Статті в журналах: "Stato napoleonico"

1

Banfi, Enrico, and Agnese Visconti. "L’Orto di Brera alla fine della dominazione asburgica e durante l’età napoleonica." Natural History Sciences 154, no. 2 (September 1, 2013): 173. http://dx.doi.org/10.4081/nhs.2013.173.

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Il saggio illustra, la storia dell’Orto di Brera e della sua funzione come strumento didattico per la cattedra di botanica del Ginnasio, dal 1802 Liceo, di Brera nel periodo compreso tra la fine della dominazione asburgica e l’intero periodo napoleonico. Esso si fonda su una documentazione per la massima parte inedita conservata nelle seguenti istituzioni: Biblioteca Braidense di Milano, Archivio di Stato di Milano, Biblioteca del Museo di Storia Naturale di Milano, Archivio di Stato di Pavia, Accademia delle Scienze di Torino; Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Biblioteca dell’Orto botanico dell’Università di Padova, Bibliothèque Centrale du Muséum d’Histoire Naturelle di Parigi.<br />La prima parte del lavoro è dedicata al periodo che va dall’entrata in attività dell’Orto (1777) alla conduzione di Ciro Pollini (1805-1807) e si incentra in particolare sul legame tra la scelta delle piante dell’Orto, per lo più officinali, e l’insegnamento ai medici e ai farmacisti.<br />Si passa quindi alla ricostruzione del lavoro svolto dal custode Filippo Armano che diede all’Orto una nuova fisionomia, introducendo piante ornamentali, esotiche e rare, e che redasse il primo Catalogo (1812) di cui si presenta una lista degli aggiornamenti nomenclaturali.<br />Viene infine illustrata la figura del direttore Paolo Sangiorgio che resse l’Orto per tutto il periodo napoleonico, opponendosi alla concezione di Armano e applicandosi con forte impegno alla didattica.

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2

Démier, Francis. "1814: di fronte all'Europa dei vincitori. La metamorfosi liberale dell'apparato di Stato francese." IL RISORGIMENTO, no. 1 (June 2016): 5–20. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/riso2016-001001.

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Il ritorno dei Borbone sul trono di Francia nel 1814, alla caduta dell'Impero napoleonico, fu caratterizzato - malgrado le aspirazioni della destra reazionaria - dalla necessita di stabilire una linea di continuita con il recente passato attraverso l'epurazione dei personaggi politicamente piu compromessi. Il saggio mostra come la potente macchina amministrativa, erede di una lunga tradizione, sia stata in grado di assicurare la transizione tra i due regimi (imperiale e monarchico), intervenendo soprattutto in campo economico. Memore della lezione di Turgot e di Necker (ma anche di Colbert), appassionata lettrice del liberismo inglese, l'elite tecnocratica di inizio Restaurazione, variamente composta da un personale amministrativo che si era fatto le ossa negli anni precedenti (o addirittura in Ancien Regime), riesce a gestire questo delicato passaggio facendo dello Stato, in nome di un liberismo fortemente pragmatico, una sorta di supervisore della modernizzazione economica ineludibile per mantenere la Francia al rango di potenza europea.

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3

Fabbian, Chiara. "Stato e Chiesa nel Mezzogiorno napoleonico. Atti del quinto seminario di studi ‘Decennio francese (1806–1815)’." Journal of Modern Italian Studies 18, no. 5 (December 2013): 660–62. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/1354571x.2013.839535.

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4

Skubic, Mitja. "Maurizio Puntin, Toponomastica storica del territorio di Monfalcone e del comune moderno di Sagrado, Centro Isontino di Ricerca e Documentazione storica e sociale "Leopoldo Gasparini", Gradisca d'Isonzo - SKRD Jadro, Ronchi dei Legionari - SKŠRD Tržič, Mo." Linguistica 44, no. 1 (December 1, 2004): 161–66. http://dx.doi.org/10.4312/linguistica.44.1.161-166.

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Tre istituzioni culturali del Basso Isontino, una italiana, la principale promotrice della pubblicazione, e due slovene, hanno reso possibile l'apparizione di questo impor tante studio della toponomastica del territorio monfalconese di Maurizio Puntin, frut to di un lungo, decennale lavoro. Vogliamo sottolineare subito l'attributo storico nel ti tolo. L'autore non si è limitato all'esame della toponomastica nello stato attuale; ha fatto una minuziosa ricerca negli archivi e ha esplorato i catasti e codici e, inoltre, anche i due preziosi schedari di Corgnali, antroponimico e toponimico, giacenti presso la Bi blioteca Civica di Udine. Per ciò la qualifica di "storico" è del tutto giustificata: vi sono elencati i toponimi (e microtoponimi!) di un ristretto territorio, quello monfalconese attraverso secoli, alcuni addirittura tramandati dagli storici greci e latini. Il vero inte resse rimangono, certo, i toponimi che mostrano la fluttuazione delle etnie dal Medio Evo in poi. Per convincerci dell'assiduo lavoro dell'autore è sufficiente sottolineare l'ab bondante uso del Catasto Napoleonico, del 1818. Un altro ricercatore dei microtoponi mi di un territorio tutto sommato non troppo distante e comunque per qualche aspet to simile al monfalconese, il linguista e etnologo friulano Roberto Dapit esaminando i microtoponimi nella valle di Resia ha constatato che i catasti napoleonici superano, per quanto riguarda la precisione e l'esattezza, quelli fatti nell'epoca dell'amministrazione austriaca e anche quelli posteriori. Il che è un elogio alla burocrazia francese. Sia detto per l'inciso, fultimo decreto riguardante Trieste, [più precisamente le tariffe dell'entrepôt triestino,J fu firmato da Napoleone nel 1812, mentre si trovava alle porte di Mosca (!).

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5

de Sio, Gian Filippo. "More nobilium. Le spese vistose straordinarie dei conti Andreani nel secondo Settecento: matrimoni, funerali, viaggi e monacazioni." STORIA IN LOMBARDIA, no. 2 (September 2020): 7–44. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/sil2018-002002.

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L'autore, grazie al ricco fondo delle carte familiari, conservato all'Archivio di Stato di Milano, analizza le imponenti spese straordinarie dei conti Andreani a Milano nel periodo 1775-1785. Famiglia originaria di Corenno, sul lago di Como, giunta a Milano nella prima metà del Settecento, gli Andreani diventano nobili grazie al servizio svolto nei più alti gradi della burocrazia statale, arrivando a essere una delle più ricche famiglie del patriziato della loro epoca, secondo le rilevazioni fiscali francesi del successivo periodo napoleonico. Lo sfarzo del loro abituale stile di vita si riflette non solo nelle spese correnti, come cibo, salario e vestiario dei servi, carità, stalla e carrozze, ma anche in quelle vistose straordinarie, ossia matrimoni, funerali, viaggi e monacazioni, puntualmente messe in evidenza dai ragionieri nel libro di cassa dei conti, ammontando nel decennio considerato a oltre 2.500.000 lire milanesi in totale. Le uscite medie annuali raggiungono 228mila lire milanesi circa.

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6

Papagna, Elena. "La nobiltÀ nel Mezzogiorno d'Italia durante il Decennio francese." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 123 (June 2009): 31–55. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2009-123003.

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- In the first part of the essay the author examines the law on nobility enacted in southern Italy under French domination by linking it to measures taken by the Bourbon government in the second half of the Eighteenth Century. Two stages have been identified in Napoleonic legislation: the first deprives the ancient nobility of the Kingdom of its legal privileges maintaining only an honorary distinction; the second establishes a new nobility, intended to confer symbolic and material rewards on those who distinguished themselves in the service of the State and the Dynasty. An advisory board – the Consiglio de' majoraschi – was created and charged with carrying out the bureaucratic procedures provided for the establishment of entails. These were an essential requirement for the titles conferred upon the new nobles to become hereditary. In the second part the author performs a quantitative and qualitative analysis of the new nobility, involving the timing and social distribution of the new titles. Te relations between old and new Neapolitan aristocracy nobles are also investigated. The case of Southern Italy is set in the broader context of Napoleonic Europe, and the similarities and differences between the new nobilities of the French Empire and of the Kingdom of Italy are duly underlined.Keywords: Napoleonic Era; Southern Italy; Nobility; legislation on nobilityParole chiave: etÀ napoleonica; Mezzogiorno d'Italia; nobiltÀ; legislazione nobiliare

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7

Brice, Catherine, and Marco Meriggi. "Recensioni. Stato e società nell'Europa napoleonica / Forme del dominio e organizzazione del consenso nella Roma napoleonica." PASSATO E PRESENTE, no. 93 (October 2014): 153–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/pass2014-093010.

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8

Grab, Alexander. "The napoleonic state and public health policies: smallpox vaccination in napoleonic Italy (1800-1814)." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 145 (January 2015): 487–511. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2014-145003.

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9

Woloch, Isser. "NAPOLEONIC CONSCRIPTION: STATE POWER AND CIVIL SOCIETY." Past and Present 111, no. 1 (1986): 101–29. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/past/111.1.101.

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10

Hicks, Peter. "The Napoleonic ?police' or ?security state' in context." Napoleonica La Revue 4, no. 1 (2009): 2. http://dx.doi.org/10.3917/napo.091.0001.

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11

Deseure, Brecht, and Diederik Smit. "Pre-Revolutionary Provinces in a Post-Napoleonic State." BMGN - Low Countries Historical Review 133, no. 3 (August 2018): 98–121. http://dx.doi.org/10.18352/bmgn-lchr.10589.

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12

CROOK, MALCOLM, and JOHN DUNNE. "THE FIRST EUROPEAN ELECTIONS? VOTING AND IMPERIAL STATE-BUILDING UNDER NAPOLEON, 1802–1813." Historical Journal 57, no. 3 (August 14, 2014): 661–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x1400020x.

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ABSTRACTThis article establishes the significance of elections held in the annexed departments of the Napoleonic Empire from 1802 to 1813. It thus represents an original, and perhaps surprising, contribution to recent debate on the nature of Napoleonic imperialism, in which attention has shifted from core to periphery, and away from purely military matters. The electoral process under this authoritarian regime has been alternately neglected or derided, especially where the newly created departments of the Low Countries and parts of Germany and Italy are concerned. However, extensive archival research demonstrates that it was taken extremely seriously by both regime and voters, especially outside metropolitan France. These ‘First European Elections', as they may be dubbed, took place in regular fashion right across the Empire and are studied here on a transnational basis, which also involves the metropolitan departments. Though open to all adult males at the primary level, they were not exercises in democracy, but they did create some rare political space which local people were not slow to exploit for their own purposes. Above all, they served as a means of integrating ‘new Frenchmen’, particularly members of indigenous elites, into the Napoleonic system.

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13

Grab, Alexander. "State Power, Brigandage and Rural Resistance in Napoleonic Italy." European History Quarterly 25, no. 1 (January 1995): 39–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/026569149502500102.

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14

Vegliante, Angela. "Una breve storia dell’adozione." Mnemosyne, no. 8 (October 15, 2018): 13. http://dx.doi.org/10.14428/mnemosyne.v0i8.13933.

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L’adozione, e cioè la pratica che consente di creare un legame giuridico tra soggetti che generalmente non sono legati da vincoli di sangue, è stata conosciuta fin dall’antichità. Molto diffusa in epoca romana, aveva lo scopo di assicurare la succession nel patrimonio e il culto dei Lari. Quasi dimenticata nel Medio Evo, divenne di nuovo popolare nel XVII secolo e fu infine disciplinata nel Codice Napoleonico, che ne influenzò la regolamentazione in diversi Paesi europei. L’adozione ‘moderna’ e cioè l’adozione di minori, ebbe inizio dal punto di vista giuridico molto più tardi, negli Stati Uniti e in Europa fu disciplinata verso la metà del secolo XX. La legislazione in questa materia è attualmente molto vasta e dettagliata, a livello sia nazionale che internazionale. Dal momento che le adozioni, e soprattutto le adozioni internazionali sono diventate sempre più diffuse, diverse convenzioni internazionali sono state adottate per garantire la protezione dei diritti dei minori e per promuovere la cooperazione e la facilitazione delle procedure a livello nazionale e internazionale.

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15

Vrankić, Petar. "The Political, Ecclesiastical and National Unrest in Herzegovina and Neighbouring Bosnia during the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars (1789-1814)." Hercegovina. Serija 3: časopis za kulturno i povijesno nasljeđe, no. 8 (September 22, 2022): 107–78. http://dx.doi.org/10.47960/2712-1844.2022.8.107.

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The author presents the complexity of the unrest in Herzegovina, neighbouring Bosnia and in other border regions (Dubrovnik, Dalmatia, Croatia and Serbia) at the turn of the nineteenth century, starting with the major tenets of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars, the subsequent unrest and its consequences in all of Europe. In this part of Europe, which was practically unknown to the average European of the time, direct and indirect consequences of the French Revolution and Napoleonic Wars and their attendant phenomena spread rapidly throughout Europe, the Ottoman and Russian Empires. As the French Revolution was losing its attraction for civil circles at the beginning of the nineteenth century, a military and organisational genius, Napoleon Bonaparte, emerged in its wake, becoming the worthiest bearer and disseminator of the legacy of the French Revolution, French civilisation and its imperial hegemony that inundated 108 Europe and attempted to abolish its old state, political, social and religious order (l'ancien régime).1 The perception of the spirit and nature of the French Revolution and the Napoleonic Wars in these countries will be shown as very complex and more antagonistic than acceptable. Keywords: French Revolution; Napoleonic Wars; Ottoman Empire; Dalmatia, Dubrovnik; Boka; Herzegovina; Bosnia; Nikola Ferić; Petar I. Petrović; Dadić family; Rizvanbegović family

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16

DALY, GAVIN. "NAPOLEON AND THE ‘CITY OF SMUGGLERS’, 1810–1814." Historical Journal 50, no. 2 (May 9, 2007): 333–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x07006097.

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In the final years of the Napoleonic Wars, Napoleon allowed English smugglers entry into the French ports of Dunkirk and Gravelines, encouraging them to run contraband back and forth across the Channel. Gravelines catered for up to 300 English smugglers, housed in a specially constructed compound known as the ‘city of smugglers’. Napoleon used the smugglers in the war against Britain. The smugglers arrived on the French coast with escaped French prisoners of war, gold guineas, and English newspapers; and returned to England laden with French textiles, brandy, and gin. Smuggling remains a neglected historical subject, and this episode in particular – the relationship between English smugglers and the Napoleonic state between 1810 and 1814 – has attracted little scholarly interest. Yet it provides a rich historical source, illuminating not only the history of Anglo-French Channel smuggling during the early nineteenth century, but offering insights into the economic, social, and maritime history of the Napoleonic Wars.

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17

CAIANI, AMBROGIO A. "The Concile National of 1811: Napoleon, Gallicanism and the Failure of Neo-Conciliarism." Journal of Ecclesiastical History 70, no. 3 (January 8, 2019): 546–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0022046918001999.

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The concile national of 1811 was one of the greatest flashpoints in the struggle that pitted the Napoleonic Empire against the papacy. This episode, which deserves to be situated within more recent historiographical trends, reveals much about the nature of Napoleonic imperialism and the Church's distrust for the power of the state. This article puts forward the view that the failure of the concile national was not strategic but tactical. Several bishops were frustrated with the pope's recalcitrance over episcopal investiture and fearful of schism. But their initial openness to neo-conciliarism turned to hostility when confronted with the state's intolerance.

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18

Kingston, R. "Inside Napoleonic France: State and Society in Rouen, 1800-1815." French History 17, no. 2 (June 1, 2003): 216–18. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fh/17.2.216.

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19

Poggi, Stefano. "Conflitti d'identità. Pratiche, gestione e controllo delle identità nell'Italia napoleonica." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 172 (June 2021): 287–320. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2021-172003.

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Di fronte allo sviluppo dello Stato amministrativo, i governi delle repubbliche Cisalpine/Italiana e del regno d'Italia elaborarono un sistema identificatorio statale autonomo dal modello francese. Il caso studio della città di Vicenza - capoluogo del dipartimento del Bacchiglione - permette di verificare l'effettiva applicazione di questo progetto politico a livello locale. Attraverso lo studio sistematico dell'archivio del commissariato di polizia di Vicenza emerge così un insieme di pratiche popolari e strategie di controllo distante dal sistema uniforme previsto dalla legislazione nazionale. Un modello duale, in cui i sistemi identificatori tradizionale e statale convivevano intrecciandosi e integrandosi. Un modello che rispecchiava due diverse concezioni di identità: una, promossa dallo Stato, rigida ed esterna alla società; l'altra, radicata nella mentalità degli attori storici, fluida e costantemente ridefinita.

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20

Krzymkowski, Marek. "KONCEPCJA USTANOWIENIA RADY STANU (W ZWIąZKU Z PROJEKTEM RZECZNIKA PRAW OBYWATELSKICH JANUSZA KOCHANOWSKIEGO)." Zeszyty Prawnicze 13, no. 4 (December 11, 2016): 211. http://dx.doi.org/10.21697/zp.2013.13.4.10.

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A PROPOSAL TO ESTABLISH A COUNCIL OF STATE IN POLAND Summary In 2006 Janusz Kochanowski, Poland’s Civil Rights Spokesman, put forward a proposal for the establishment of a council of state. The idea itself is not new, and goes back to the Napoleonic Conseil d’État. A council of state operated on Polish territories in the 19th century, when the country was partitioned and under foreign rule, during the brief spell under the Duchy of Warsaw controlled by Napoleonic France (1807-1815), and subsequently in the so-called Kingdom of Poland under Russian rule (1815-1831, 1833-1845, 1861-1867). Nowadays councils of state operate in France, Holland, Italy, and Belgium. Their primary tasks are judicial and consultative, as a supreme administrative court. Kochanowski’s proposal envisaged a council of state empowered to issue its opinion on prospective legislation at the draft bill stage. It was to have a president and a membership of 15 counsellors elected by Sejm for a 9-year term of office. Only candidates with the required juridical and/or academic qualifications would be eligible to stand for this office.

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21

Sperber, Jonathan. "Echoes of the French Revolution in the Rhineland, 1830–1849." Central European History 22, no. 2 (June 1989): 200–217. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s000893890001150x.

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Of all the regions of Central Europe, the Rhineland was the one most affected by the French Revolution. The area on the left bank of the Rhine belonged for almost two full decades to the First French Republic and the Napoleonic Empire; parts of the right bank were, for a shorter period, under the rule of the Napoleonic satellite state, the Grand Duchy of Berg. In studying these unusual circumstances, historians have sometimes focused on short-term political implications, asking how the Rhenish population of the 1790s responded to the Jacobin regime. They have also studied the long-term social and economic effects of the revolutionary legislation and the secularization of church lands.

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22

Casta, Aurélien, and Daniel Levy. "Private Higher Education: Even France, Even For-Profit." International Higher Education, no. 85 (March 14, 2016): 30–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.6017/ihe.2016.85.9249.

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The dramatic growth of private higher education (PHE) in France, including a significant for-profit component, clashes with traditional notions of an omnipotent state ruling over higher education. But in fact the post-Napoleonic state has generally been accepting of the private educational sector, which has evolved from a religious to a markedly commercial orientation.

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23

Jones, P. M. "Review: Inside Napoleonic France: State and Society in Rouen, 1800-1815." French Studies 57, no. 1 (January 1, 2003): 91–92. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/fs/57.1.91-a.

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24

Zaradkiewicz, Kamil. "Vacant inheritance, heirless inheritance and claims from Warsaw Decree (part II)." Nieruchomości@ 3, no. 3 (December 31, 2019): 11–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.5604/01.3001.0013.5913.

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The second part of the article concerns the interpretation and application in the central parts of Poland of the provisions of the Napoleonic Code on vacant inheritances. The Code does not provide a definition of the vacant inheritance. The key to the interpretation of the provisions on the acquisition of vacant inheritances by the state is the term “is presumed to be” (a vacant inheritance) used in the former Article 811 of the Napoleonic Code (French: est réputée vacante), see the current Article 809 of the French Civil Code which omits the term “is presumed to be”).This indicates that, in the absence of suitable heirs, the law introduced a specific rebuttable presumption of a vacant inheritance, belonging to the state. Only after an appropriate period of time did the presumption turn into certainty, i.e. it resulted in the inability to invoke the inheritance title. In practice, this meant that thirty years after the time necessary to draw up an inventory of the inheritance and to deliberate (ad deliberandum), the inheritance ultimately fell to the State. The mechanism adopted in the Napoleonic Code made it possible, on the one hand, for the heir to acquire the inheritance, which remained under the supervision of a curator for the period when it was presumed vacant, and on the other hand, it prevented the existence of inheritances without a claimant, i.e. inheritances devoid of the persons entitled to take them over. In the post-war period, when the communist authorities passed subsequent legal acts concerning the provisions of the inheritance law, the deadlines for heirs to apply for inheritance changed. Ultimately, the legislator did not adopt the model of vacant inheritances in the regulations harmonising the inheritance law on the Polish lands since 1947; instead, a solution analogous to the one provided for in the German Civil Code of 1986 (BGB) was adopted. The “shortening” of the statute of limitations also influenced the assessment of the admissibility of further application of the provisions of the Napoleonic Code in regard to vacant inheritances during the period of the People’s Republic of Poland regime (despite the existence of different inheritance law solutions).

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25

Grab, Alexander. "Army, State, and Society: Conscription and Desertion in Napoleonic Italy (1802-1814)." Journal of Modern History 67, no. 1 (March 1995): 25–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1086/245016.

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26

Isaikova, Oleksandra. "«We don’t believe you, Nicolas»: royalist publicism as a source of French anti-Napoleonic caricature." Text and Image: Essential Problems in Art History, no. 2 (2020): 94–108. http://dx.doi.org/10.17721/2519-4801.2020.2.06.

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The article refers to the connection between royalist publicism and anti-Napoleonic caricature through the example of two etchings from the Khanenko Museum collection. The task of royalist propaganda was to undermine the authority of Napoleon Bonaparte and, at the same time, to set society in favor of the Bourbon restoration. This causes the specifics of the anti-Napoleonic pamphlets and caricatures, which were usually focused on creating of the repulsive images of the emperor. At the same time, it is easy to notice that the authors of texts and images operated with a common set of motifs, images, as well as they used similar techniques. Therefore, the analysis of pamphlets provides better understanding of the subject of studied etchings and helps to clarify the meaning of certain details. Furthermore, taking into account that caricature was often secondary to the texts, author strived to find the literary sources of the studied caricatures and came to the conclusion that Charon’s famous engraving “The Height of Cannibalism” was strongly influenced by the François-René Chateaubriand’s “Report on the State of France” (1815). The matching texts, as well as the general consonance of the caricature “Arrival of Nicolas Buonaparte in Tuileries on January 20, 1815” with Rougemaitre’s popular anti-Napoleonic pamphlet “Life of Nicolas” (1815) suggests that the latter was among the caricaturist’s sources of inspiration at least.

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27

Brassart, Laurent. "Improving useful species: a public policy of the Directoire regime and Napoleonic Empire in Europe (1795-1815)." Historia Agraria. Revista de agricultura e historia rural 75 (June 1, 2018): 93–113. http://dx.doi.org/10.26882/histagrar.075e02b.

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When the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Armies conquered most of Europe, they found unknown or hardly known plant and animal species. French naturalists, particularly the so-called agronomists led by botanists and zoologists, supported by the financial and political backing of the State, shaped an ambitious “Nature Policy”. They imported new species of plants and animals from the occupied territories to introduce them into France. The biological regeneration of French herds and agriculture was the main goal of this public policy. A unidirectional circulation from throughout the European continent towards France occurred from 1799 to 1815. But the continental blockade in 1806 cut off the supply of certain products and raw materials such as sugar, indigo and cotton. On a continental scale, in the most adapted parts of its Empire the Napoleonic State implemented an impressive policy of introducing and acclimatizing exotic plant species from many regions of the world. Many questions arise from this unprecedented circulation of plant and animal species within “French Europe”: How was it organised? On which circuits and networks did it rely? What was the role of the French state in that biological challenge? Finally, why were the results of that biological policy so disappointing?

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Geva, Dorit. "Where the State Feared to Tread." ANNALS of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 636, no. 1 (June 22, 2011): 111–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0002716211399245.

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This article places feminist state theorists in dialogue with the Weberian “bellicist” tradition, and argues that locating patriarchalism within modern European states remains a worthwhile endeavor. By tracing conscription exemptions for fathers and husbands in France from the French Revolution’s levée en masse through to Napoleonic conscription and into the first half of the twentieth century, this article shows that consideration for male citizens’ patriarchal positions was a consistent feature of French conscription. This is significant given that conscription was an especially powerful and invasive institution of modern states and central to states’ survival within interstate competition. Yet even this intrusive institution did not undermine local patriarchalism in the country many consider to be the cradle of modern mandatory conscription. An extractive state institution was built on crystallization of male familial authority at the level of on-the-ground citizens.

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29

Lee, Loyd E. "Baden between Revolutions: State-Building and Citizenship, 1800–1848." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 248–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019038.

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Arising from the French revolutionary upheaval and the collapse of the Holy Roman Empire, nineteenth-century Baden, as a political and administrative structure joined to a social body, had few continuities with an earlier past. Though a Napoleonic progeny, its successful transition to modern statehood started as an act of dynastic and bureaucratic will, imposed upon a recalcitrant or disinterested population. Remarkably, the new creation struck roots within its inhabitants which are still evident today. Beyond doubt the Zähringen monarch and the grand duchy's officialdom were estranged from large segments of the population at midcentury, as the revolutionary events of 1848–49 show. Nonetheless, a sense of Badenese citizenship and patriotism had become widely institutionalized by 1848.

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Gray, Marion W. "“Modifying the Traditional for the Good of the Whole”: Commentary on State-Building and Bureaucracy in Nassau, Baden, and Saxony in the Early Nineteenth Century." Central European History 24, no. 2-3 (June 1991): 293–303. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938900019051.

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The three articles of this symposium contribute to a vital debate about the nature of modern German politics. The works by Barbara Anderson, Loyd Lee, and Lawrence Flockerzie discuss the political culture upon which the post-Napoleonic reconstruction of Germany rested. This political culture transcended the conventional concepts “liberal” and “conservative.” It was based on bourgeois ideals.

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Lampropoulou, Manto. "Policy responses to the Eurozone crisis: A comparative analysis of southern European administrations." Public Policy and Administration 35, no. 3 (November 5, 2018): 289–311. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0952076718807736.

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The Eurozone crisis has worked as a forceful external factor for activating a series of fiscal and structural adjustments in the countries of the EU periphery. Public administration was a key reform area and has undergone notable transformations under the fiscal consolidation programmes. This paper aims at identifying the impact of the crisis on public administration with a focus on southern Europe. It reviews and compares the goals and the outcomes of the administrative reform programmes that were implemented in Greece, Italy, Portugal and Spain during the crisis. This cluster forms a distinct administrative paradigm emanating from the Napoleonic state tradition. The relationship between administrative tradition and administrative change or persistence is explored in a historical institutionalist perspective. The findings identify similarities, divergences and variations across and within the Southern countries, also suggesting that while certain changes occurred, the Napoleonic features of the southern administrations remained largely untouched by the reform programmes.

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Poggi, Stefano. "Surveillance as a culture of vigilance: the case of Napoleonic Italy." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 177 (September 2022): 569–81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2022-177007.

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This article aims to verify the concept of "culture of vigilance" recently proposed by Arndt Brendecke and Paola Molino in Napoleonic Italy, a context traditionally interpreted in the light of surveillance paradigms. What emerges from the case study of the "capi contrada" established in Vicenza in 1806 is that the Napoleonic police were ultimately compelled to resort to requesting help from individuals belonging to the local communities they wanted to monitor. The "capi contrada" soon became one of the primary sources of information for urban law enforcement. Nevertheless, this collaboration remained strictly tied to the self-interest of the "capi". This kind of "inter-hierarchical"position was not limited to Vicenza, as analogous positions existed in several other cities of the Kingdom of Italy. Thanks to this case study, it is possible to recast the development of state-driven surveillance as one of the many cultures of vigilance that coexisted in Italy at the beginning of the nineteenth century.

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Rowe, Michael. "France, Prussia, or Germany? The Napoleonic Wars and Shifting Allegiances in the Rhineland." Central European History 39, no. 4 (December 2006): 611–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938906000203.

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The following article focuses on the Rhineland, and more specifically, the region on the left (or west) bank of the Rhine bounded in the north and west by the Low Countries and France. This German-speaking region was occupied by the armies of revolutionary France after 1792. De jure annexation followed the Treaty of Lunéville (1801), and French rule lasted until 1814. Most of the Rhineland was awarded in 1815 to Prussia and remained a constituent part until after the Second World War. The Rhineland experienced Napoleonic rule first hand. Its four departments—the Roër, Rhin-et-Moselle, Sarre, and Mont-Tonnerre—were treated like the others in metropolitan France, and it is this status that makes the region distinct in German-speaking Europe. This had consequences both in the Napoleonic period and in the century that followed the departure of the last French soldier. This alone would constitute sufficient reason for studying the region. More broadly, however, the Rhenish experience in the French period sheds light on the much broader phenomena of state formation and nation building. Before 1792, the Rhenish political order appeared in many respects a throwback to the late Middle Ages. Extreme territorial fragmentation, city states, church states, and mini states distinguished its landscape. These survived the early-modern period thanks in part to Great Power rivalry and the protective mantle provided by the Holy Roman Empire. Then, suddenly, came rule by France which, in the form of the First Republic and Napoleon's First Empire, represented the most demanding state the world had seen up to that point. This state imposed itself on a region unused to big government. It might be thought that bitter confrontation would have resulted. Yet, and here is a paradox this article wishes to address, many aspects of French rule gained acceptance in the region, and defense of the Napoleonic legacy formed a component of the “Rhenish” identity that came into being in the nineteenth century.

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Mori, Simona, Laura Di Fiore, Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli, and Marco Meriggi. "Un confronto sui sistemi di polizia politica nell'Italia preunitaria." SOCIETÀ E STORIA, no. 176 (August 2022): 301–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/ss2022-0176005.

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Il forum propone una riflessione a più mani sul tema della polizia politica nell'Italia post-napoleonica, che la maturità degli studi su quel comparto strategico dei governi legittimisti sembra ormai consentire. Questa prima messa a punto di taglio comparato vuole cogliere le molte risonanze esistenti fra i dispositivi di controllo politico che, muovendo dalla paradigmatica esperienza rivoluzionaria e napoleonica, gli stati della penisola misero in campo per contrastare le pulsioni eversive dilaganti nell'intero continente con strategie coordinate. L'esame dei casi evidenzia al contempo i profili comuni e le curvature che ciascun governo impresse alle politiche securitarie, tematizzandole in vario modo nel discorso pubblico. Si conferma così, accanto al portato repressivo di questa azione, la duttilità della funzione poliziesca e il ruolo ambivalente che essa giocò nei processi di politicizzazione delle società agli albori della contemporaneità. Per il Regno delle Due Sicilie il contributo di Laura Di Fiore guarda con particolare attenzione alla fase post-quarantottesca, rilevando per un verso l'intensa cooperazione instaurata dal governo borbonico con gli stati confinanti per il contrasto all'attività cospirativa degli esuli, per l'altro la strategia di degradazione del nemico, ovvero della militanza anti-sistema, adottata sul piano retorico. Chiara Lucrezio Monticelli mette a fuoco la peculiare interazione realizzata dallo Stato della Chiesa fra gli ordinamenti di polizia sperimentati nell'incisiva stagione francese e le più tradizionali strutture del controllo ecclesiastico, effetto di un'intensa dialettica interna fra conservazione e riforma. Il Regno Lombardo-Veneto esaminato da Simona Mori mette la polizia politica al servizio del suo progetto imperiale di temperata conservazione, sostanzialmente fallendo nell'intento di egemonizzare i servizi di sicurezza operanti nella penisola, mentre sul versante interno alterna fasi di tolleranza ad altre di rigore, senza riuscire ad arginare l'allargarsi del dissenso. Marco Meriggi conclude con un quadro d'insieme che attinge alla memorialistica, alla letteratura e alle fonti normative, per restituire una rappresentazione multiprospettica della polizia politica che, ridimensionata rispetto al titanismo evocato dalla narrazione risorgimentale, viene a configurarsi come strumento di un complessivo disegno di governo verticale della società, che accomuna i maggiori contesti politici dell'Italia restaurata.

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35

Murdin, Paul. "From Artilleryman to Head of State: how Astronomy inspired François Arago." Culture and Cosmos 16, no. 1 and 2 (October 2012): 219–24. http://dx.doi.org/10.46472/cc.01216.0235.

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Francois Arago studied maths at the Ecole Polytechnique in Paris in order to be an artillery officer. His adventurous experiences with astronomy during what we would call a gap year in 1806-08 during the Napoleonic Wars inspired him into a scientific career in which he became the scientific director of the Paris Observatory and the Secretary of the Academie des Sciences. He introduced Foucault’s pendulum, leading to crowds of Parisians gawping at the rotation of the Earth and arranged for the French nation to buy Daguerre’s invention. He was briefly Head of State in 1848, a level attained by few other astronomers. I will outline his adventures and career as an exemplar of the inspiration of astronomy.

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36

Pertot, Gianfranco. "Milano e le difese militari da Napoleone al 1900: dismissioni, distruzioni, restauri." STORIA URBANA, no. 136 (March 2013): 29–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.3280/su2012-136002.

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L'occupazione napoleonica di Milano portň con sé la demolizione dei baluardi del castello, una nuova piazza d'armi, un piano rivoluzionario quanto idealistico (quello dell'Antolini). Con la nuova concezione di guerra, di difesa e di offesa le mura persero la loro principale funzione e rimasero in auge come confine tributario, le porte divennero nuovi capisaldi monumentali o scomodo intralcio alla circolazione, le truppe trovarono spazi e ospitalitŕ in un gran numero di conventi del centro espropriati al tempo della dominazione austriaca. Questo stato di cose perdurň per buona parte dell'Ottocento, fino a quando le mutate condizioni politiche e socio-economiche, unitamente ad una rapida crescita demografica, videro la cittŕ scavalcare le sue mura, e porre il problema della regolazione della crescita attraverso nuovi strumenti urbanistici, mentre una spregiudicata imprenditoria del denaro avviava enormi speculazioni immobiliari sulle aree del demanio militare, in particolare sulla piazza d'armi napoleonica. S'innescarono a catena questioni paradigmatiche: la costruzione del nuovo Quartiere delle Milizie, lo spostamento reiterato della nuova piazza d'armi, la stipula di convenzioni fra Comune e demanio per la permuta di aree e caserme, la demolizione di Porte, Pusterle e delle mura spagnole. Un processo che ha generato contraddizioni che si consegnano ancora irrisolte alla Milano del Piano di Governo del Territorio (PGT).

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Barreyre, Nicolas, and Claire Lemercier. "The Unexceptional State: Rethinking the State in the Nineteenth Century (France, United States)." American Historical Review 126, no. 2 (June 1, 2021): 481–503. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ahr/rhab195.

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Abstract In the past thirty years, historians have deeply renewed our understanding of the state in the early republic period of the United States as much more powerful, deep reaching, and proactive than the traditional image represented. In France, too, new work has revised our vision of the state in the early nineteenth century, which looked different from the triumphant, Napoleonic leviathan that often appears in discourse. Yet both historiographies, having evolved separately, still base their conclusion on implicit comparisons, with an imagined “European” state or with a later “modern” state. This article uses the new historiographies on both countries to go beyond those unstated exceptionalisms to propose a reconstruction of the state in that period. Pulling those studies together, and mobilizing insights from one to shed light on the other, it recovers a common repertoire of statecraft that emerged in the revolutionary era. It hinged on fostering consent of key segments of the population and therefore organized the work of the state in mostly nonbureaucratic forms. States in that period reflected a particular enmeshing of public and private forms that needs to be analyzed for itself, especially if we want to understand the specificity of today’s practices.

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38

ROWE, MICHAEL. "BETWEEN EMPIRE AND HOME TOWN: NAPOLEONIC RULE ON THE RHINE, 1799–1814." Historical Journal 42, no. 3 (September 1999): 643–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0018246x9900850x.

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The two decades of French rule in the German-speaking Rhineland at the turn of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries witnessed the dramatic imposition of the sovereign state on a region previously noted for its absence. The successful integration of the new territories into the Republic and Empire depended upon the response of Rhenish elites to the transformation of local government from an accumulation of historical privileges into the lowest administrative tier of the state. Napoleon, more than his revolutionary predecessors, recognized the importance of ‘rallying’ the ‘notables’ in what was a politically inclusive and socially exclusive process. This policy was successful insofar as elites did, in general, rally. Their motivation varied, and the commitment was rarely unconditional. Rhenish notables, long adept at exploiting Old Regime institutions to preserve particular privileges, abused Napoleonic institutions, in order to protect clients and preserve their social position. This helped widen the gulf between the mainly urban notables and the rest of the predominantly rural population, which had fewer legal and institutionalized opportunities for asserting its interests directly. This system of rule proved suited to Rhenish conditions until the rise of party politics in the second half of the nineteenth century.

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Rosenband, Leonard N. "The Perils of Petty Production: Pierre and Jean-Baptiste Serve of Chamalières." Science in Context 11, no. 1 (1998): 3–21. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0269889700002891.

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The ArgumentThis essay examines the prospects and plans of a family of small-scale French papermakers, the Serves, from the 1780s to the 1830s. It explores the interplay of risk, the state, labor discipline, and technological diffusion. Pierre Serve petitioned the monarchy, the Revolutionary state, and the Napoleonic regime for a subsidy to install Hollander beaters, a machine that macerated rags, in his shops. His son pursued a law to humble the journeymen paperworkers, whose custom and skill continuously challenged the Serves' mastery of their mill. Timely responses from the state, which favored large producers, never came. Consequently, the Serves fell back on their own resources and the market, which determined their fate.

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40

Williamson, George S. "Retracing theSattelzeit: Thoughts on the Historiography of the French Revolutionary and Napoleonic Eras." Central European History 51, no. 1 (March 2018): 66–74. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0008938918000262.

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The era of the French Revolution and the Napoleon Wars left a deep mark not only on political, social, and cultural life in German-speaking Europe, but also on German academic historiography as it emerged over the course of the nineteenth century. Both before and after the formation of theKaiserreich, professional historians like Leopold von Ranke, Johann Gustav Droysen, Heinrich von Sybel, and Heinrich von Treitschke sought in their scholarship to justify Prussia's leadership role in Germany, and the French revolutionary and Napoleonic years figured centrally in this effort. For Friedrich Meinecke, writing in the Wilhelmine years, a remembrance of this era was crucial if Germany was to retain its intellectual and moral bearings: “One thing is clear: the survival and continuity of German intellectual life is somehow related to the events between 1807 and 1815—the liberation of Germany from foreign rule, and the transformation of Prussia, her most powerful state, into a freer, more national political entity.” InDas Zeitalter der deutschen Erhebung(1906), Meinecke related the process by which the formerly apolitical, individualistic musings of Johann Wolfgang von Goethe, Wilhelm von Humboldt, and Johann Gottlieb Fichte were given practical, political implementation in the reforms of Karl vom Stein, Karl von Hardenberg, and Gerhard von Scharnhorst, and then in the Wars of Liberation: “By descending to the state, the spirit not only preserved its own endangered existence as well as that of the state, it secured a reservoir of moral and psychological wealth, a wellspring of creative power for later generations.”

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Ziółek, Ewa M. "Kościół katolicki i religia w prasie Księstwa Warszawskiego 1807–1812 („Gazeta Korespondenta Warszawskiego i Zagranicznego” i „Gazeta Warszawska”)." Textus et Studia, no. 1(1) (May 8, 2017): 91–107. http://dx.doi.org/10.15633/tes.01105.

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The article discusses the content of two Polish newspapers from the period the Duchy of Warsaw in terms of the presentation of the Catholic church and Catholicism. The press in the Napoleonic system fulfilled a propaganda function and its chief aim was not to inform, but to form the public opinion in accordance with the government’s expectations. Thus, the information about the Church was carefully controlled. The news which presented the authorities of the Duchy and Napoleon I in a positive light was highlighted, while the news which failed to do so was deemphasized or omitted. In the case of an entirely dependent duchy, but one that gave rise to the Polish state after the partitions, there was an additional factor involved: the effort to organize the Polish society around the idea of independence. For this reason, it was important to show both the patriotic attitude of the clergy as well as the godliness of the governors. This was aimed at convincing the society that the Duchy carried on the heritage of the pre-partition Commonwealth. As sources of historical data, both newspapers provide rich material illustrating numerous forms of patriotic engagement on the part of the Polish clergy in the restitution of the Polish state, as well as in social and political activity. Therefore, they are a valuable complement to the contemporary historical sources concerning the Napoleonic period in the Polish lands.

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WHITENECK, DANIEL J. "Long-term bandwagoning and short-term balancing: the lessons of coalition behaviour from 1792 to 1815." Review of International Studies 27, no. 2 (April 2001): 151–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0260210500001522.

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Recent literature in International Relations has argued that the absence of ‘balancing’ behaviour by European states during the Napoleonic Wars from 1798 to 1815 calls into question current explanations for the presence or absence of such behaviour in international relations. This literature has argued that: (1) Napoleonic France presented a significant threat to the stability of the international system; (2) European states did not balance against this threat from 1798 to 1813, and subsequently balanced only after Napoleon's defeat in Russia in 1812; (3) members of the system possessed adequate power to balance successfully against this threat; and (4) since European states engaged in co-opting, rewarding, avoiding, or bandwagoning behaviour towards the French threats to the system, a new explanation for the absence of balancing behaviour is required. Each of these four points can be refuted by: taking a longer time perspective of the international system during the period in question, expanding state motives to include interests other than security, using a long cycle model of coalition leadership by a global leader, recognizing the constraints faced by European states in their choices of balancing or bandwagoning behaviour under threats from France, and taking into account the role of innovation and change in a period of global war.

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Kroppenberg, Inge, and Nikolaus Linder. "Kroppenberg, Inge/Nikolaus Linder, „…als große Unruhen in Göttingen wegen der Gensd'armen Statt fanden …“. Gustav Hugo und die Studentenunruhen 1809/10." Zeitschrift der Savigny-Stiftung für Rechtsgeschichte: Germanistische Abteilung 136, no. 1 (June 26, 2019): 164–86. http://dx.doi.org/10.1515/zrgg-2019-0006.

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Abstract Gustav Hugo and the Göttingen student riots 1809/10. This paper deals with legal transplants during the Napoleonic era in Germany. Among the many changes introduced in the French ‘model kingdom’ of Westphalia, founded in 1806, were the introduction of the Code Napoléon and a complete reorganization of the judiciary. One of the institutions severely affected by these developments was the venerable University of Göttingen with its ancient privileges and royal prerogatives. The famous Romanist und founder of the Historical School, Gustav Hugo, was at its helm during the most turbulent phase of this reorganization. His achievements as vice rector are the subject of the second part of the paper.

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McNeely, Ian F. "Hegel's Württemberg Commentary: Intellectuals and the Construction of Civil Society in Revolutionary-Napoleonic Germany." Central European History 37, no. 3 (September 2004): 345–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/1569161041445652.

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G. W. F. Hegel's “Commentary on the Published Proceedings of the Estates Assembly in the Kingdom of Württemberg, 1815–1816” is the notoriously recondite philosopher's most lucid account of Germany's political transformation after the French Revolution and the Napoleonic wars. Written in a punchy, polemical style, yet brimming with philosophical distinctions, the 130–page essay features concrete analyses of political institutions, social groups, and parliamentary debates in Hegel's home state. He published it in the 1817 Heidelberg Yearbooks, hoping to reach the educated public and influence the shape of Germany's constitutional order after Napoleon's defeat. The work has never been fully translated or adequately interpreted; it earns but a few, albeit astute, remarks in Terry Pinkard's recent biography. The 1999 Cambridge edition of Hegel's Political Writings omits it entirely, citing its focus on “esoteric and antiquarian matters peculiar to the political history of Württemberg.” As Hegel himself realized, however, Württemberg's experience dramatized the most profound civic upheaval of the age: the shift from a corporate society composed of particular estates (Stände) to a civil society governed by universal precepts and a “rational” state.

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Skouvig, Laura. "Records and rumors: Surveillance and information in late absolutist Denmark (1770-1849)." Surveillance & Society 15, no. 2 (May 8, 2017): 314–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.24908/ss.v15i2.5999.

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This article investigates a part of the history of surveillance with a particular focus on surveillance strategies in late absolutist Denmark. It argues that for understanding the present perceptions of surveillance strategies surveillance has to be explored in different historical periods and cultures. From the perspective of information history the article understands surveillance as a strategy used by the information state and legitimized by either warfare or welfare. In the historical period of the Napoleonic wars the Danish absolutist government primarily focused on surveillance to control the population and less on surveillance for the benefit of the population.

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Potter, Dorothy-Bundy. "Collaboration and Resistance in Napoleonic Europe: State-Formation in an Age of Upheaval, c. 1800–1815." History: Reviews of New Books 32, no. 2 (January 2004): 69. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/03612759.2004.10528604.

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Laven, D. "Shorter notice. Napoleonic Imperialism and the Savoyard Monarchy, 1733-1821. State Building in Piedmont. M Broers." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1999): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/enghis/114.456.467-a.

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Laven, D. "Shorter notice. Napoleonic Imperialism and the Savoyard Monarchy, 1733-1821. State Building in Piedmont. M Broers." English Historical Review 114, no. 456 (April 1, 1999): 467–68. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/ehr/114.456.467-a.

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49

Antoshin, A. V. "Behind the Facades of Anniversaries." Modern History of Russia 11, no. 3 (2021): 792–97. http://dx.doi.org/10.21638/11701/spbu24.2021.314.

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The article is devoted to the collective monograph “War, Politics, Memory: The Napoleonic Wars and World War I in the Space of Anniversaries”. Prepared by a large team of academics under the leadership of Olga Porshneva, Nikolai Baranov, and Vladimir Zemtsov (professors at Ural Federal University), it is the first generalizing work dedicated to historical memory and the politics of memory surrounding these wars. The monograph uses a large complex of documents from archives in Russia, France, Great Britain and Germany. This book is distinguished by its high theoretical level, which is supported by concepts from leading specialists on historical memory. The authors characterise the specifics of commemorative practices connected with events that were major milestones in the history of the ‘long’ nineteenth century. The monograph shows the evolution of these practices, which was conditioned by changes in the attitudes of society and the authorities towards the Napoleonic Wars and the First World War. The authors characterise the role of the institutions of civil society in the formation and development of cultural practices connected with the anniversaries of these military conflicts. Most attention is paid to the specifics of commemorative practices related to ‘victory memories’ and ‘defeat memories’ in various European countries. This book helps us to understand the contradictory character of state policies towards historical memory, a relevant issue in modern Russia.

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Tretyakova, Maria. "Rahel Levin Varnhagen during the Napoleonic Occupation of Prussia: Letters of a Jewish Intellectual." Adam & Eve. Gender History Review, no. 30 (2022): 41–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.32608/2307-8383-2022-30-41-61.

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The article presents an attempt to carry out a study of psychology, which is aimed at the identification and analysis of individual motivations and reactions in conditions of war time. The letters by Rahel Levins serve as empirical base of the present pa-per. In the article, Levin’s emotional state dynamic is traced, from 1806 to 1815. The author also tries to describe motivation for Levin’s actions. The author of the article bases her conclusions on the theory of experience of grief by F. E. Vasilyuk.

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