, as these groups deal in violence, believe in its utility, and can make the strategic decision to engage in violence as needed. I argue this is particularly likely when the campaign fails to make progress using nonviolent channels, suggesting that nonviolent tactics will not be successful to achieve the group’s goals. Expectations are tested using the Nonviolent and Violent Campaigns and Outcomes data and the case of Algeria’s escalation from a nonviolent movement to brutal civil war, and results are generally supportive.

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