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1
Lai, Christina. "Economic Nationalism in South Korea and Taiwan: Examining Identity Discourse and Threat Perceptions towards Japan after the Second World War (1960s–1970s)." Journal of Asian Security and International Affairs 5, no. 2 (July 9, 2018): 149–71. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2347797018783110.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
South Korea and Taiwan provide fruitful comparisons in political economy. During the Cold War era, they deepened their trade with Japan. However, the top political leaders in those places exhibited different levels of threat perceptions towards Japan. Why did the leaders formulate their discourse towards Japan so differently in the post-Cold War era? The role of nationalism is salient during their economic take-off periods. The motivations behind these developmental strategies and the discourse used to justify such national growth cannot be excluded from the studies of comparative politics and political economy. This article examines the political discourses of two dictators—Park Chung-hee in South Korea and Chiang Kai-shek in Taiwan—and shows how they justified their policies towards Japan while establishing economic nationalism at the same time. It concludes with findings that are relevant to recent development in comparative studies, and it offers policy implications for East Asian security.
2
LEE, AIE-RIE. "Culture Shift and Popular Protest in South Korea." Comparative Political Studies 26, no. 1 (April 1993): 63–80. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0010414093026001003.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Dramatic changes have taken place in sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea throughout the post-World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article, by using the 1982 Korea Gallup Poll survey and the value change thesis, investigates the distribution of a number of fundamental social values and analyzes the extent to which these social values are persisting and/or changing and how they are related to South Koreans' political orientations, particularly protest potential. Also introduced and analyzed are two major types of Korean values prevalent in contemporary Korea: authoritarianism-libertarianism, and traditional versus modern morality. It is found that value change plays an important role in enhancing the potential for involvement in protest activities in South Korea.
3
Yoon, Jeongran. "“Victory over Communism: South Korean Protestants’ Ideas about Democracy, Development, and Dictatorship, 1953–1961”." Journal of American-East Asian Relations 24, no. 2-3 (September 12, 2017): 233–58. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18765610-02402016.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article complicates the traditional narrative of anti-Communist Christians in Korea, examining the history of anti-communism among them in light of their claims to support democracy and development. Changes in Christian thinking in Korea followed the end of formal fighting in the Korean War. The conflict transformed Korea’s post-colonial history into a developmental struggle, pitting communism versus capitalism in a deadly battle. From the mid-1950s, South Korean Protestants saw the struggle as a competition between two systems, not simply one to eradicate the North Korean regime. From this new perspective, they began condemning political injustice and corruption under President Syngman Rhee. The contradictions in the ideas of Christians were partly embodied in their support for the civil uprising that would topple the Rhee regime, but also in their endorsement of Park Chung-hee’s military takeover in 1961. South Korean Protestants assisted the coup’s central leadership and helped a totalitarian regime come to power. This paradoxical aspect within Korean Protestant history is closely tied to the unique characteristics of its anti-communism and how it evolved after the Korean War.
4
Zur, Dafna. "Whose War Were We Fighting? Constructing Memory and Managing Trauma in South Korean Children's Fiction." International Research in Children's Literature 2, no. 2 (December 2009): 192–209. http://dx.doi.org/10.3366/e1755619809000696.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Korean War (1950–3) was one of the most traumatic events in the history of the Korean peninsula. Known commonly as the ‘Forgotten War’, it is explained as a civil war that was exacerbated by the Soviet Union and the United States into an arena for the Cold War. Since then, North and South Korea have had to construct their national identities in accordance with the political ideologies that defined them. Consequently, each has told their national birth story – the story of division and war – in historical narratives for children. While a strict anti-communist ideology muted personal experiences of the war that might diverge from the anti-communist rhetoric of the immediate post-war period, contemporary children's literature reveals that the authority that the myth of innocence maintains in children's fiction firmly places the child protagonists in a position to pose tough questions about the nature of the conflict. Hegemonic Korean War narratives are challenged in contemporary fiction through ‘truth-telling’ uses of realism and folktales; at the same time, this paper questions the extent to which contemporary fiction presents its young audience with freedom of interpretation, and asks what implications it has for the relief of trauma.
5
Yeo, Yezi. "The good, the bad, and the forgiven: The media spectacle of South Korean male celebrities’ compulsory military service." Media, War & Conflict 10, no. 3 (February 1, 2017): 293–313. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/1750635217694122.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
For almost 70 years, South Korea has upheld the principle of universal male conscription, and the military has been a potent force in post-war South Korean political, economic, and social development. The role and significance of male conscription and the military establishment in South Korean society have been explored from the perspective of political, social, and gender/post-colonial studies. However, there is a considerable lack of academic research assessing the social meanings behind the highly publicized conduct of male celebrities’ negotiating the issue of their compulsory military service, which has turned increasingly into media spectacles since the mid-1990s. This study attempts to provide an insight into the political and social ramifications of such media events by tracing the military service and male celebrity discourse through several major conscription scandals in the South Korean mass media. By simultaneously policing and exploiting the ‘sacred’ duty to serve, these media scandals reinforce what it means to be a true ‘Korean man’.
6
Song, Jiyoung. "The Right to Survival in the Democratic People's Republic of Korea." European Journal of East Asian Studies 9, no. 1 (2010): 87–117. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/156805810x517689.
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AbstractFor the past decade, the author has examined North Korean primary public documents and concludes that there have been changes of identities and ideas in the public discourse of human rights in the DPRK: from strong post-colonialism to Marxism-Leninism, from there to the creation of Juche as the state ideology and finally 'our style' socialism. This paper explains the background to Kim Jong Il's 'our style' human rights in North Korea: his broader framework, 'our style' socialism, with its two supporting ideational mechanisms, named 'virtuous politics' and 'military-first politics'. It analyses how some of these characteristics have disappeared while others have been reinforced over time. Marxism has significantly withered away since the end of the Cold War, and communism was finally deleted from the latest 2009 amended Socialist Constitution, whereas the concept of sovereignty has been strengthened and the language of duties has been actively employed by the authority almost as a relapse to the feudal Confucian tradition. The paper also includes some first-hand accounts from North Korean defectors interviewed in South Korea in October–December 2008. They show the perception of ordinary North Koreans on the ideas of human rights.
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Vorontsov, A., T. Ponka, and E. Varpahovskis. "MIDDLEPOWERMANSHIP IN KOREAN FOREIGN POLICY." International Trends / Mezhdunarodnye protsessy 18, no. 1 (January 26, 2021): 89–105. http://dx.doi.org/10.17994/it.2020.18.1.60.5.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
As a result of the Post-Cold War development, the international relations have shifted from bipolarism to a multipolarism. Once relevant Western-born IR theories lack explanatory power. Current IR witness the growing role of the non-Western states both in regional and international domains. Consequently, there is a growing need for appropriate IR theories that could explain the changing world structure, describe the role of new powers in international politics and define future development. Thus, it is essential to study non-Western research that focuses on conceptualization of ongoing processes from its perspective.The authors analyze the IR theories developed by South Korean scholars. The purpose of this article is to analyze South Korean interpretations of the middlepowermanship that considers the Republic of Korea’s unique regional and global context. South Korean scholars agree on a particular geostrategic location of the state. The geopolitical location, absence of natural resources and limited military power hinder South Korea’s ability to use hard power in regional and international politics. However, South Korea’s economic development and creative approach in foreign policy translate into middle power diplomacy, which includes niche diplomacy, moderating role in relations between greater powers, regional cooperation promotion, and development of the international legal system.The authors conclude that South Korean version of middle power theory is continuously being (re) interpreted and adapted to the country’s foreign policy. South Korea is to be a a bridge between the great powers in the region.
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Kim, Michael. "The Han’gŭl Crisis and Language Standardization: Clashing Orthographic Identities and the Politics of Cultural Construction." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 1 (March 1, 2017): 5–31. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4153412.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Abstract The first attempt at spelling reform in South Korea took place in the early 1950s as the Korean War (1950–53) drew to a close. The subsequent Han’gŭl Crisis is often interpreted as an example of the authoritarianism of President Syngman Rhee (Yi Sŭngman), yet the event also represents a clash of generations between the supporters of the Unified Orthography of 1933 and the previous spelling standard. During the han’gŭl simplification debates, the legacies of Chu Sigyŏng (1876–1914) and Pak Sŭngbin (1880–1943) reemerged as their followers continued a contentious linguistic debate that stretched back into the colonial period. The event ended as a victory for the Unified Orthography of 1933, but several ambiguous questions remain for further investigation. Ultimately, behind the claims of “scientific rationalism” in the current han’gŭl spelling are the forgotten memories of linguistic activism and the difficulties in uniting divergent linguistic practices in post-Liberation Korean society.
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Howson, Richard, and Brian Yecies. "The Role of Hegemonic Masculinity and Hollywood in the New Korea." Masculinities & Social Change 5, no. 1 (February 21, 2016): 52. http://dx.doi.org/10.17583/mcs.2016.1047.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
We argue that during the 1940s Hollywood films had an important role to play in the creation of a postwar South Korean society based on the new global U.S. hegemony. The connections between political and economic change in South Korea and socio-cultural factors have hitherto scarcely been explored and, in this context, we argue that one of the key socio-cultural mechanisms that supported and even drove social change in the immediate post-war period was the Korean film industry and its re-presentation of masculinity. The groundbreaking work of Antonio Gramsci on hegemony is drawn on – in particular, his understanding of the relationship between “commonsense” and “good sense” – as well as Raewyn Connell’s concept of hegemonic masculinity. The character of Rick in the 1941 Hollywood classic Casablanca is used to illustrate the kind of hegemonic masculinity favoured by the U.S. Occupation authorities in moulding cultural and political attitudes in the new Korea.
10
Fleckenstein, Timo, and Soohyun Christine Lee. "Democratization, post-industrialization, and East Asian welfare capitalism: the politics of welfare state reform in Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan." Journal of International and Comparative Social Policy 33, no. 1 (February 2017): 36–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/21699763.2017.1288158.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This review article provides an overview of the scholarship on the establishment and reform of East Asian welfare capitalism. The developmental welfare state theory and the related productivist welfare regime approach have dominated the study of welfare states in the region. This essay, however, shows that a growing body of research challenges the dominant literature. We identify two key driving factors of welfare reform in East Asia, namely democratization and post-industrialization; and discuss how these two drivers have undermined the political and functional underpinnings of the post-war equilibrium of the East Asian welfare/production regime. Its unfolding transformation and the new politics of social policy in the region challenge the notion of “East Asian exceptionalism”, and we suggest that recent welfare reforms call for a better integration of the region into the literature of advanced political economies to allow for cross-fertilization between Eastern and Western literatures.
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Ban, Kil Joo. "Just War and Just Battle: North Korea’s Attack against the ROKS Cheonan and its Unexplored Discourse of an Unjustified Military Action." Central European Journal of International and Security Studies 15, no. 1 (March 31, 2021): 4–25. http://dx.doi.org/10.51870/cejiss.a150101.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In March 2010, a North Korean submarine fired a torpedo against the South Korean ship Cheonan, which resulted in the deaths of 46 sailors. Is its surprise attack justified? The academic examination has rarely been made over whether North Korea’s use of military force is justified in this battle. As the just war theory to date has dealt mostly with major wars, it also can guide us to judge whether this limited warfare is just or not. The just war principles are composed of three axes: before, in and after wars. First, North Korea’s provocation had neither right cause nor right intension because it attacked the Cheonan preventively, not preemptively, and was intended to achieve its domestic objective, the stable succession of the Kim regime. Second, North Korea also did not observe in-war principles in the sense that it attacked and sank the Cheonan unproportionally to maximize the effectiveness of revenge. Third, North Korea was not interested in post-battle settlements but intended to aggravate tensions in the region, which is not compliant with post-war principles. The examination sheds some light on the need to expand the scope of just war principles from war to limited warfare and battles particularly in the sense that it helps restrain unethical warfare and maintain the rules-based international order. This expansion also will contribute to not only the richness of the just war theory but also further leading it to evolve into a grand theory of war.
12
Lie, John. "Aid Dependence and The Structure Of Corruption: The Case of Post‐Korean War South Korea." International Journal of Sociology and Social Policy 17, no. 11/12 (November 1997): 48–89. http://dx.doi.org/10.1108/eb013331.
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Patterson, Dennis, and Jangsup Choi. "Diplomacy, trade, and South Korea’s rise to international influence." International Area Studies Review 21, no. 1 (November 21, 2017): 9–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/2233865917740726.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The story of South Korea’s post-armistice economic ascendance has been well documented, but its parallel rise as an influential international actor is just beginning to receive the scholarly attention it deserves. Moreover, in the work that has been produced thus far, scholars have assumed that it was its remarkable economic growth that drove South Korea’s rise to international influence. This assumption misses the important fact that South Korea was elevating itself internationally while it was still a poor nation. As we demonstrate in this paper, what is missing in existing work is that it was the diplomatic efforts of South Korean presidents early in the post-armistice period that put the country on the path to its current international influence both directly and indirectly. They did this directly by removing it from the diplomatic isolation it inherited after the Korean War, and they accomplished this indirectly by using the tools of diplomacy to expand South Korea’s trading relations, without which it would not have enjoyed the remarkable economic growth it experienced.
14
Csáki, György. "Közoktatás Dél-Koreában = Public Education in South Korea." Köz-gazdaság 17, no. 1 (March 9, 2022): 89–111. http://dx.doi.org/10.14267/retp2022.01.07.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
A dél-koreai közoktatási rendszer sikerei vitathatatlanok: az analfabetizmus gyors felszámolása, az alapfokú oktatási rendszer gyors általánossá tétele, az átfogó szakképzési rendszer rövid időn belüli kialakítása a háború utáni korszak gyors sikereit jelentették. A közoktatási rendszer sikereit igazolják vissza a PISA-felmérésekben elért kiemelkedő teljesítmények. A felső középfokú oktatás ugyan nem kötelező (és nem is ingyenes), de csaknem teljeskörű. A felső középfokú iskolát végzett korosztály háromnegyede folytatja tanulmányait felsőfokú képzésben. Az oktatási rendszer fontos szerepet játszott és játszik a kiemelkedő gazdasági sikerekben, Dél-Korea fejlett tudásalapú gazdasággá válásában, de az oktatási rendszer önmozgása igen jelentős. Az oktatás sikerei már a gazdasági fellendülés megindulása előtt is nyilvánvalóak voltak, ebben a koreai szocio-kulturális hagyományok és a társadalomra jellemző tanulási láz szerepe sem elhanyagolható: a háztartások oktatásra fordított magas kiadásai a demográfiai visszaesés, az egy gyerekes háztartások általánossá válásának is egyik fő okát jelentik. A dél-koreai oktatási rendszer folyamatos fejlődésének további meghatározó forrása az oktatást prioritásként kezelő politika, a gazdaság strukturális átalakulásait gyorsan és hatékonyan követő oktatáspolitikai átalakulások, a hatékonyan működő centralizált oktatásirányítás és pedagógiai kreativitás szerencsés összhangja. Nem kérdéses, hogy a dél-koreai oktatási rendszer továbbra is a dinamikus gazdasági fejlődés egyik alapja marad. The successes of the South Korean public education system are indisputable: the rapid eradication of illiteracy by the early universalisation of primary education, the establishment of a comprehensive vocational training system in a short time were rapid successes of the post-war era. The success of the public education system is reflected by the county’s outstanding performance in the PISA rankings. Upper secondary education is not compulsory (and not free), but it is almost complete. Three quarters of upper secondary school leavers continue their studies at tertiary level. The success of education had been evident even before the economic recovery started, and the role of Korean socio-cultural traditions and the learning fever that has always characterised the society is not negligible: high household spending on education is one of the main reasons for the demographic decline and the prevalence of one-child households. An additional source of the development of the South Korean education system has been the high political priority of education, the education policy changes that have followed quickly and effectively the structural changes in the economy, and the happy combination of effective centralised educational management and pedagogical creativity. There is no doubt that the South Korean education system will continue to be a solid basis for economic development.
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Byun, See-Won. "Interdependence, Identity, and China–South Korea Political Relations." Asian Survey 61, no. 3 (May 2021): 473–99. http://dx.doi.org/10.1525/as.2021.61.3.473.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research on the relationship between international economic and political relations has produced no consensus on the pacifying effects of trade. Rapid trade growth and enduring tensions characterize post–Cold War Asia’s paradox. This study assesses the political effects of China-centered interdependence based on the China–South Korea case since 1992. Although trade may inhibit conflict in line with liberal expectations, its coercive potential limits its pacifying effects. When disputes arise, asymmetric interdependence generates strategic leverage and vulnerability, and amplifies the identity dimensions of conflict that shape societal preferences. China’s combination of economic pressure and nationalist discourse induces accommodation primarily through coercion. By blending state-led and society-led retaliation, economic and accountability costs are minimized. China–South Korea political interactions have increased in quantity but not quality. The Asian case underscores qualitative changes in political relations (rather than just instances of conflict), the material and nonmaterial repercussions of asymmetric trade, and the regional security implications of China-led interdependence.
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Kim, Hyun-Wook. "Domestic events, ideological changes and the post-cold war US–South Korea alliance." Australian Journal of International Affairs 63, no. 4 (December 2009): 482–504. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/10357710903312561.
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Kang, Jiyeon. "Old and new questions for the public sphere: historicizing its theoretical relevance in post–Cold War South Korea." Media, Culture & Society 43, no. 1 (August 4, 2020): 158–70. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0163443720939480.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this article, I reflect on the theoretical rise of the public sphere in the 1990s from the vantage point of South Korea, connecting this approach to the broader context of the global post–Cold War transition. The case of South Korea – a postcolonial, authoritarian country with deep geopolitical connections to the West – offers a node of the global embrace of the public sphere in the 1990s for theorizing the transformation of authoritarian countries into liberal capitalist democracies, elevating the distinction between state and civil society as a prominent focus. However, the establishment of authoritarian public spheres in Asia and the illiberal turn of public spheres in the Global North in the 2010s call upon scholars to identify relevant questions regarding current public spheres while addressing what essential components define the public sphere. Here, I call for critical attention to the loci of power and oppression, to the production of critical practices within a particular social configuration, and to coexistence within a civil society. I end the article by proposing a set of suggestions for reading, theorizing, and teaching public sphere theories.
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HUMENIUK, Vasyl. "FOREIGN EXPERIENCE OF POST-WAR TRANSFORMATION OF PUBLIC ADMINISTRATION AND LESSONS FOR UKRAINE." Economy of Ukraine 2022, no. 8 (August 22, 2022): 34–54. http://dx.doi.org/10.15407/economyukr.2022.08.034.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The political, economic and social conditions and factors that determined the tasks and directions of the transformation of authorities in Germany, Japan and South Korea after the World War II are highlighted. The peculiarities of the formation of their national public administration models are substantiated, some conclusions from their experience that may be useful for Ukraine are drawn. Peculiarities of such experience are singled out, by which it is possible to identify the construction of different in terms of institutional composition public administration models. It is shown that the differences of such models had historical origins, and the models themselves were formed under circumstances specific to each country, which affected the mechanisms and consequences of their influence on the post-war development of the state and its place in the global world. The role and ways of international aid provision for the creation of effective public governance system, in particular the management of the implementation of donor plans and economic development programs, are highlighted, attention is paid to the experience of managing the "Marshall Plan" in post-war Europe on the example of West Germany. The experience of Japan and South Korea allows us to define the possibilities and threats of conservative, authoritarian and liberal approaches to the organization of public administration in the conditions of post-war devastation, which directly affect the effectiveness of governance and the formation of the economic model of state development. Conclusions that may be useful for Ukraine were made, in particular, about: the need to form a capable government on a meritocratic basis in compliance with the public administration principles in order to rebuild the country's economy after the war; the importance of people’s trust in government as a key factor in the effectiveness of public administration; the decisive role of international support and aid and its proper use for successful post-war reconstruction and development of the country; the unconditional priority of policy goals aimed at the development of democracy and reasonable regulation of the economy for the main objective of the state - ensuring security and high standards of living of the population.
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KUMAGAI, Naoko. "Japan’s Reconciliation in the Issue of Comfort Women with the Netherlands and South Korea: Pragmatic and Reflective Reconciliation." Journal of European Integration History 25, no. 1 (2019): 51–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.5771/0947-9511-2019-1-51.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Reconciliation among states tends to be pragmatic, based on cost/benefit national interest calculation. But it can be reflective, involving the perpetrator’s responsibility and remorse and the victims’ forgiveness, thus enhancing their mutual confidence. Japan’s moral compensation for the former Dutch and South Korean comfort women was pragmatic, based on the post-war legal agreements, but its scheme with atonement projects for each survivor had reflective elements. The Netherlands mostly accepted and South Korea mostly rejected Japan’s moral compensation for their distinctive historical and political reasons. However, Japan’s occasional excuse-like denial of coercive recruitment of comfort women based on the absence of public documents significantly reduced their confidence in Japan. This shows that the vindication of the victims’ dignity, anchored with the perpetrator’s consistent acknowledgement of its offense, is at the core of reconciliation. Reflective reconciliation is difficult to achieve but pragmatic reconciliation leaves room for dialogue among all parties concerned toward genuine understanding of the victims and thus to the restoration of their dignity.
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Lee, Jaeyeon. "Melancholia is (geo)political! Postcolonial geography in the Wednesday Demonstration in Seoul." cultural geographies 29, no. 1 (November 1, 2021): 45–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/14744740211054147.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This article examines how melancholia constitutes a psycho-geopolitical space interweaving Korean subjects’ psychic and political lives with the dynamics of the (post) Cold War alliance between Japan and the US. The Wednesday Demonstration is the weekly protest in Seoul that calls for an official apology and legal compensation from the Japanese government for comfort women who worked in the sexual slavery system under the Japanese Empire during WWII. The fact that the weekly protests have continued for 30 years since 1992 signifies that the comfort women issue has remained an unresolved (geo)political issue between South Korea and Japan for three decades, despite apologies and monetary compensations by the Japanese government. This article offers a psychoanalytic-geopolitical rationale for the endless grief of Korean postcolonial subjects who cannot accept the measures of the Japanese government regarding the comfort women issue. Based on 1-year’s participant observations and in-depth interviews with Korean activists who engaged in the Wednesday Demonstration from September 2019 to August 2020, this article aims to accomplish three goals. Firstly, this article shows how Korean postcolonial subjects were/are haunted by colonial past. Secondly, I examine why Koreans cannot complete mourning for comfort women in the context of ROK-US-Japan geopolitical relations. Lastly, this article interrogates how ethno-nationalists intervene to turn melancholia into a motivation for ethnic solidarity and how their attempt might have failed by exploring a Korean postcolonial subject’s psychic lives. In doing so, I argue that the wounds of Koreans related to the comfort women issue are not simply from colonial history, but they are postcolonial wounds that have not healed ‘appropriately’ under the (US-sponsored) South Korean/Japanese (post-)Cold War security arrangement.
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Claxton, James M. "Litigating, Arbitrating and Mediating Japan–Korea Trade and Investment Tensions." Journal of World Trade 54, Issue 4 (August 1, 2020): 591–614. http://dx.doi.org/10.54648/trad2020026.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In July 2019, Japan introduced measures tightening export restrictions to South Korea on three chemicals critical to the manufacture of consumer electronics. The restrictions prompted an animated response by the Korean government that has included WTO consultations and threats to terminate an intelligence-sharing agreement with Japan. Meanwhile, the controversy has filtered down to the public with boycotts of Japanese products in Korea. Tension between the states has been unusually high since late 2018 when the Korean Supreme Court affirmed a judgment against Japanese companies accused of forcing Korean nationals to labour for them during Japan’s colonial rule. Japan argues that such claims are precluded by a 1965 treaty normalizing post-war relations. While Japan states that its trade restrictions were not motivated by the judgment, the disputes have together contributed to the worst breakdown in cross-border relations in five decades. This article evaluates Korea’s trade claims against Japan, means of resolving them, and the challenges that the claims face in the WTO dispute settlement system. The article also considers claims from the Japanese side through the International Court of Justice (ICJ), inter-state arbitration, and investor-state dispute settlement. We conclude that formal mediation offers an effective means to facilitate negotiations and centralize the WTO and other treaty disputes in a single forum involving multiple stakeholders. WTO, Japan, Korea, ISDS, mediation, arbitration, export, international trade law, investment treaties
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Kim, Min-hyung. "Avoiding Being a Crushed Prawn and Becoming a Dolphin Swimming between the Two Fighting Whales? South Korea’s Strategic Choice in the Face of the Intensifying Sino–US Competition." Journal of Asian and African Studies 53, no. 4 (June 16, 2017): 612–28. http://dx.doi.org/10.1177/0021909617709488.
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This article presents an analysis of South Korea’s strategic choices over the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), and the Terminal High Altitude Area Defense (THAAD) in light of the Sino–US competition in post-Cold War East Asia. South Korea’s puzzling behavior here represents Seoul’s hedging strategy against the uncertain future of the Sino–US competition in East Asia. The driving force of South Korea’s hedging behavior is Seoul’s dual concerns about being excessively dependent on the USA for its security at the time of China’s rapid rise on the one hand and being pulled into a growing China’s sphere of influence at the expense of traditional US–ROK security ties on the other. Reflecting Seoul’s prudent balancing acts between the two superpowers, South Korea’s hedging often results in apparently indecisive and underdetermined strategic choices in the face of the intensifying Sino–US competition. Nevertheless, South Korea’s hedging strategy allows Seoul to deepen extensive economic ties with Beijing while maintaining a traditional security alliance with Washington. The hedging behavior of South Korea, which is uniquely positioned as a strategic partner of rapidly rising China as well as a key security ally of the rebalancing USA, sheds important light on the behavior of middle powers in alliance politics, which has largely been neglected in the current literature.
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Tamada, Dai. "The Japan-South Korea Claims Agreement: Identification of Subsequent Agreement and Practice." International Community Law Review 22, no. 1 (March 4, 2020): 107–36. http://dx.doi.org/10.1163/18719732-12341423.
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Abstract Japan and the Republic of Korea have been confronted with a series of disputes arising from the interpretation and application of the 1965 Claims Settlement Agreement – a pivotal treaty underpinning their post-war relationship. Their disputes have become further compounded by complex treaty practices on the part of both parties ever since. Two States, including their respective executive and judicial branches, have not only adopted diverging interpretations, but have also slightly modified their own interpretations over the ensuing years. Even at the domestic level, several organs adopt diverging interpretations. Against the backdrop of such a confusing situation, a number of discussions, including those on the part of scholars and the judiciary, tend to rely on a variety of subsequent conducts in relation to the 1965 Agreement. Faced with the need to explore the role of subsequent conduct on the part of States parties in relation to treaty interpretation, this article attempts to identify whatever may be pertinent subsequent agreement and subsequent practice on the part of Japan and Korea concerning the 1965 Claims Agreement within the meaning of Articles 31 and 32 of the Vienna Convention on the Law of Treaties and in the light of the ILC’s 2018 draft conclusions on subsequent agreement and practice. Conversely, the 1965 Claims Agreement is expected to function as a litmus test as to whether the ILC’s draft conclusions can provide any meaningful guidance as to how to approach such a complex situation.
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Machotka, Ewa. "The Geopolitics of Ecological Art: Contemporary Art Projects in Japan and South Korea." Mutual Images Journal, no. 5 (December 20, 2018): 105–22. http://dx.doi.org/10.32926/2018.5.mac.geopo.
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The notion of ‘affinity with nature’ functions as a powerful political concept employed in the national identification of different cultural regions of East Asia including Japan and South Korea. Both countries have much in common. They share the myths of a ‘love of nature’ and a comparable history of post-war economic miracles followed by an ecological crisis and the subsequent development of environmentalism. They also host highly recognised contemporary art events guided by an environmentalist agenda: the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale (ETAT), established in the depopulated countryside of Niigata Prefecture in 2000 by the Art Front Gallery, a commercial gallery from Tokyo; and the Geumgang Nature Art Biennale, initiated by the Korean Nature Art Association (Yatoo), sponsored by the Ministry of Culture, Sports and Tourism, and first held in 2004 in Gongju, South Chungcheong Province. Guided by ecological thought, both art events aim to induce harmonious interaction between human and non-human realms, while questioning established modes of artistic interaction with ‘nature’ related to modern Western art discourses. Satoyama (lit. village mountain), an agricultural site based on harmonious human-nature interactions, the foundational concept of the ETAT, challenges the notion of gaze that defines the modern Western notion of landscape and its relationships with power. The ‘nature art’ practiced in Gongju, which involves simple interventions in the environment that are spontaneous and impermanent, questions the paradigms of Land Art. While responding to concrete environmental issues pertinent to the operation of social-ecological systems, the Echigo-Tsumari Art Triennale and the Geumgang Nature Art Biennale both attempt to create localised alternatives to dominant epistemologies associated with global (Western) art discourses. But the question is if these practices are capable of challenging the established geopolitics of ecological art and conventional hierarchies of power between the local and the global embodied by the institutional framework of the eco-art biennale.
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Hwang, Taejin. "Cold War brotherhood contested: KATUSAs, slicky boys, American G.I.s, and the Status of Forces Agreement in post-armistice South Korea, 1954–1966." Critical Asian Studies 51, no. 2 (February 26, 2019): 253–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2019.1581580.
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Hannum, Emily, Hiroshi Ishida, Hyunjoon Park, and Tony Tam. "Education in East Asian Societies: Postwar Expansion and the Evolution of Inequality." Annual Review of Sociology 45, no. 1 (July 30, 2019): 625–47. http://dx.doi.org/10.1146/annurev-soc-073018-022507.
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This article reviews research on the coevolution of educational expansion and educational inequality within China, Japan, South Korea, and Taiwan in the post–World War II period. These societies are often lauded for their spectacular economic growth, widespread commitment to investing in education, and intense competition for academic success. This review first considers organizational sorting and horizontal stratification within the educational system, followed by returns to education in the labor market and then the inequality of educational opportunity, with special attention to the nominal versus positional approaches to measuring education. This combination of regional focus and substantive diversity offers the leverage of an approximately matched comparison. The findings demonstrate that there are significant heterogeneities in the coevolution of educational expansion and inequality among these societies with strong cultural and political ties. The findings also suggest complex causal and contingent relationships among educational expansion, educational stratification, returns to education, and inequality of opportunity.
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Öniş, Ziya. "International Context, Income Distribution and State Power in Late Industrialization: Turkey and South Korea in Comparative Perspective." New Perspectives on Turkey 13 (1995): 25–49. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s089663460000234x.
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The “East Asian miracle”, involving the phenomenal growth experience of countries such as South Korea and Taiwan, has attracted enormous intellectual attention in recent years. What has been striking in the development experience of countries like South Korea and Taiwan is not only their ability to achieve extremely high rates of economic growth, an average of nine to percent per annum sustained over the course of three decades, but also their capacity to combine these high rates of economic growth with equally striking performances in relation to other major indicators of development. These, in turn, include a relatively egalitarian pattern of income distribution, eradication of absolute poverty on a broad scale, significant employment creation as well as the virtual absence of macroeconomic crises. The Turkish experience also constitutes an interesting case of late industrialization from a comparative perspective. It is clearly a case of moderate success judged by the East Asian standards of economic growth. Furthermore, Turkey has displayed patterns of income inequality and macroeconomic instability that are, in many ways, closer to “Latin American” standards. Yet, from a different perspective, when we exclude the East Asian superperformers from our sample, Turkey’s growth performance, an average of five to six percent per annum over time, compares favorably with other late industrializers. Indeed, what makes Turkey particularly interesting and somewhat unique from a comparative perspective is that these reasonably high rates of economic growth and the creation of a substantial industrial base over time have been accomplished within the framework of broadly democratic institutions during the post-war period.
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Crawford, Timothy W., and Khang X. Vu. "Arms Control as Wedge Strategy: How Arms Limitation Deals Divide Alliances." International Security 46, no. 2 (2021): 91–129. http://dx.doi.org/10.1162/isec_a_00420.
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Abstract Strategic arms control is in crisis. The United States and Russia have retreated from agreements that formed the framework for post–Cold War arms cuts and strategic stability, such as the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty, the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe, and the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty. The only strategic arms control agreement between the United States and Russia (i.e., New START) expires in 2026. The political forcefield that sustained the old framework has been altered by major technological revolutions and China's rise. Motives for strategic arms control are conventionally framed in terms of their potential to enhance stability by limiting certain weapons, avoiding costly arms races, or preserving military advantage. But states can also use strategic arms control to divide adversaries. Wedge strategy theory explains how arms control can do so by affecting adversaries' threat perceptions, their beliefs about the costs and benefits of formal commitments, and their degree of trust in one another. Three landmark strategic arms control negotiations (the Five-Power Treaty and the Four-Power Treaty at the Washington Naval Conference, the Limited Nuclear Test Ban Treaty, and the Strategic Arms Limitation Talks) show how the wedge motive informed these negotiations and influenced great power relations. The wedge logic remains relevant today. For example, the United States may employ future arms control agreements to drive a wedge between China and Russia, and it must be cautious about arms control deals with North Korea that would negatively affect its relationship with South Korea.
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Jafarey, V. A. "Inaugural Address." Pakistan Development Review 33, no. 4I (December 1, 1994): 309–14. http://dx.doi.org/10.30541/v33i4ipp.309-314.
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I deem it a privilege to inaugurate the Tenth Annual General Meeting of the Pakistan Society of Development Economists. It is with great satisfaction that I note the Society's contribution to increasing awareness about the process of economic development in general and about its unfolding in Pakistan in particular. Since its beginnings a decade ago, the Society has grown into an institution committed to the cause of development economics, which is to throw light on the ways and means of raising standards of living in developing countries. It has since broadened its scope as well as gained in depth. The Society and its office-bearers deserve our congratulations on these achievements. I am sure what we have seen of the Society's performance, especially on the occasion of the Annual General Meetings, is an earnest of more of the same in the future as well. We are today standing on the threshold of a profound transformation of the basic equations of the world economy. On the one hand, the old world order, based on the North-South divide, is being replaced gradually by a more complex system in which several rival economic blocks are emerging in the North as well as in the South. Unlike the past, the North is no longer the sole purveyor of capital and technical know-how, nor is the South completely dependent for its technical wherewithal on the North. On the other hand, with the disintegration of the Soviet Union, a unipolar political structure with obvious economic implications appears to be taking shape. Even though the overall picture of the New International Economic Order in the post-Cold War era still remains hazy, one thing is absolutely clear: the North as an engine of growth for the South has slowed down considerably and the relationship appears to be more one of interdependence, in which countries like Japan and South Korea have developed significant capital surpluses.
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TAN, SEE SENG. "Asian Multilateralism in the Age of Japan's ‘New Normal’: Perils and Prospects." Japanese Journal of Political Science 16, no. 3 (August 5, 2015): 296–314. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1468109915000201.
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AbstractThis paper makes three related points. First, Japan has played an instrumental role in helping to define the shape and substance of multilateralism in Asia in ways deeper than scholarly literature on Asia's regional architecture has allowed. A key driving force behind Japan's contributions is the perceived utility of multilateralism in facilitating Japan's engagement of and/or balancing against China. Second, Japan has been able to achieve this because of the United States' support for Asian multilateralism and Japanese security interests. In the immediate post-Cold War period, Japan facilitated US participation in regional arrangements such as the Asia-Pacific Economic Cooperation and the ASEAN Regional Forum. But Japanese ambivalence over its dependence on the United States was also apparent in Tokyo's attempts to exclude Washington from the newly formed East Asia Summit in late 2005, despite Japan's felt need to balance China. Japan's reliance on quiet diplomacy and an implicit regional leadership has equally been instrumental to its achievements in regional integration. Third, in the light of Japan's longstanding aim to become a normal military power and adopt a more assertive policy toward China, Japan‒US security ties are likely to deepen with negative consequences for Asian multilateralism. However, if its ties with China and South Korea worsen over their islands disputes in the East China Sea, Japan risks undermining its relations with the United States. How Japan balances its normalization with a continued engagement with multilateralism could be key to a stable and secure Asia.
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Tenreiro Machado, José A., Maria Eugénia Mata, and António M. Lopes. "Fractional Dynamics and Pseudo-Phase Space of Country Economic Processes." Mathematics 8, no. 1 (January 3, 2020): 81. http://dx.doi.org/10.3390/math8010081.
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In this paper, the fractional calculus (FC) and pseudo-phase space (PPS) techniques are combined for modeling the dynamics of world economies, leading to a new approach for forecasting a country’s gross domestic product. In most market economies, the decline of the post-war prosperity brought challenging rivalries to the Western world. Considerable social, political, and military unrest is today spreading in major capital cities of the world. As global troubles including mass migrations and more abound, countries’ performance as told by PPS approaches can help to assess national ambitions, commercial aggression, or hegemony in the current global environment. The 1973 oil shock was the turning point for a long-run crisis. A PPS approach to the last five decades (1970–2018) demonstrates that convergence has been the rule. In a sample of 15 countries, Turkey, Russia, Mexico, Brazil, Korea, and South Africa are catching-up to the US, Canada, Japan, Australia, Germany, UK, and France, showing similarity in many respects with these most developed countries. A substitution of the US role as great power in favor of China may still be avoided in the next decades, while India remains in the tail. The embedding of the two mathematical techniques allows a deeper understanding of the fractional dynamics exhibited by the world economies. Additionally, as a byproduct we obtain a foreseeing technique for estimating the future evolution based on the memory of the time series.
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Cotton, James. "From Authoritarianism to Democracy in South Korea." Political Studies 37, no. 2 (June 1989): 244–59. http://dx.doi.org/10.1111/j.1467-9248.1989.tb01481.x.
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The South Korean case supports the contention that popular demands for political participation and the willingness of elites to recognize them are the likely consequences of modernization. The continuing transformation of the political system suggests that neither the corporatist nor the bureaucratic authoritarian models are applicable to Korea. Its non-democratic past is best seen as a response to specific factors, including Korea's position in the prevailing world system, the absence of countervailing elites as a result of war and rapid social transformation and the development of a strong and relatively independent state. The recent domestic and international impact of modernization has been to reverse the influence of these factors, though elements of the political culture and the contentious legacy of the past pose difficulties for the new democracy. Roh Tae-woo will need to be seen to be making a new beginning if the perennial legitimacy crisis of the Korean republic is to be overcome.
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Kim, Claudia J. "War over framing: base politics in South Korea." Pacific Review 30, no. 3 (October 18, 2016): 309–27. http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/09512748.2016.1239127.
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Glazyrin, V. L., E. A. Timchenko, and V. A. Govorova. "FACTORS FORMING NEW CITIES IN THE 21ST CENTURY." Regional problems of architecture and urban planning, no. 14 (December 29, 2020): 22–30. http://dx.doi.org/10.31650/2707-403x-2020-14-22-30.
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The article describes and analyzes the current approach to urban planning on the example of two emerging cities: Iskandar, Malaysia and Songdo, South Korea. The aims and objectives of the modern city as a multifunctional, sustainable, flexible and competitive environment of the future. The article also describes forming factors and enterprise. The main ones are industrial enterprises, the intersection of roads and external transport. Examines the specific characteristics and problems of the cities of Songdo and Iskandar that are associated with the geography of the place, climate, socio-economic and cultural context, lack of resources, cultural values and other aspects. Special attention was paid to the description of the development planning strategies of cities and their common problems associated with the scale, speed of growth, development and management of complex and dynamic objects. It identifies the community in shaping the modern urban environment, regardless of climate, cultural, political and socio-economic contexts. The construction of a new city from scratch is not a new idea. In the XX century in the world of urban planning practice shows a huge number of examples. The most interesting foreign experience, where during the XX century was observed four waves of development of new towns, and were submitted to various concepts. New cities provide a unique opportunity to learn from the wisdom and functionality of the existing towns and avoid the mistakes of the past, allowing us to re-create ways of using cities. The ambitious projects of urban scale are subject to numerous risks associated with economic feasibility, suitability for housing and the lack of dynamism, as demonstrated by many post-war and the new colonial cities. New cities offer unprecedented opportunities to experiment with innovative ideas, learn from past mistakes, to reproduce the beauty and energy created by the city and integrate technologies from the earliest stages. Starting from scratch means that new cities have the potential to resolve and improve problems of existing cities to be more intelligent and less wasteful and more socially open and creative.
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TELLIDIS, Ioannis, and Buhm-Suk BAEK. "Democracy and the War on Terror in South Korea." East Asian Policy 09, no. 04 (October 2017): 41–52. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1793930517000344.
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Although South Korea has had minimal exposure to terrorism, it recently adopted a controversial Anti-Terrorism Act that is characterised by arbitrary and vague definitions of ‘terrorism’ and ‘terrorism’-related crimes. The Act risks manufacturing the ‘terrorism’ phenomenon with the unnecessary curtailing of civil liberties and stifling of political dissent. This article argues that the legislation‘s objectives are more a rhetorical device to solidify power than to sustain the vibrancy of democratic politics and provide effective human security.
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Brubaker, Rogers, and Jaeeun Kim. "Transborder Membership Politics in Germany and Korea." European Journal of Sociology 52, no. 1 (April 2011): 21–75. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0003975611000026.
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AbstractThis paper examines changing German and Korean policies towards transborder coethnics (Germans in Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union, and Koreans in Japan and China) during the high Cold War and post-Cold War eras. The paper contributes to the emerging literature on transborder forms of membership and belonging by highlighting and explaining the selective, variable, contingent, contested, and revocable nature of states’ embrace of transborder coethnics. The explanation highlights the relationship of transborder populations to predecessor polities; changing geopolitical contexts and domestic political conjunctures; the constitutive, group-making – and group-unmaking – power of state categorization practices; and the enduring institutional legacies and unintended consequences of such practices.
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Cherkasov, P. "Academician Nodari Simonia – the Last Marxist." World Economy and International Relations 65, no. 11 (2021): 131–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.20542/0131-2227-2021-65-11-131-140.
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The author traces and analyzes the career and activity of Academician Nodari Aleksandrovich Simoniyа (1932–2019), a prominent orientalist and expert in international relations who headed the Institute of World Economy and International Relations of the Russian Academy of Sciences in 2000–2006. The article reveals the formation of the general worldview and academic views of N. Simoniа, assesses his contribution to the study of the East after the collapse of the colonial system and the formation of young independent states. The author acquaints the reader with the views of the Academician on the European, Asian and Russian revolutions, with his approach to understanding the processes of contemporary world development, explains his civil position, both under the Soviet regime and in post-Soviet Russia. N. Simonia combined a detailed knowledge of realities in the Eastern regions he studied – primarily Southeast Asia – with a deep theoretical approach to the study of complex processes in the East after the end of World War II. Over time, the interests of the Academician went beyond the East, to which he devoted several decades of research. At the turn of the 1990s‑2000s, his attention was attracted by the problems of global world development, as well as the development of post-Soviet Russia. All the works of N. Simonia – he published 18 books and dozens of articles in Russian and foreign academic journals – were written by him, as he himself admitted, on the basis of the Marxist methodology. But Simonia’s Marxism had nothing in common with vulgar ideas in Bolsheviks’ teachings of Marx and their “theory of Marxism-Leninism”. At the same time, the Academician criticized not only Stalin and Lenin, but also Marx himself, who succeeded only in deep analysis of contemporary pre-monopoly capitalism. N. Simonia criticized the Soviet model of socialism as well, believing that there has never been any real socialism in the USSR. He was equally critical of the “liberal” turn of the Russian intellectual elite after 1991, blaming its radical faction, which influenced President Boris Yeltsin, for instilling in Russia a model of the “worst”, as he wrote, “the most parasitic version of bureaucratic capitalism”. For Simonia, the latter was associated with Indonesia under Sukarno. But even there, not to mention Japan and South Korea, the business elite has never been antipatriotic, as it happened in modern Russia. In his opinion, the Russian model of capitalism turned out to be unlike either the Western or the Eastern model, and the modernization, which Russia urgently needs, is inseparable from genuine democratization, but should not represent an imitation of democracy, as is the case.
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Robinson, Thomas W. "America in Taiwan' Post Cold-War Foreign Relations." China Quarterly 148 (December 1996): 1340–61. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s0305741000050657.
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Since losing the mainland to Communist conquest in 1949 (more accurately, since the North Korean invasion of the South in June 1950), Taiwan has become a continuous foreign policy protectorate of the United States. Had it not been for American security protection, Taiwan would long since have come under Beijing's rule. Several causative agents, separately, in combination or sequentially, kept Taiwan out of mainland Chinese hands. These included, initially, the American Seventh Fleet, then generalized American military might in concert with the American-Taiwan Defence Treaty of 1954, thence the three American- Chinese communiques forming the basis of post-1971 relations between the two countries, concomitantly the American Congress's Taiwan Relations Act of 1979 and the accompanying (and subsequent) legislative history, and, throughout, China's inability to overcome, with a high probability of success, active Taiwan military resistance and probable American military support. While the economic and, more recently, political transformation of Taiwan materially strengthened that entity such that its defensibility against attack rose greatly, to say nothing of its overall attractiveness, from the onset of the People's Republic of China it was the American connection that was the sine qua non of Taiwan's quasi-independent existence.
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Steedmam, Marek. "The Risen Phoenix: Black Politics in the Post–Civil War South." Journal of American History 104, no. 3 (December 1, 2017): 772–73. http://dx.doi.org/10.1093/jahist/jax355.
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Yi, We Jung. "The Pleasure of Mourning: Korean War Blockbusters in Post–Cold War South Korea, 1998–2008." JCMS: Journal of Cinema and Media Studies 58, no. 1 (2018): 118–40. http://dx.doi.org/10.1353/cj.2018.0073.
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Lee, Sangjoon. "Destination Hong Kong: The Geopolitics of South Korean Espionage Films in the 1960s." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 343–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226478.
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Abstract As the apparent progeny of Cold War politics in the West, espionage films witnessed unprecedented popularity around the globe in the 1960s. With the success of Dr. No (1962) and Goldfinger (1964)—along with French, Italian, and German copycats—in Asia, film industries in Japan, Hong Kong, Taiwan, and South Korea recognized the market potential and embarked on churning out their own James Bond-mimetic espionage films in the late 1960s. Since the regional political sphere has always been multifaceted, however, each country approached genre conventions with its own interpretation. In the US-driven Cold War political, ideological, and economic sphere, developmental states in the region, particularly South Korea and Taiwan, vigorously adopted anti-communist doctrine to guard and uphold their militant dictatorships. Under this political atmosphere in the regional sphere, cultural sectors in each nation-state, including cinema, voluntarily or compulsorily served as an apparatus to strengthen the state’s ideological principles. While the Cold War politics that drive the narrative in the American and European films is conspicuously absent in Hong Kong espionage films, South Korea and Taiwan, on the other hand, explicitly promulgated the ideological principles of their apparent enemies, North Korea and the People’s Republic of China (PRC), in their representative espionage films. This article casts a critical eye over South Korea–initiated inter-Asian coproduction of espionage films produced during the time, with particular reference to South Korea–Hong Kong coproduction of SOS Hong Kong (SOS Hongk’ong) and Special Agent X-7 (Sun’gan ŭn yŏngwŏnhi), both produced and released in 1966.
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Joo Ha, Lee. "Politics of Social Policy-Making in South Korea an Japan." Korean Journal of Policy Studies 22, no. 2 (February 28, 2008): 109–33. http://dx.doi.org/10.52372/kjps22205.
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Until recently, welfare politics in Korea and Japan tended to be dominated by conservative forces "from above." This paper investigates the formation and domination of such forces from above, with a focus on the interaction between institutional arrangements and strategic maneuvering by political actors which, I argue, constitutes the politics of (social) policy-making. The notion of the politics of social policy-making aims to provide a more politically and institutionally sensitive framework than the pluralist analysis of policy-making. Korea and Japan share some crucial institutional legacies of the "developemental state" and "group-coordinated market economies." At the same time, attention should also be paid to different institutional configurations, such as a strong presidential system and first-past-the-post voting in Korea and a parliamentary system and single non-transferable vote in Japan. The main research question is, what are the similarities and differences in the politics of social policy-making between these two countries?
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CHOI, EUNJUNG, and JONGSEOK WOO. "The Origins of the Park Jung-hee Syndrome in South Korea." Issues & Studies 55, no. 01 (March 2019): 1950003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s1013251119500036.
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In the past few decades, post-democratization politics in South Korea have witnessed an upsurge in authoritarian nostalgia, called the “Park Jung-hee syndrome.” This paper examines the origins of public nostalgia for the authoritarian dictator by putting two theoretical arguments, i.e., the socialization thesis and the system output thesis, to an empirical test. This paper utilizes the 2010 Korea Democracy Barometer from the Korea Barometer and the 2010 and the 2015 Korean National Identity Survey from the East Asia Institute. The empirical analysis of the South Korean case strongly supports the political socialization argument, suggesting that citizens’ yearning for Park Jung-hee is not merely an outcome of the negative evaluations of the democratic governments’ performances. Rather, their authoritarian nostalgia is in large part an outcome of their political socialization during the Park dictatorship. The analysis implies that, although a resurgence of the Park Jung-hee syndrome in post-democratization South Korea is not expected to derail the country’s route to democratic deepening, it may continue to be a main source of political division in partisan and electoral politics in the future.
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Park, Jinhee. "Departure and Repatriation as Cold War Dissensus: Domestic Ethnography in Korean Documentary." Journal of Korean Studies 22, no. 2 (September 1, 2017): 433–57. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-4226514.
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Abstract This article examines autobiographic documentaries about families that expose “dissensus” in the mapping of transborder migration and diasporic desire that were the results of the Cold War in North Korea, South Korea, and Japan. Jae-hee Hong (dir. My Father’s Emails) and Yong-hi Yang (dir. Dear Pyongyang and Goodbye Pyongyang) document the ongoing Cold War in their fathers’ histories through their position as a “familial other,” who embodies both dissensus and intimacy. Hong reveals that anticommunism in South Korean postwar nation building reverberated in the private realm. Yang documents her Zainichi father, who sent his sons to North Korea during the Repatriation Campaign in Japan. The anticommunist father in South Korea (Hong’s) and the communist father in Japan (Yang’s) engendered family migration with contrasting motivations, departure from and return to North Korea, respectively. Juxtaposing these two opposite ideologies in family histories, as well as juxtaposing the filmmakers’ dissonance with the given ideologies in domestic space, provide the aesthetic form for “dissensus.” The politics of aesthetics in domestic ethnography manifests in that the self and the Other are inextricably interlocked because of the reciprocity of the filmmaker and the communist or anticommunist subject.
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Saramifar, Younes. "The South Side of Heaven." Anthropology of the Middle East 14, no. 1 (June 1, 2019): 125–41. http://dx.doi.org/10.3167/ame.2019.140108.
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I portray mnemonic practices of Iranians who engaged with the past and keep the memories of martyrs of the Iran-Iraq War (1980–1988) alive within frames and words. Through pictures taken during the annual commemoration of martyrs in southern Iran, I show how religiosity, politics and generational guilt are entangled in post-war Iran. I move against the grains of memory studies and visual anthropology by maintaining the silences and what is left unsaid instead of rendering war memories, acts of remembering and ways of seeing epistemologically coherent. I argue remembering is a practice locally shaped according to the politics of everyday life and not by imagined presupposition of memory scholars. Therefore, I draw an ontological approach towards memories in Iran by ways of seeing and religious worldview of those implicated in the Iranian memory machine.
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CHANG, HYUN KYONG HANNAH. "Transcending the Past: Singing and the Lingering Cold War in the Korean Christian Diaspora." Twentieth-Century Music 18, no. 3 (October 2021): 447–67. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1478572221000207.
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AbstractProtestant music in South Korea has received little attention in ethnomusicology despite the fact that Protestant Christianity was one of the most popular religions in twentieth-century Korea. This has meant a missed opportunity to consider the musical impact of a religious institution that mediated translocal experiences between South Korea and the United States during the Cold War period (1950s–1980s). This article explores the politics of music style in South Korean diasporic churches through an ethnography of a church choir in California. I document these singers’ preference for European-style choral music over neotraditional pieces that incorporate the aesthetics of suffering from certain Korean traditional genres. I argue that their musical judgement must be understood in the context of their lived and remembered experience of power inequalities between the United States and South Korea. Based on my interviews with the singers, I show that they understand hymns and related Euro-American genres as healing practices that helped them overcome a difficult past and hear traditional vocal music as sonic icons of Korea's sad past. The article outlines a pervasive South Korean/Korean diasporic historical consciousness that challenges easy conceptions of identity and agency in music studies.
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Kim, Chung-kang. "Monstrous Science: The Great Monster Yonggari (1967) and Cold War Science in 1960s South Korea." Journal of Korean Studies 23, no. 2 (October 1, 2018): 397–421. http://dx.doi.org/10.1215/21581665-6973383.
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AbstractThis essay explores the cinematic Cold War in 1960s South Korea, focusing on a popular film, The Great Monster Yonggari (Taegoesu Yonggari, 1967), and its transnational production, circulation, and responses. Initially produced as a children’s movie by Korean film director Kim Kidŏk, Yonggari had great success at the box office in South Korea. Later, with cooperation and international marketing by the Japanese company Toei, this film was introduced by American International Pictures television in the United States in 1969 with the title Yongary, Monster from the Deep. The transnational cultural nexus in the production and distribution of The Great Monster Yonggari obviously reflects the global Cold War politics among the nations in the “free world.” While paying attention to this ideological aspect of the film and the centrality of science as a national developmental agenda in South Korea, the essay also looks closely at the anxieties behind the Cold War science within Yonggari, as the “silenced” nuclear disaster of Japan started to be publicly spoken in South Korean media in the mid-1960s. The film reminded Koreans of the victims in Hiroshima and Nagasaki and of East Asian “Hot Wars” that were hidden behind monstrous Cold War science.
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YUN, JI-WHAN. "Post-Democracy and Historicism: The Hidden Origin of the Korea-Japan Trade War." Issues & Studies 57, no. 01 (March 2021): 2150003. http://dx.doi.org/10.1142/s101325112150003x.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Since Japan’s imposition of export controls against Korea in July 2019 and its following countermoves, including the termination of the General Security of Military Information Agreement, the governments of both countries have presented their own narratives of the origin of this trade war, both of which mirror theories of international politics. Nonetheless, these narratives mask several domestic origins. Most importantly, this paper demonstrates that behind the trade war, there has been a preoccupation of the two governments with mutually irreconcilable version forms of historicism. One is Korea’s pro-naturalist historicism, seeing Korean history as being preordained by the universal laws of human progress and defining Japan as a historical reactionary. The other is Japan’s anti-naturalist historicism, upholding internationalism as a new driving force of history that will transform Japan from a war criminal state into a proper subject in international society while criticizing Korea as being a drag on this transformation. This paper argues that, resulting from decades-long neoliberal politics that have disturbed the state-society balance, the national structure of post-democracy has encouraged each government to push historicism to its limit as an alternative source of political legitimacy in lieu of democratic accountability. Concretely, it shows that post-democracy has determined (1) the historicist framing of emerging conflicts, (2) the government’s legislative struggles to realize historicist policies, and (3) the incontestability of historicist hostility by other ideas in each country.
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Yoon, Jong-Han. "The Effect of US Foreign Policy on the Relationship Between South and North Korea: Time Series Analysis of the Post-Cold War Era." Journal of East Asian Studies 11, no. 2 (August 2011): 255–88. http://dx.doi.org/10.1017/s1598240800007189.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this study, I examine the effect of US foreign policy on the relationship between South Korea and North Korea. In particular, I analyze whether two different foreign policy approaches—the hard-line approach and the soft-line approach—have played a role in advancing or slowing steps toward peace in the Korean peninsula. I use the Integrated Data for Events Analysis dataset for the period 1990–2004. By employing a Vector Autoregression model, which analyzes the behavioral patterns of South and North Korea and the United States, I find that US foreign policy affects the relationship between the two Koreas by affecting North Korea's behavior toward South Korea. The triangular relationship among the United States, North Korea, and South Korea shows a reciprocal behavior pattern. This finding suggests that a soft-line and reciprocal US foreign policy toward North Korea is critical to maintaining peace in the Korean peninsula.
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Choi, Young Jin, and Sun wha Lee. "Politics of Remembrance and Representation: Comparison of Vietnam War Movies of USA and South Korea." JOURNAL OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS 22, no. 2 (June 30, 2019): 135–64. http://dx.doi.org/10.15235/jir.2019.06.22.2.135.
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