Дисертації з теми "South Australian politics"
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1
Jose, Jim. "Sexing the subject : the politics of sex education in South Australian State Schools, 1900-1990 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1995. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phj828.pdf.
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2
Halpin, Darren Richard, of Western Sydney Hawkesbury University, Faculty of Environmental Management and Agriculture, and School of Agriculture and Rural Development. "Authenticity and the representative paradox: the political representation of Australian farmers through the NFF family of interest groups." THESIS_FEMA_ARD_Halpin_D.xml, 1999. http://handle.uws.edu.au:8081/1959.7/22.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the political representation of Australian farmers. The NFF family of interest groups is charged with the political representation of farmers in Australia.Given that their state affiliates are the only organisations that farmers can directly join, this study takes the case of the New South Wales Farmers' Association (NSWFA) as its major reference point. A paradox is immediately confronted. On one hand, both the state and commentators refer to the NFF family as an exemplar of a successful modern interest group. However, on the other, the NFF family is being confronted with escalating levels of disillusionment and criticism from its own constituency.Two points of interest are highlighted. Firstly, it is suggested that theoretical frameworks, which assist commentators and researchers to come to the conclusion that the NFF family is 'successful', are not constructed in such a fashion as to throw sufficient light on the paradoxical nature of an existing situation. Secondly, this paradox suggests that the NFF itself must be able to disassociate the contingent relationship between its internal levels of support and external levels of access and influence. These two focal points are explored in this thesis, and the framework used by researchers to understand the actions of Australian farm interest groups are scrutinised. Discussing 'authentic' political representation assists considering the major theme of the 'representative paradox'. It is argued that this paradox is best understood by locating it within a search by farmers for authentic political representation - both through the NFF family and apart from it.Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)
3
Robinson, Geoffrey 1963. "How Labor governed : social structures and the formation of public policy during the New South Wales Lang government of November 1930 to May 1932." Monash University, Dept. of History, 2001. http://arrow.monash.edu.au/hdl/1959.1/9164.
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4
Hogarth, Jane T. "The politics of World Heritage listing in South Australia /." Title page, table of contents and summary only, 1990. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09ENV/09envH715.pdf.
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5
Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community /." Title page, table of contents and abstract only, 1991. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phd2613.pdf.
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6
Mould, Catherine. "Childbirth, choice and culture : the politics of birth in South Australia /." Title page, abstract and contents only, 2000. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09AR/09arm9259.pdf.
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7
Wigman, Albertus. "Childhood and compulsory education in South Australia : a cultural-political analysis." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1989. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09PH/09phw659.pdf.
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8
Fine, Robert. "Labour and politics in South Africa, 1939-1964." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1989. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/55901/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The core of my dissertation is devoted to a re-interpretation of the history of the liberation movement in South Africa in two critical periods of its development. The first I call in short 'the 1940s' but shall be referring more specifically to the years between 1939 and the rise of apartheid in 1948; the second I call 'the 1950s' but shall refer to the years between the emergence of apartheid and the defeat of the liberation movement in 1964. Both the 1940s and the 1950s were marked by fierce class struggles which brought with them hopes of a new democratic order in South Africa; both closed on the sombre note of defeat for democracy and triumph for the forces of reaction and racism. Motivated by a dissatisfaction with prevailing interpretations, I shall explore what went wrong in these years in order to deepen our understanding of the political culture and social base of the liberation movement. I have focussed on these two historical periods because I see the basic parameters of the contemporary liberation movement as set by the class struggles which occurred within them. My central hypothesis is that, although class relations do not on the whole manifest themselves directly on the surface of the liberation movement, they have nonetheless been the crucial determinants of its pattern of evolution. My introductory chapter will be devoted to a theoretical discussion of the relation between nationalism and socialism in the South Africa liberation movement. It was written after the historical research and its ideas reflect a considerable change of mind which resulted from the research; the ideas expressed within it provide a necessary foundation for understanding what I wish to say through the substantive history. My final section will be an attempt to outline the major lessons which I draw from the history of these class struggles; it focusses on what I see as the unresolved conflict between the two traditions of 'radical liberalism' and 'insurrectionism' which run through the history of the liberation struggle and on defining what I see as the 'absent centre' of this history: social democracy or more accurately the social democratic movement of the working class.
9
Lowe, David Michael. "Australia, South East Asia and the Cold War, 1948-54." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1990. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/283670.
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10
Park, Sun-Won. "The dynamics of triangular intra-alliance politics : political interventions of the United States and Japan towards South Korea in regime transition 1979-1980." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2000. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/4369/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The focus of this study is the political dynamics of the alliance relations between the United States, Japan and South Korea during the Cold War period. It proposes the concept of "triangular alliance security system" (TASS) as a new theoretical framework for the understanding of intra-alliance politics in Northeast Asia. It identifies the different perspectives on regional relations of the US, Japan and South Korea and it argues that the main operational principle of the US in its dealings with Korea at that time was active intervention to democratise the latter's polity, whilst the Japanese imperative was defensive intervention to preserve stability and the status quo. It also presents a new body of empirical facts concerning the US and Japanese interventions in South Korea's regime transition during 1979 and 1980, utilising primary materials from US, Japanese and South Korean sources and in-depth interviews with diplomatic actors and policy-makers. The empirical findings concerning Japanese intervention in the South Korean regime challenge conventional views of Japanese foreign policy. They suggest a much more active role for Japan in the emergence of the regime of Gen. Chun Doo-hwan, whilst the Carter administration was increasingly preoccupied with the Iran hostage crisis.
11
Dufty, Rae School of Biological Earth & Environmental Sciences UNSW. "Rethinking the politics of distribution: the geographies and governmentalities of housing assistance in rural New South Wales, Australia." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of Biological, Earth & Environmental Sciences, 2007. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/31460.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Housing, while a necessity of ???life???, goes beyond this definition in this research to also become a technology of government in the domestic distributional geopolitics of nation-states. Employing a Foucaultian approach to power and governance, this research examines how the provision of housing assistance was used in the government of rural public housing communities. Data for this research were collected through a series of archival resources that focused specifically on the transitional periods of 1935-1955 and 1985-2005. Data were also gathered through a questionnaire and interviews with public housing tenants and staff from four towns (Griffith, Cootamundra, Junee and Tumut) in the ???Riverina??? region of south-western New South Wales (NSW), Australia. This research makes five contributions to geographical understandings of distributional politics. First, the thesis contends that poststructuralist theoretical approaches to the analysis of power and governance enable innovative critical engagements with the distributional geopolitical agendas of governmental processes. The research also found that the distributional geopolitical agendas of Governments have been pursued through more than just the redistribution of fiscal resources, but also include the redistribution of human resources. In particular, housing assistance has been, and is used today, to perpetuate certain internal migration patterns to aid this human-distributional agenda. Third, the study argues that ??? while the broad shift to advanced liberal forms of government have resulted in changes to how distributional geopolitical agendas are pursued ??? ???distribution??? remains an integral feature of the geopolitical objectives of those who seek to govern in advanced liberal ways. This work also shows how these new advanced liberal distributional objectives remain open to being problematised and/or resisted at the local scale. However, while such governmental processes are always uncertain and open to contestation, these changes have brought about a new set of ethical and political consequences. We need to be alert to and critical of the ways in which these new distributional geopolitical agendas impact on our own and others??? ???freedoms???.
12
Orders, Paul. "Britain, Australia, New Zealand and the expansion of American power in south-west Pacific, 1941-46." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 1997. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.266244.
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13
Stevens, Christine Audrey. ""New life in the freedom country" : young Cambodians in Adelaide." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1990. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19370.
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14
Whittaker, William Joshua, and joshua whittaker@rmit edu au. "Vulnerability to bushfires in south-eastern Australia: a case study from East Gippsland, Victoria." RMIT University. Mathematical and Geospatial Sciences, 2009. http://adt.lib.rmit.edu.au/adt/public/adt-VIT20090401.122025.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis is an analysis of human vulnerability to bushfires in the Wulgulmerang district of East Gippsland, Victoria, in south-eastern Australia. On January 30, 2003, bushfires devastated the small population of this isolated farming district. The fires destroyed homes, livelihood assets and public infrastructure. They also adversely affected the health, livelihoods and social lives of many local people. Australian bushfire research has traditionally focused on the geophysical dimensions of fire hazards and disasters, with little consideration of how cultural, economic, political and social factors shape people's exposure to hazards and their capacities to cope and adapt to bushfire impacts. To date, there have been no systematic, social science analyses of human vulnerability to bushfires. The vulnerability analysis presented in this thesis concentrates on two key research questions: (1) How and why were people exposed to hazards during the bushfires? and (2) How and why were people differentially capable of coping and adapting to the fires' impacts? Qualitative methods were primarily used to investigate these questions, including semi-structured interviews with residents and landholders of the Wulgulmerang district, representatives of government departments and authorities, and others who participated in responses to the fires. The thesis develops a multifaceted understanding of how and why people were vulnerable to the January 30 fires. Vulnerability is shown to arise from the circumstances of people's day to day lives, which are shaped by factors both within and beyond their control. Local pressures and challenges - such as drought, declining farm incomes, depopulation, limited access to essential services, and political marginality - are shown to increase people's exposure to bushfire hazards and reduce their capacities to cope and adapt. The thesis demonstrates the fundamental importance of sustainable livelihoods and regional economic and social vitality to the long-term goal of vulnerability reduction.
15
Ward, Damen Andrew. "The politics of jurisdiction : 'British' law, indigenous peoples and colonial government in South Australia and New Zealand, c.1834-60." Thesis, University of Oxford, 2003. http://ethos.bl.uk/OrderDetails.do?uin=uk.bl.ethos.289016.
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16
Thelin, Julia. "Environmental migration in the South Pacific : A frame analysis of policies in Australia and New Zealand." Thesis, Uppsala universitet, Statsvetenskapliga institutionen, 2020. http://urn.kb.se/resolve?urn=urn:nbn:se:uu:diva-416190.
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17
Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 /." Title page, contents and abstract only, 1998. http://web4.library.adelaide.edu.au/theses/09MD/09mdj54.pdf.
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18
Kim, Gunwoo. "The political culture of university students in South Korea : a comparison of before the democratic transition and today." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2015. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/79697/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis compares the political culture of university students in South Korea before and after the democratic transition in 1987. It identifies the changes in the following: the attitudes to politics, government and media; the political socialization process; the experience of political participation; and the reasons for political participation and non-participation. Qualitative analysis was used to analyse the data collected from interviews and surveys conducted on respondents who were university students in the 1980s and current university students. It was found that compared to university students in the 1980s, current university students held less intensely negative attitudes towards the government. However, although current university students were interested in politics, they were still distrustful of politicians, did not have a political party they supported and had low levels of perceived political efficacy and political participation. Based on these findings, this thesis examined three different types of theories to explain the changes in the political culture of university students. First, demand-side theories that focus on underlying socioeconomic changes to explain changes in the political culture were used to analyse the changes in the reasons for political participation and the changes in the political socialization process. Second, intermediary-side theories that emphasise the role of media were used to examine the changes in the attitudes towards the media and the experience of latent political participation. Finally, supply-side theories that focus on the supply of politics and governance were used to explain the changes in the other elements of political culture. Close examination into the workings of democracy in South Korea since the democratic transition in 1987 revealed that there were indications of cartelisation of the political party system, which explains the low levels of political trust and perceived political efficacy reported by current university students.
19
Grossman, Jonathan. "Class relations and the policies of the Communist Party of South Africa, 1921-1950." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1985. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/34718/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The Communist Party(CP) was formed in 1921, on the foundation created by the International Socialist League (ISL). An investigation of the theory and practice of the CP reveals the combination of a socialist commitment with an abstract theoretical perspective. The Party was obstructed, through its own idealised understanding of class relations, from pursuing its declared goals. This study investigates the rhythms of struggle and the dynamic development of the workers' movement. It examines the growing social weight and developing structural strength of black workers and the organisation and action which these generated. CP policies are examined in the light of these developments. Oppression which spans different classes created the underlying basis for a class alliance between the oppressed black petty bourgeoisie and exploited and oppressed black workers. The CP tended to conflate a co-incidence of different processes of radicalisation and different class interests. The Party broke from the white labour tradition out of which it had emerged; it pursued a policy of popular frontism for much of its history. This policy, and the conflation of different processes and class interests promoted an uncertainty within the Party as to its role. On this basis, the Party did not always identify underlying processes, and hence its uncertainty as to how to relate to the dynamic processes of radicalisation, organisation and action, and the ebbs and flows of the class struggle was promoted. In 1950, the Party responded to the threat of state banning, and, at a time when working class combativity was developing, it disbanded. In the period under study, the goal of working class leadership in an organised class alliance was not achieved.
20
Abjorensen, Norman, and norman abjorensen@anu edu au. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." The Australian National University. Faculty of Arts, 2005. http://thesis.anu.edu.au./public/adt-ANU20070320.122842.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
21
Harris, Tony School of History UNSW. "Basket weavers and true believers : the middle class left and the ALP Leichhardt Municipality c. 1970-1990." Awarded by:University of New South Wales. School of History, 2002. http://handle.unsw.edu.au/1959.4/19325.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In the two decades between 1970 and 1990, hundreds of people passed through the ALP branches of Leichhardt Municipality. These were predominantly members of what this thesis calls a 'middle class Left', employed in professions and para-professions like teaching or the public service and motivated, to one degree or another, by the social movements and politics of the late 1960's and early 1970's. This is a social history incorporating the life histories of a selection of these people. It is set against the backdrop of conflicts with incumbent, conservative, working class-based political machines and the political climate of the times. The thesis is in four parts. Part I, the introduction, establishes the point of view of the writer as it shapes what is also a 'participant history'. In this context, and that of the oral history interviews, the introduction addresses the relationship between memory and history. Parts II and III are the body of the thesis and each is lead by a 'photo-essay', recognising the complimentary importance of a visual narrative. Part II sets out the broad political topography of the 1970's and early 1980's. Chapter one describes the middle-classing of the ALP in Leichhardt Municipality, set against a review of the principal literature. It then moves through chapters two to four to examine the three loci of middle-classing: Annandale, Balmain and Glebe. Part III moves on into the 1980's when the middle class Left 'takes power'. It examines, in chapter five, the emerging, sharp, divisions among the Left on Leichhardt Council and in the contests for federal and state parliamentary seats. Chapter six examines the deepening of these divisions in the mid to late 1980's, concluding with the climactic struggle over the Mort Bay public housing project. Chapter seven looks at the diaspora of the Labor Left in Leichhardt at the end of the 1980's as the branch membership declined and many sought out political alternatives to the ALP. Part IV brings the thesis to its conclusion, focussing on the complexities and ambiguities of the middle class Left and drawing out the main socio-political themes of the two decades.
22
Hurt, Stephen R. "Meeting the challenges of past and present : post-apartheid South Africa's reintegration into the global political economy, 1994-1997." Thesis, University of Warwick, 1999. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50772/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The end of apartheid presents South Africa with an opportunity to realise its full potential as an important member of the global political economy. This follows a period of three decades of progressive isolation from the global community. The major external challenge facing South Africa now is that the world it is trying to integrate with is much changed from the one it was previously part of. It is of vital importance that as an emerging nation it fully appreciates the nature of this changed world. The global political economy has changed rapidly over the past decade. Mikhail Gorbachev became General Secretary of the Soviet Communist Party and after 1985 he gradually introduced the process of reconstructing the Soviet economy, known as perestroika. This, together with glasnost, began a process of rapid change culminating in the collapse of communism throughout Eastern Europe and the former Soviet Union and an end to the Cold War. Thus, western ideas of democracy became dominant and democratic regimes (although not necessarily liberal democratic) became the world's dominant form. Economically, the most important global trend has been that of liberalisation together with what the literature calls globalisation. Rapid advances in transport and communications technology, combined with the trend towards market deregulation have lowered the barriers between national markets; technology and skills, rather than natural resources and cheap labour have become the crucial enabling factors for competing in the global economy. This thesis contends that such a background gives South Africa little choice but to integrate into the global system if it is to secure the best conditions for its economic, social and political development. It also argues, that as a middle-income developing country or economy in transition, the parameters within which it can achieve this integration are fairly narrowly defined. South Africa is quite unique in the nature of its structural problems due to the legacy of apartheid. It remains a deeply divided society with great extremes of wealth and poverty. Its economy has a dualistic nature with a formal industrial sector and a large underdeveloped informal sector. To compete in the global marketplace South Africa must be able to attract additional production factors and resources from outside. Due to the high levels of protectionism inherited from the apartheid era there is a need for a reorientation of South Africa's trade policy. Relations with its principal trading partner, the European Union, will be crucially important here. Finally, South Africa cannot avoid its geographical location in Africa. An underdeveloped and politically unstable Southern Africa would greatly reduce South Africa's chances of successful global integration. In contrast a stable, more integrated region, would be to the benefit of South Africa, not least in creating a regional bloc able to exert greater leverage at a global level. However, given that regionalisation may not be wholly compatible with greater global integration, at least in the short to medium term, South Africa faces some difficult policy choices ahead.
23
Soko, Milford Sibusiso. "Re-engaging with the global trading system : the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa, 1994-2004." Thesis, University of Warwick, 2004. http://wrap.warwick.ac.uk/50693/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis examines the political economy of trade policy reform in post-apartheid South Africa. It challenges mainstream accounts of contemporary trade policy in South Africa, which have advanced a solely economic rationale to explain the policy choices made by the ANC governments since 1994. The thesis argues that, far more than these accounts concede, international and domestic political economy considerations have also played a central part in the ANC governments' calculations to undertake trade reform to the degree it has. Trade reform in South Africa has been the linchpin of a global adjustment strategy pursued by the domestic political elites by which they have sought to fulfill South Africa's global, regional and domestic political and economic objectives. At the global level, the South African state has vigorously pursued trade liberalisation in order to shed its past image of international pariah and reintegrate itself into the global economy on the basis of outward-oriented growth. Restoring South Africa's international political respectability has been as important as reversing its economic marginalisation in the international division of labour. At the regional level, the South African state has used trade policy reform as a foreign economic policy tool not only to rebuild political and diplomatic relations with African countries strained during the apartheid era - but also to advance its hegemonic ambitions, particularly in Southern Africa, as well as reinforce the region's ability to engage with the forces of economic globalisation. The extent to which South Africa's regional hegemonic ambitions can be achieved, however, lies ultimately with how adeptly the country can reconcile these regional aspirations with its domestic pressures. At the domestic level, trade reform has been deployed by the decision-making elites not only to lock in the government's austere macroeconomic policy but also to curtail the power of domestic interests that have benefited from trade protectionism in the past. In return for their co-operation, the South African state has allowed these interests, notably business and labour, enhanced institutional representation in economic policymaking. In this sense trade policy has been employed to serve domestic as much as foreign political and economic policy ends.
24
Mitchell, Andrew Hunter. "Institutions and endowments : state credibility, fiscal institutions and divergence, Argentina and Australia, c.1880-1980." Thesis, London School of Economics and Political Science (University of London), 2006. http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/835/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The thesis compares Argentine and Australian fiscal systems from the late nineteenth to the late twentieth centuries. It uses institutionalist and endowments approaches to evaluate the importance of state credibility and taxation on long run economic development. After rapid convergence in the early twentieth century, Argentina and Australia clearly diverged in the latter twentieth century. Divergence emanated from different institutional experiences, which ultimately originated from dissimilar experiences of state credibility. State credibility is the extent to which society trusts the state to act in its interests. Fiscal institutions are a clear and comparable measure of state credibility over time as they frankly express underlying political economy. As Argentina and Australia were once similarly successful settler economies with comparable geographic prospects for development, the comparison promises to transcend geographically deterministic explanations for development. Geography primarily consists of factor endowments and location. In fact Argentina was better placed to succeed in geographic terms than Australia. Yet Australia, not Argentina, secured the status of a developed country. Australia and Argentina exemplify the relative insignificance of geography in shaping development. Divergence resulted from a failure of Argentine institutions to generate sufficient space for negotiation and compromise, and a ‘latent civil war’ was entered from the 1930s until the early 1980s. A key finding of the thesis is that divergence in fiscal institutions, especially differing capacities to embed progressive systems of direct taxation was crucial to divergence in development. This finding is based upon the discovery of new evidence and the harmonisation of fragmented time series which enable comparison over a long period of time. Argentina and Australia took different paths in the latter half of the twentieth century due to distinct institutional environments and their legacies for social consensus and development.
25
Parkinson, Naomi Gabrielle. "Elections in the mid-nineteenth century British Empire." Thesis, University of Cambridge, 2018. https://www.repository.cam.ac.uk/handle/1810/277097.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis presents a comparative analysis of the operation and significance of elections in the British colonies of Jamaica, New South Wales and the Cape, from 1849-1860, with a particular focus on the creation and reconstruction of ideas of politically-entitled British subjecthood over this period. Beginning with the first elections under a system of representative government in New South Wales and the Cape, and the early elections of the post-emancipation period in Jamaica, it questions how residents within these sites engaged with elections via the cultures of the canvass, public meetings, open nominations and viva voce polling. Through this study, I show how mid-century elections became critical sites for the articulation of social tensions and long-standing rivalries between competing settler groups within each of these colonies. I argue that the franchise, although highly demonstrative of the Colonial Office and settlers’ attempts to reconcile the respective competing histories of and justifications for colonisation, was often frustrated in practice. Cultures of violence, the manipulation of land-values, double-voting and bribery provided avenues through which laws governing the right to vote were transcended during elections. Through this thesis, I show how both residents and officials used such mechanisms to reshape the function and meaning of the franchise. I also show the lasting implications of such changes, particularly for their impact on nascent attitudes to race. Via a close examination of case studies across the three sites, this history broadens understandings of the mid-century as a period in which locally-elected legislatures increasingly became the prerogative of white ‘settler’ colonies and political rights increasingly centred on an individual, defined by his race and gender, as well as his class. Although affirming the importance of the period, it shows the complexities and inconsistencies of attempts to define the boundaries of enfranchisement over this period, and the impact of struggles to achieve it via changes to electoral law and practice. The comparison between New South Wales, the Cape and Jamaica illuminates the manner through which global discourses of reform, including those relating to bribery, privacy and order, would come to be repurposed within each site. It also serves to reinforce the striking role that attitudes to race would come to play in the formation and regulation of electoral practice across the British Empire. In this manner, this thesis aims to advance imperial historiography by highlighting the role of electoral culture as a reflection of and instigating factor in wider reconceptions of political rights across the British colonial world.
26
Briggs, Casey. "Using Aggregated Demographic Data To Inform Electoral Boundary Redistributions: 2010 South Australian Election." Thesis, 2015. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/94479.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Electoral boundaries in South Australia are currently a contentious issue in politics, with allegations that the current boundaries are unfair. South Australia has fairness provisions that are unique in Australia governing the boundaries of electoral districts. However, in three of the last six state elections, the objective of fairness as characterised by these provisions has not been met.
Boundaries are drawn by the independent Electoral Districts Boundaries Commission, and are revised after every general election in South Australia. The Commission's method uses estimates for the voting behaviours in small areas to inform the decisions about boundary changes.
The objective of this thesis is to develop an alternative method for calculating these estimates, and test the credibility of the resultant estimates from our new method.
We develop a series of gradually refined regression models that use demographic data in South Australia to predict voting behaviour. The demographic data is sourced from the periodical Census of Population and Housing. In this research we also test the proposition that income, education level, and the language people speak at home are significant factors in their voting behaviour, at an aggregated group level.
We contend that the predictions calculated under the preferred model in this thesis are credible, and that the techniques used warrant further exploration.Thesis(M.Phil)-- University of Adelaide, School of Mathematical Sciences, 2015
27
Jose, Jim. "Sexing the subject : the politics of sex education in South Australian State Schools, 1900-1990 / Jim Jose." Thesis, 1995. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/18644.
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28
Longley, Dianne Clare. "The Development of a Print Culture in South Australia Post-WWII to 2008: institutions, politics and personalities." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144594.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis, there is an investigation into the factors that
contributed to the ascendancy of printmaking in South Australia
in the 1960s and the development of political printmaking in the
1970s. An analysis of key individuals is contextualised within
the institutional and political frameworks operating in Adelaide
at this time.
An important aspect of this thesis is the examination of the
transition from teaching craft and trade-based print subjects to
fine art printmaking courses at the South Australian School of
Art (SASA), one of the oldest art schools in Australia. Some of
the research was based on the SASA archival material at the
University of South Australia, which included the prospectus
booklets, presentation of diplomas and prizes leaflets, SASA
principal’s reports, and The Advertiser newspaper listings of
students’ results.
Paul Beadle and Charles Bannon were responsible for key
developments in printmaking in South Australia. Beadle was a
dynamic and far-sighted principal of the SASA from 1958-60.
Bannon taught at St Peter’s College, where he instituted a
‘Bauhaus-style’ education methodology in the preparatory
school. When Bannon was placed in charge of high school classes,
he chose German printmaker Udo Sellbach to carry on his
educational methods in the preparatory school. Beadle invited
Sellbach to set up a graphics studio at the SASA and Sellbach and
his then wife, Karin Schepers, became leading figures in the
revitalisation of fine art printmaking in South Australia.
Case studies of Charles Bannon, Barbara Hanrahan, Ann Newmarch
and Olga Sankey are employed to extend the thesis narrative of
printmaking education and professionalism in South Australia. In
each case study, the formative years, studies, overseas travel
and printmaking careers are considered in relation to their
contribution to printmaking in South Australia.
Despite the outstanding achievements of printmaking in Adelaide
in the 1960s and 1970s, this has been a neglected area of
research. In this thesis, important new research is presented and
a number of reasons are canvassed as to why there was a
subsequent contraction in printmaking in South Australia,
especially in relation to the national context.
29
Mosler, Sharon Ann. "Heritage politics in Adelaide during the Bannon decade." 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/57423.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Title page, table of contents and abstract only. The complete thesis in print form is available from the University of Adelaide Library."This thesis argues that during the decade 1983-93 South Australia’s heritage legislation was not effective in protecting Adelaide’s traditional built character. The Bannon government was committed to growth through major developments during an economic recession, and many of those developments entailed at least the partial demolition of heritage-listed buildings." --p. iv.
http://proxy.library.adelaide.edu.au/login?url= http://library.adelaide.edu.au/cgi-bin/Pwebrecon.cgi?BBID=1277500
Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2007
30
Mosler, Sharon Ann. "Heritage politics in Adelaide during the Bannon decade." Thesis, 2007. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/57423.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
"This thesis argues that during the decade 1983-93 South Australia’s heritage legislation was not effective in protecting Adelaide’s traditional built character. The Bannon government was committed to growth through major developments during an economic recession, and many of those developments entailed at least the partial demolition of heritage-listed buildings." --p. iv.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of History and Politics, 2007
31
Davis, Edward R. "Ethnicity and diversity : politics and the Aboriginal community / Edward R. Davis." Thesis, 1991. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/19654.
Повний текст джерела
32
Watson, Ian. "Class analysis and environmental politics : timber workers and conservationists in Northern New South Wales 1960-1986." Phd thesis, 1986. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/131957.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I explore the conflicts which have arise between middle class' conservationists and working class timber communities. I examine the New South Wales rainforest controversy as a case study and seek to place the animosity and hostility which arose there within the context of class analysis. At the same time, I integrate other important dimensions of social life, particularly rural ideologies and ideologies of masculinity, into an overall analysis of class power. I show that important cultural divisions underlaid the political conflict, particularly differing conceptions of nature and history, and that these had their roots in different labour processes.
After introducing my theoretical framework, I provide an economic context for my cultural analysis by examining the restructuring of the north coast hardwood timber industry during the 1960s and 1970s. This is followed by two chapters which analyse the labour process in the timber industry. Here I explore both class struggles on the shop-floor and cultural productions which arise within the workplace and in rural communities. The subsequent chapters focus more closely on environmental politics. I analyse the New South Wales rainforest campaign by offering a critique of 'pluralist' political strategies and I then locate this campaign within a wider context by briefly overviewing the anti -uranium and green bans campaigns of the 1970s. One of my major conclusions is that environmental politics is flawed by the neglect by activists of the class effects of their political activities. Assessments of political campaigns solely in terms of ecological goals are seriously deficient because they fail to register how conservationists' actions facilitate capitalist strategies of industry restructuring and thereby further entrench capitalist class power.
Theoretically, my thesis is based on principles of 'realist' methodology and I use concepts drawn from labour process theory, class analysis, and the theory of ideology. The thesis is heavily weighted toward oral history material, gathered during field work interviews on the north coast of New South Wales. I analyse this material using 'popular memory' theory and other studies of working class culture. In so doing, the thesis provides timber workers with a voice in a debate which has largely been dominated by 'middle class' conservationists.
Politically, the thesis is an intervention into current debates about new social movements and their relationship to the left. I argue that an effective alliance between socialists and environmentalists entails a rejection of wilderness politics in favour of urban environmental issues.
I conclude that 'pluralist' political strategies of lobbying for state- conferred concessions should be rejected in favour of strategies which develop alternative economic programmes at local and regional levels.
33
Gibson, Sally. "Creating controversy: sex education and the Christian Right in South Australia." 2010. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/60564.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In 2003 a panic was created about the introduction of a new model of sex education in South Australia known as the Sexual Health and Relationships Education (SHARE) project. This thesis explores the particular circumstances and conditions that enabled the SHARE project to emerge as a public problem in South Australia in 2003. It does this through analyzing the similarities and differences between the campaign against SHARE and others that have taken place against sex education in Australia and the US since the 1980s in terms of the organisations involved, the strategies used and the fears/moral panics invoked and evoked. I use the controversy created against the SHARE project as a starting point, not only to produce an historical account of a particular event in sex education in Australia but also to contribute to an understanding of the power dynamics that govern sexuality locally and in a broader global context. The methodological approach used in this thesis includes an analysis of ‘local discursivities’ relating to the SHARE project and the genealogy of those discourses. Following Foucault and queer and feminist applications of his work, the thesis particularly explores how discourses relating to ‘homosexuality’ and ‘child abuse’ were deployed in the campaign against the SHARE project. The thesis then identifies alternative discourses and approaches that can strengthen sex education programs in Australia based on the lessons learnt from the campaign against the SHARE project. To assist my analysis of the controversy about the SHARE project interviews were conducted with other educators who have produced sex education resources in Australia. These revealed that while there has been some opposition to sex education in Australia over the last 20 years this has not been well organised or sustained. The campaign against the SHARE project therefore represents a unique event in the history of sex education in Australia. The thesis argues that one major contributing factor to this event is the strengthening of the relationship between conservative political parties and evangelical activist groups in Australia and their use of tactics and materials developed by Christian Right groups in the United States. The thesis analyses the implications of this religious activism within the context of current Australian politics and assesses whether the ‘family values’ discourse, which was central to the controversy created about the SHARE project, is positioned any differently as a result of the recent changes in political leadership in Australia and the United States.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2010
34
Morris, Anne. "Optimising the "spaces in-between" : the maternal alienation project and the politics of gender in macro and micro contexts." 2008. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/49674.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The centrepoint of this thesis is an action research project, the Maternal Alienation Project (MAP), implemented during 2002 and 2003 in Adelaide, South Australia. Resourced by two government-funded community health services, it was established to improve organisations’ (health, welfare and legal) and systems’ responses to the newly termed ‘maternal alienation’. MAP was situated within a tradition of feminist participatory and action research. It was designed to work on three levels: practice, systems and policy-making, and research. The outcomes, processes and events of MAP at the different levels of its operation are examined in the thesis through the employment of a gendered analysis drawn mainly from materialist feminism and standpoint theories. Post-project interviews and focus groups provided further data to the fieldnotes written throughout MAP, and the project’s formal and informal documents. A recent example of a contested gendered concept, “maternal alienation” was first identified and named in 1999 as a component of gender violence (Morris 1999). It forms part of a spectrum of violence perpetrated in households, and had been identified within domestic violence and child sexual abuse. It is a term for the range of tactics used by mainly male perpetrators, predominantly the mothers’ intimate partners and the children’s fathers or step-fathers, to deliberately undermine the relationship between mothers and their children. The mother-blaming discourses and degrading constructions of mothers conveyed to children and those in the family’s orbit are strongly related to wider socio-cultural constructions of women and mothers. The thesis examines theories of gender, gendered organisations and gender violence. It develops the concept of an abusive household gender regime, characterised by perpetrators’ imposition of a coercive and abusive regime on household members, and particular patternings of gendered relations. Comparisons are made between household and organisational gender regimes, which are also viewed in relation to the local gender order at the time of MAP. It was found that services that lack an analysis of gender are likely to re-inscribe the dynamics of maternal alienation in their responses to families. Language was found to play a significant part in addressing maternal alienation, particularly in developing congruence between language and women’s and children’s “lived” experiences. The principles that were developed were founded on supporting mothers and rebuilding their relationships with children, and making visible the tactics employed by perpetrators, thereby reducing their power to coerce and increasing their accountability. The concept of maternal alienation and MAP itself were attacked by a coalition of men’s rights and Christian Right lobbyists. This compromised the operations of MAP, and of its key supporters, managers of feminist and gender-aware organisations. In many ways these attacks, played out at a macro level, reflected the techniques and dynamics of maternal alienation at a micro level. This thesis raises questions about the strategies that feminist organisations need to develop to more effectively pursue feminist agendas, and to re-invigorate a women’s movement.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2008
35
McCormack, Patrick Martin. "The popular movement to federation in New South Wales 1897-1899." Phd thesis, 2009. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/150553.
Повний текст джерела
36
Jennings, Reece. "The medical profession and the state in South Australia, 1836-1975 / Reece Jennings." Thesis, 1998. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/38334.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Includes bibliographical references.2 v. ;
Primarily a study of the reasons for the rise, after 1840, of the medical profession in South Australia. The principal argument is that the basic power and influence of the medical practitioner derived from statute. Of almost equal importance was the organised profession's adoption of, and association with, science and technology.
Thesis (M.D.)--University of Adelaide, Dept. of Public Health, 1998
37
Dean, Mark Bernard. "Manufacturing the future?: a critical analysis of policy responses to deindustrialisation in South Australia." Thesis, 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/113265.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis investigates the policy responses of federal, state and local governments to manufacturing deindustrialisation in Australia. Automotive manufacturing has provided a foundation for development and innovation in modern, industrial economies, including in Australia. The thesis asks why Australia is at risk of losing this capability, focusing analysis specifically on the impact of neoliberal economic ideas on policies developed in the present era of globalisation in response to deindustrialisation in South Australia, a local-state economy highly dependent on the automotive industry. The thesis answers this question by addressing the nature of Australia’s, and South Australia’s, engagement with global change. It provides a radical political economy and institutional examination of Australian governments’ policy responses to automotive manufacturing deindustrialisation in South Australia, finding at all levels, policy responses that have been profoundly influenced by neoliberalism. The thesis frames the research from a theoretical point of view that although neoliberalism’s ideological grounding prescribes a minimal role for the state in the economy, in reality state intervention has been central to the ‘actually existing’ neoliberal policy approach of governments. Governments at the federal level and in South Australia have implemented policies influenced by neoliberal economic ideas that have actively promoted market-based economic restructuring. However, this research also demonstrates that the impact of neoliberal ideas at federal, state and local levels has been shaped by a range of endogenous factors that are specific to the local political economy of each jurisdiction. The thesis begins by examining the central role of the state at federal and local-state levels historically in Australia and South Australia in the post-war boom period, demonstrating how Fordist-Keynesian intervention produced a set of foundational political, social and economic institutions that underpinned industrialisation at each level. It then analyses the policy responses of governments to post-boom deindustrialisation and demonstrates how the embedded institutional framework underpinning industrial development has been eroded, with governments at every level influenced by the increasing dominance of neoliberal policy approaches. However, the thesis argues that it is the dominance of a neoliberal framework at the federal level in Australia that has greatly constrained policy options for governments at state and local levels. The thesis makes an original research contribution in its analysis of the contemporary period of South Australian political economy under the Rann and Weatherill Labor Governments’ social-democratic state interventions. The policy responses of these governments provide examples of the emergence of ‘actually existing’ neoliberalism at the state level. This has resulted in specific local responses to manufacturing decline and economic crisis. This analysis is extended to the local regional level through an investigation of policy responses to the decline of the automotive industry in the City of Playford in Adelaide, South Australia’s urban north. In summary, the thesis concludes that the neoliberal policy responses of governments in Australia and South Australia to deindustrialisation have exacerbated its negative economic and social impacts. Opportunities for alternative responses at each level have been greatly reduced, though not eliminated completely. The impact of neoliberalism on state intervention has further entrenched manufacturing industry’s decline in South Australia, producing challenging social and economic implications for the region, and also the nation.Thesis (Ph.D.) -- University of Adelaide, School of Social Sciences, 2018.
38
Van, der Veen Roger Neal. "Settlement experience of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people living in the Australian regional centre of Coffs Harbour, New South Wales /." 2004. http://eprints.jcu.edu.au/1279/1/01front.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Australia has accepted several million immigrant and humanitarian entrant people since the large-scale immigration program began at the end of World War II. Since the White Australia Policy was completely abandoned in the early 1970s, many more Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people have arrived in Australia. They have disproportionately moved to and settled in the metropolitan centres, and not the regional centres. There is very little literature about the settlement of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people in Australian regional centres. This research used a dialectic social work lens to analyse critically how settlement was structurally and individually framed by exploring the settlement experience of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people living in an Australian regional centre, using Coffs Harbour NSW as a case study. Respondents (31) and key informants (16) were interviewed using in-depth, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews. There were six themes that proved to be significant that exhibited minimal social inclusion of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people, resulting in a position of social inequality: Firstly, compatriots were present in small numbers, but were not deemed important. They did not play much of a role in the settlement of the respondents. Secondly, DIMIA funded hours of English language tuition were quite limited, and this resulted in most respondents only learning survival to functional English. Thirdly, the respondents had to interact with the townspeople, because of a lack of compatriots. Through this interaction, the respondents were forced to speak and learn more English. They were seen to be reaching out, by the townspeople. Fourthly, the respondents reported experiencing mainly low-level and unintentional discrimination and racism. The townspeople were reported overall as polite but tentative (tolerant but not accepting). Fifthly, the respondents were employed in part-time and casual work ranging from unskilled to semi-skilled. Their level of English kept them out of the occupations they wanted to work in, and this was not likely to change in Coffs Harbour; although, most of the respondents were employed in some capacity. Sixthly, belongingness, acceptance by the dominant group and the respondents’ sense of place, was attributed to Australia and in some cases to Australia and the country of origin. Belongingness was not attributed to Coffs Harbour or to compatriots. This reflects Australia, as the preferred country in which to live because of its standard of life. The respondents’ settlement was found to be one of minimal social inclusion (tolerance) resulting in a position of social inequality. This research has advocated change and reform, by striving to individualise the structural and giving voice to a marginalised group of people and then using this collectivised voice to advocate for change on the structural level. The commencement of this change and reform is the reconceptualisation of regional settlement.
39
Van, der Veen Roger Neal. "The settlement experience of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people living in the Australian regional centre of Coffs Harbour, New South Wales." Thesis, 2004. https://researchonline.jcu.edu.au/1279/1/01front.pdf.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Australia has accepted several million immigrant and humanitarian entrant people since the large-scale immigration program began at the end of World War II. Since the White Australia Policy was completely abandoned in the early 1970s, many more Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people have arrived in Australia. They have disproportionately moved to and settled in the metropolitan centres, and not the regional centres. There is very little literature about the settlement of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people in Australian regional centres.
This research used a dialectic social work lens to analyse critically how settlement was structurally and individually framed by exploring the settlement experience of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people living in an Australian regional centre, using Coffs Harbour NSW as a case study. Respondents (31) and key informants (16) were interviewed using in-depth, semi-structured, face-to-face interviews.
There were six themes that proved to be significant that exhibited minimal social inclusion of Asian immigrant and humanitarian entrant people, resulting in a position of social inequality:
Firstly, compatriots were present in small numbers, but were not deemed important. They did not play much of a role in the settlement of the respondents.
Secondly, DIMIA funded hours of English language tuition were quite limited, and this resulted in most respondents only learning survival to functional English. Thirdly, the respondents had to interact with the townspeople, because of a lack of compatriots. Through this interaction, the respondents were forced to speak and learn more English. They were seen to be reaching out, by the townspeople.
Fourthly, the respondents reported experiencing mainly low-level and unintentional discrimination and racism. The townspeople were reported overall as polite but tentative (tolerant but not accepting).
Fifthly, the respondents were employed in part-time and casual work ranging from unskilled to semi-skilled. Their level of English kept them out of the occupations they wanted to work in, and this was not likely to change in Coffs Harbour; although, most of the respondents were employed in some capacity.
Sixthly, belongingness, acceptance by the dominant group and the respondents’ sense of place, was attributed to Australia and in some cases to Australia and the country of origin. Belongingness was not attributed to Coffs Harbour or to compatriots. This reflects Australia, as the preferred country in which to live because of its standard of life.
The respondents’ settlement was found to be one of minimal social inclusion (tolerance) resulting in a position of social inequality. This research has advocated change and reform, by striving to individualise the structural and giving voice to a marginalised group of people and then using this collectivised voice to advocate for change on the structural level. The commencement of this change and reform is the reconceptualisation of regional settlement.
40
Robins, Daniel. "Melbourne's Maoists : the rise of the Monash University Labor Club, 1965-1967." Thesis, 2005. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/30211/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The rise of the Monash University Labor Club to the most prominent radical student
group in Australia by 1967 was the result of those radicalising events and ideologies
that had been emerging internationally, nationally and locally during 1965-67. Events
such as the escalation of the Vietnam War and the emergence of the Cultural
Revolution in China were particularly influential upon the student movement in
Australia during this period. Arguably the most influential ideological force upon the
Monash Labor Club during this period was the idea of Marxism-Leninism, or
Maoism, articulated by the Chairman of the Chinese Communist Party, Mao TseTung.
It is this radicalising role of Maoism upon the 1960's student movement in
Melbourne that will be the core concern of this thesis. Past studies concerned with the
Monash Labor Club in 1965-67 have tended to downplay the role of Maoist ideas at
Monash during this period. However, this thesis will attempt to show that it was the
Maoist ideas of Labor Club leaders like Albert Langer that allowed the club to rise to
such prominence in 1967. Furthermore this thesis will show how the connections
achieved by Langer with the Communist Party of Australia (Marxist-Leninist), and
certain Maoist-led Unions in Melbourne, played a significant role in the successful
aims, actions and campaigns carried out by the Labor Club in 1967.
41
Marcantuono, Letitia. "Emigration of South African migrants to Australia and New Zealand : a mixed-method study." Diss., 2018. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/25118.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Over the past 30 years South Africa has lost valuable human capital due to high volumes of emigration. South Africa has also seen numerous changes in its political, economic and
social structure specifically in these decades, but little investigation has been done into the
possibility of an association between political, economic and social, as well as personal
factors, and the decision to leave South Africa. This study refers to Lee’s Migration Model
(1966) that was used as a broad theory for migration. The model involves four sets of factors: factors associated with the area of origin, factors associated with the area of destination, intervening obstacles and personal factors. Maslow’s Hierarchy of Needs Theory also explains the personal motivational theory for migration. Lee’s Model of Migration is used to investigate which political, economic, social and personal factors in the area of origin (South Africa) pushed South African emigrants to leave the country. It also investigates which political, economic, social and personal factors in the area of destination (Australia and New Zealand) pulled South African emigrants toward these countries.
This study involved mixed-methods research (Creswell, 2009), thus the data collection
methods were both qualitative and quantitative. The study followed a sequential exploratory strategy in two stages with the qualitative data collection occurring first, followed by a quantitative study – ‘QUALquan’ study. The data are mixed between analysis of the qualitative data and the quantitative data collection (Creswell, 2009:211). The qualitative data collection instruments used in the first stage of the study in 2009, were face-to-face interviews consisting of one focus group and six personal interviews in New Zealand, as well as twelve personal interviews in Australia. In the second stage of the study in 2015, namely the quantitative research, respondents were selected by contacting 17 closed (secured) Facebook groups that were formed for South Africans living either in Australia or New Zealand. There is no alternative sampling frame available since emigrants do not need to declare themselves as migrants on a work visa, furthermore, official documentation is not accessible to the public. A quantitative data collection instrument was administered with an online questionnaire. In the Australian Facebook groups, 137 respondents completed the questionnaire, and in New Zealand Facebook groups, 118 respondents, which adds up to a total of 255 respondents who completed the questionnaire.
The results concluded that South Africa’s governance framework, its infrastructure and legislation acted as political push factors motivating South Africans to emigrate, while an uncertain economy contributed as an economic push factor. Socially, a perception of a limited future and a narcissistic society is what pushed South Africans to emigrate. Personal push factors that drove the emigration decision included, unmet physical, safety, belonging and esteem needs. The political factors that pulled South African emigrants to Australia and
New Zealand involved effective government services and governmental aid. Economic pull factors included economic certainty and a lower cost of living. Social pull factors proved to be familiar circumstances and a better future. Personal pull factors were safety, belonging and self-actualisation needs. This mixed-method approach focussed on the gap to a followup study that was identified in previous individual qualitative and quantitative studies. These results may assist the South African government to take measures that ensures the retention
of highly skilled citizens.Business Management
M. Com. (Business Management)
42
Abjorensen, Norman. "Leadership in the Liberal Party: Bolte, Askin and the Post-War Ascendancy." Phd thesis, 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/46052.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
The formation of the Liberal Party of Australia in the mid-1940s heralded a new effort to stem the tide of government regulation that had grown with Labor Party rule in the latter years of World War II and immediately after. It was not until 1949 that the party gained office at Federal level, beginning what was to be a record unbroken term of 23 years, but its efforts faltered at State level in Victoria, where the party was divided, and in New South Wales, where Labor was seemingly entrenched. The fortunes were reversed with the rise to leadership of men who bore a different stamp to their predecessors, and were in many ways atypical Liberals: Henry Bolte in Victoria and Robin Askin in New South Wales. Bolte, a farmer, and Askin, a bank officer, had served as non-commissioned officers in World War II and rose to lead parties whose members who had served in the war were predominantly of the officer class. In each case, their man management skills put an end to division and destabilisation in their parties, and they went on to serve record terms as Liberal leaders in their respective States, Bolte 1955-72 and Askin 1965-75. Neither was ever challenged in their leadership and each chose the time and nature of his departure from politics, a rarity among Australian political leaders. Their careers are traced here in the context of the Liberal revival and the heightened expectations of the post-war years when the Liberal Party reached an ascendancy, governing for a brief time in 1969-70 in all Australian States as well as the Commonwealth. Their leadership is also examined in the broader context of leadership in the Liberal Party, and also in the ways in which the new party sought to engage with and appeal to a wider range of voters than had traditionally been attracted to the non-Labor parties.
43
Strawhan, Peter D. "The importance of food and drink in the political and private life of Don Dunstan." 2004. http://hdl.handle.net/2440/37726.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
In this thesis I argue that food and drink were of central importance to Don Dunstan throughout much of his political and private life. The conventional view of Dunstan always proclaimed that his passionate interest in food and drink was merely peripheral to his life. Food and drink were simply an aberration, of the same idiosyncratic order of importance as his song and dance routine with Keith Michell, his piano playing, or his reciting poetry from the back of an elephant. These various accomplishments were merely confirmation that Dunstan was different from other politicians. I argue that Dunstan was indeed different, but that the difference was rooted firmly in his life-long love affair with food and drink. I argue that his fascination with food and drink drove much of his reform agenda, that it helped his day-to-day survival, and that it provided him with the means of expressing his ove for others. Dunstan's 1976 cookbook announced his arrival as a devotee of gastronomy and furthers my argument that he helped to introduce and establish a new Australian cuisine. After Dunstan left political life in 1979 he tried to establish himself in other spheres, but it was his almost obsessive interest in all of the aspects of a gastronomic life that triumphed. In the final decade of Dunstan's life his long love affair with food and drink became a full-blown passion. I argue that, with his long-overdue adventure as a restaurateur, he finally became the complete Don Dunstan.Thesis (Ph.D.)--School of History and Politics, 2004.
44
O'Donnell, Ruan. "Marked for Botany Bay : the Wicklow United Irishmen and the development of political transportation from Ireland, 1791-1806." Phd thesis, 1996. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/144446.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
'Marked for Botany Bay' examines the Irish penal transportation system from its origins in the 1780s to its wide utilisation in the aftermath of the 1798 Rebellion. The selection of New South Wales as the principal site for the exile of political prisoners is placed in its proper context. Alternative modes of late Eighteenth century prisoner disposal are also considered in order to highlight the specific characteristics of rebel convictism and transportation policies. The large and militant Wicklow United Irish organization has been chosen as a case study group to chart the transportation process as it evolved in the face of the revolutionary challenges of the 1790s. Salient law and order issues such as Eighteenth century views on exemplary and summary justice are detailed to yield insights into the changing status of political prisoners from 1791-1805. Underused and new sources have been consulted to assess Government, convict, international and colonial perspectives on transportation from Ireland. This has generated a much fuller picture of the convict experience than hitherto available throwing fresh light on the mechanisms and nature of transportation. Matters arising from United Irish structures and their modus operandi at home and abroad are also discussed in depth to facilitate a fuller understanding of convict militancy in exile.
45
Sargent, Mark. "An examination of the New South Wales electronic gaming machine industry 1995 to 2005 and its historical, regulatory, political and economic contexts." Thesis, 2012. http://hdl.handle.net/1959.13/936130.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Research Doctorate - Doctor of Philosophy (PhD)This thesis examines historical, political, regulatory and economic aspects of gambling policy in New South Wales (NSW), with specific emphasis on the evolution of electronic gaming machine (EGM) gambling as a key element of the State’s fiscal policy. This includes analysis of major regulatory initiatives, including a review of contemporary parliamentary and press material surpassing any identified comparable research on gambling and EGM policy in NSW. It was established that although policy has generally been made on isolated, ad hoc bases, precedents and contexts for subsequent legislation have resulted. It is demonstrated that although these events are prima facie unrelated, they collectively form part of an expansionary progression, largely impelled by governments’ pursuits of taxation revenue. In order to investigate outcomes of this progression, empirical research on EGM gambling over the three terms of the Carr Labor Governments (1995 to 2005) was also undertaken. Access to the restricted, comprehensive NSW EGM gambling database for this period permitted a comparatively more detailed and definitive analysis of EGM gambling than has previously been possible. The empirical research adopts two alternative measures of EGM distribution. These are a conventional ‘EGM density’ measure (the ratio of population to EGMs) and the introduction of a concentration measure, the Herfindahl-Hirschman Index (Herfindahl Index). This results in a novel comparative approach to assessing EGM distribution. In addition, regulatory practice and previous studies in the field have customarily relied on the use of one measure of socioeconomic status (SES), ordinarily being the Australian Bureau of Statistics’ Socioeconomic Indexes for Areas (SEIFA), to assess impacts. This study extends its comparative approach by also adopting a second SEIFA index. The application of Repeated Measures Analysis of Variance (RM ANOVA) testing to the data resulted in identification of statistically significant distributional differences among groups of LGAs on the basis of SES.The findings have implications for policy development, regulatory practice and further research on how these differences affect tax impacts. The thesis establishes that assessment of EGM policy and impacts is to some extent contingent on the measures used in the assessment process. This is particularly relevant to the measure of SES adopted, in which distinct differences were detected, based on the SES characteristics employed. Regarding the distributional findings, EGM gambling measures based on the Herfindahl Index approach were also found to behave differently to orthodox metrics. The importance of these methodologies lies in their applicability to the practical regulation of gambling. The thesis is a contribution to the further understanding of how public policy formulation and implementation in a policy field that is central to government fiscal planning has evolved. The findings indicate that alternative policy determinations may have resulted had different, and perhaps more comprehensive, approaches been employed. These are methodological initiatives that may be prospectively applied in the future development of gambling research and policy.
46
Henry, Iain Donald. "Reliability and Alliance Politics: Interdependence and America’s Asian Alliance System." Phd thesis, 2017. http://hdl.handle.net/1885/117147.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
Throughout the Cold War, US officials feared that
Washington’s disloyalty to one ally would automatically cause
other allies to doubt America’s security reliability. These
doubts could prompt allies to adopt policies of neutrality, or
even defect to the Communist bloc. This dissertation challenges
the conventional wisdom—that alliance interdependence is
underpinned by loyalty—by proposing the “alliance audience
effect”. The alliance audience effect framework shows that
discrete alliance commitments can be practically interdependent,
but that this interdependence is not underpinned by loyalty.
Through an investigation of Cold War case studies, using a
process tracing methodology and archival research, this
dissertation argues that US allies in Asia were unconcerned about
whether America was loyal to other allied states. Instead, they
monitored America’s behaviour in order to reassure themselves
that the US was reliable: that their own alliance did not pose
risks of either abandonment or entrapment. When allies feared
abandonment, they encouraged America to solidify its presence in
Asia and adopt a more aggressive posture. But when allies feared
entrapment, they encouraged conciliatory US policies and worked
to restrain Washington, thus reducing the risk of conflict. In
some cases, American disloyalty to one ally was welcomed, or even
encouraged, by other allies, as this disloyalty better served
their own interests. Like the adage that “one man’s terrorist
is another man’s freedom fighter”, this dissertation shows
that one state’s disloyal ally can be another state’s
reliable ally. Because US allies have different interests, they
will have different views of American behaviour: one ally might
praise an instance of US disloyalty as proof of reliability,
while another ally might condemn Washington for unreliability. In
short, reliability is not synonymous with loyalty, and America
does not have a collective alliance loyalty reputation. Beyond
the allied perspective, this research also demonstrates how the
United States managed its alliances and used alliance
interdependence to achieve its own ends. This dissertation’s
findings have relevance for the alliance politics literature,
theories about international reputation, and the practical
management of alliances.
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Elton, Judith. "Comrades or competition? : union relations with Aboriginal workers in the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, 1878-1957." 2007. http://arrow.unisa.edu.au:8081/1959.8/45143.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines internal union and external factors affecting union relations with Aboriginal workers in the wool and cattle sectors of the South Australian and Northern Territory pastoral industries, from union formation in the nineteenth century to the cold war period in the 1950s.PhD Doctorate
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Threlfall, Adrian. "The development of Australian Army jungle warfare doctrine and training, 1941-1945." Thesis, 2008. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/19393/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the development of Australian Army jungle warfare doctrine and training during the Second World War. The Australian Army transformed itself from a military force ill-prepared for conflict of any type in 1939 into one of the most professional, experienced and highly trained forces in jungle warfare in the world by 1945. The thesis analyses how this transformation occurred and, in doing so, provides a case study in institutional learning. Attempting to discover how an organisation learns is vital: unless these processes of adaptation are identified, it is extremely difficult for an organisation to apply successfully the lessons in the future. For no institution is this more pertinent than for the military. Armed forces unable to adapt to unforeseen challenges were frequently defeated with often profound consequences. The thesis identifies this process of development and adaptation by the Australian Army from 1941 to 1945.
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Lion-Cachet, Susan. "Physical education and school sport within the post-apartheid educational dispensation of South Africa." Thesis, 1997. http://hdl.handle.net/10500/17219.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This study theoretically presupposes that the individual is an integral entity, therefore,
education should take place according to the harmonious development of all the facets of a child's
being. Even in antiquity, physical education and sport were seen to be important for a balanced
education. Every society implements physical education and sport according to own needs and
requirements, according certain values to sport, which values are reviewed in this study. A
literature study corroborates that the intellectual, physical and social development of the child
undoubtedly forms part of the total environment of the educative process. Exclusion of any facet
could cause an imbalance in the development of the child. Incorporation of physical education and
sport in the post-apartheid educational dispensation of South Africa forms the later part of the
investigation. Various factors in South Africa have an influence on the role and place of physical
education and sport within the curriculum. Government involvement in sport can determine the place
of sport in society and in the curriculum. The readmittance of South Africa into international
participation and changes in the political policy also play a role. These factors pose the challenge and facilitate the
possibility to reinstate physical education and sport at schools. The structure of South African
sport is undergoing a total change and the role players in the sports fraternity are now faced with
numerous challenges and opportunities. Reinstating physical education and sport in the school
curriculum serves a vital role in the reconstruction and development of a healthy and well-balanced
society. Furthermore, reinstatement could reverse the consequences of social and economic
injustices. Research undertaken in Australia, also provides some answers to problems for the South
African situation. It proposes new initiatives that could be of help to the relevant role players
in the planning of physical education and school sport in the post apartheid educational
dispensation of South Africa.Educational Studies
D. Ed. (Comparative Education)
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Rovetto, Laura. "Peace Activism in the Cold War: The Congress for International Cooperation & Disarmament, 1949-1970." Thesis, 2020. https://vuir.vu.edu.au/40986/.
Повний текст джерелаАнотація:
This thesis examines the CICD’s commitment to the Australian peace movement from its formation in November 1959 and concluding with the first Melbourne Vietnam Moratorium Campaign in 1970. It also traces developments in the post-World War II peace movement, which led to the establishment of the CICD in 1959 as a part of a national association of state peace committees. The historiography of the Australian peace movement during the 1960s and early 1970s has generally focused on student and youth activism and has neglected the activism of the CICD. This thesis will therefore represent the first systematic, scholarly analysis of the organisation’s early activism, and will contribute to the redressing of a significant historiographical gap in the history of political activism in Australia, during the Cold War. It draws upon CICD’s records collection and related primary and secondary sources to argue that since its formation as the state leading peace body in Victoria, the CICD fostered a particular set of community values and has played an important role in developing effective networks of community alliances for the organisation of mass peace and anti-war protests.
This thesis examines CICD’s involvement in general disarmament and anti-nuclear protests, campaigns for a non-aligned Australia, support for struggles of national independence and its opposition to Western policies towards and in Southeast Asia. Despite its claims of political neutrality, the CICD demonstrated an anti-Western imperialist attitude and unquestioned admiration for the Soviet Union. The CICD’s approach was largely consistent with the international peace movement’s pursuits in this period, which promoted the pro-Soviet policy of peaceful coexistence as a means of brokering international disputes and avoiding a nuclear, third world war. The CICD’s political activity was shaped not only by its links with the pro- Soviet international peace movement but also by Australian activist traditions. The correlation between these two factors was important in shaping the scope and nature of the CICD’s political activism and its organisational culture.